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Bible Publishers in Britain 1790-1820
Who were the players in the big leagues of Bible publishing 1790-1820? From the record of published Bibles in Darlow & Moule,[7] it is plain that the
All the Oxford editions of the scriptures are called The Holy Bible, and indeed this title is uniformly used by the Bible patent-holders. It is a kind
Date | Format | D&M | Date | Format | D&M |
1790 | 8° | 1344 | 1808 | 8° | 1512 |
1791 | 12 | 13558 | 1808 | 12° | 1513 |
1792 | 12 | 1367 | 1810 | 8° | 1529 |
1793 | 8° | 1380 | 1810 | 4° | 1533 |
1794 | 2° | 1384 | 1810 | 8° | 1534 |
1794 | 4° | 1386 | 1811 | 4° | 1542 |
1794 | 8° | 1387 | 1811 | 8° | 1550 |
1794 | 8° | 1388 | 1812 | 8° for BFBS | 1556 |
1795 | 2 ° | 1389 | 1812 | 12° for BFBS | 1558 |
1795 | 4° | 1391 | 1812 | 8° | 1565 |
1796 | 8° | 1404 | 1813 | 12° | 1575 |
1798 | 8° | 1427 | 1815 | 8° | I609 |
1799 | 12° | 1438 | 1815 | 8° | 1610 |
1799 | 12° | 1439 | 1815 | 8° | 1611 |
1800 | 4° | 1444 | 1815 | 12° for BFBS | 1616 |
1800 | 8° | 1446 | 1816 | 4° for BFBS | 1638 |
1801 | 8° | 1451 | 1816 | 4° | 1639 |
1801 | 8° | 1452 | 1816 | 8° | 1640 |
1801 | 12° | 1454 | 1816 | 12° | 1641 |
1803 | 12° | 1466 | 1817 | 4° for SPCK | 1648 |
1804 | 8° for SPCK | 1474 | 1817 | 2 ° by Bartlett & Co. | 1654 |
1804 | 4° | 1476 | 1817 | 8° for BFBS | 1664 |
1805 | 8° | 1482 | 1817 | 12 ° for BFBS | 1665 |
1806 | 2° | 1497 | 1818 | 12° | 1670 |
1807 | 2° | 1498 | 1819 | 4° | 1680 |
1807 | 8° | 1503 | 1819 | 4° | 1681 |
1808 | 4° | 1511 | 1819 | 12° | 1682 |
TOTAL Oxford Bibles: 54 | |||||
TOTAL Oxford Bibles (by the Clarendon Press): 53 |
The second largest printer of Bibles in England 1790-1820 is Cambridge University Press through the printers to the University J. Archdeacon & J. Bruges (1790-1802), R. Watts (1804-6), and J. Smith (1810-18), who produced among them 27 Bibles in sextodecimo (1), duodecimo (7), octavo (14), and quarto (5). Note the absence of any folio as well as the small number of quartos. Further, all the Bibles of 1812-18 in sextodecimo, octavo, and quarto, were in stereotype, and some were for the Bible Society.
Date | Publisher | Format | D&M |
1790 | J. Archdeacon | 8° | 1345 |
1790 | J. Archdeacon | 12° | 1347 |
1791 | J. Archdeacon | 12° | 1357 |
1792 | J. Archdeacon | 12° | 1368 |
1795 | J. Archdeacon & John Burges[10] | 12° | 1393 |
1795 | J. Archdeacon & J. Burges | 8° | 1396 |
1795 | J. Archdeacon & J. Burges | 12 ° | 1397 |
1796 | J. Archdeacon & J. Burges | 8° | 1410 |
1797 | J.Burges | 12° | 1417 |
1798 | J. Archdeacon & J. Burges | 8° | 1424 |
1798 | J.Burges | 4° | 1426 |
1798 | University Press | 8° | 1428 |
1798 | J.Burges | 12° | 1429 |
1802 | J.Burges | 4° | 1456 |
1804 | R. Watts | 8° | 1473 |
I 8o6 | R. Watts for BFBS | 8° | 1488 |
1810 | J. Smith for BFBS | 4° | 1528 |
1812 | J. Smith | 16° | 1557 |
1812? | J. Smith for BFBS | 8° | 1561 |
1815 | J. Smith for BFBS | 4° | 1604 |
1815 | J. Smith for BFBS | 4° | 1605 |
1815? | J. Smith for SPCK | 8° | 1606 |
1816 | J. Smith | 8° | 1631 |
1816 | J. Smith for BFBS | 8° | 1636 |
1817 | J. Smith | 8° | 1663 |
1817 | J. Smith for BFBS | 8° | 1666 |
1818 | J. Smith | 8° | 1673 |
TOTAL Cambridge Bibles (by the University Press): 27 |
In London, Bibles were produced by the King's Printers J. Reeves (5) and Eyre & Strahan (20), in a full range of sizes, in 64mo (1), 32mo (3), duodecimo (2), octavo (8), quarto (10), and folio (1), including a number from stereotype plates.[11]
At the same time, a very large number of London interlopers were publishing Bibles, sometimes with variant titles such as The Family Bible (1810?) or Evangelical Family Bible (1814) or The New and Grand Imperial Family Bible (1813) but mostly called simply The Holy Bible. The Bibles produced by at least thirty publishers[12] who did not hold the Bible patent were heavily
Date | Publisher | Format | D&M |
1790 | C. Cooke, Christian's New and Complete Family Bible |
2 ° | 1341 |
1790 | T. Rickaby | 12° | 1346 |
1792 | Bellamy & Roberts | 4° | 1366 |
1795 | Literary Association | 4° | 1392 |
1795 | T. Bensley
for Bowyer & Fittler |
4° | 1394 |
1795 | T. Heptinstall | 4° | 1399 |
1796 | R. Bowyer | 8° | 1403 |
1796 | R. Bowyer | 12° | 1405 |
1796 | R. Bowyer & J. Fittler | 12 ° | 1409 |
1796 | M. Ritchie for J. Wright | 4° | 1411 |
1797 | J. Davis | 4° | 1416 |
1799 | SPCK | 8° | 1437 |
1800 | Thomas Bensley for Thomas Macklin |
2 ° | 1442 |
1800 | C. Corrall | 12 ° | 1447 |
1802 | J. Crowder & T.
Bensley et al for J. Reeves |
8° | 1457 |
1802 | J. Reeves | 8° | 1458 |
1802 | J. Reeves | 4° | 1459 |
1805 | Lackington, Allen & Co. | 4° | 1480 |
1806 | W.
Flint, Self-Interpreting Bible |
4° | 1486 |
1806 | G. Woodfall for
George Eyre & Andrew Strahan |
4° | 1487 |
1809 | R.Scholey | 8° | 1521 |
1809 | J. Seeley | 4° | 1523 |
1810 | C. Baldwin
for L. B. Seeley |
4° | 1532 |
1810? | Longman & Co, Family Bible | 4° | 1535 |
1811 | C. Whittingham for J. Reeves |
12 ° | 1543 |
1811 | C. Whittingham
for J. Reeves |
12° | 1544 |
1811 | Suttaby, Evance & Co
&c, Devotional Family Bible |
4° | 1547 |
1812 | T. Rutt for Bible Society of Philadelphia |
12 ° | 1560 |
Date | Publisher | Format | D&M |
1812 | Longman, Hurst &c | 4" | 1564 |
1813 | S. A. Oddy | 2 ° | 1574 |
1813 | A. Whellier, New and Grand Imperial Family Bible |
2 ° | 1576 |
1813 | G. Woodfall
for Eyre & Strahan |
4° | 1580 |
1813 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 8° | 1582 |
1813? | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1583 |
1814 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1589 |
1814 | R. Edwards | 4° | 1592 |
1814 | T. Kelly, Evangelical Family Bible |
2 ° | 1594 |
1814 | Seeley, Hatchard, Baldwin | 4° | 1595 |
1814 | Eyre & Strahan | 64° | 1596 |
1815 | Richard
Evans, Self-Interpreting Bible |
2° | 1602 |
1815 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1603 |
1815 | White, Cochrane & Co | 8° | 1615 |
1816 | J. Jones,
Devotional Diamond Pocket Bible |
12° | 1621 |
1816 | Samuel Bagster, English Version of the Polyglott Bible |
12 ° | 1628 |
1816 | W. Lewis & Co | 2 ° | 1629 |
1816 | W. Lewis &
Co, Family Bible |
4° | 1630 |
1816 | Corrall Eyre & Strahan | 32 ° | 1632 |
1816 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 2 ° | 1635 |
1816 | Eyre & Strahan | 32 ° | 1637 |
1816? | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1642 |
1816? | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 8 ° | 1643 |
1817 | Barnard & Farley for Walker & Edwards, Self-Interpreting Bible |
4° | 1653 |
1817 | T. Kelly | 2 ° | 1656 |
1817 | Eyre & Strahan | 32 ° | 1657 |
1817 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1660 |
1817 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1661 |
1817 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 4° | 1662 |
1818 | T.Cordeux | 4° | 1671 |
1818 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 8° | 1672 |
1818 | Eyre & Strahan for BFBS | 8° | 1674 |
1818 | Longman et al | 4° | 1675 |
1819 | Eyre & Strahan
for Longman &c |
8° | 1683 |
1819 | Eyre & Strahan
for Longman &c |
8° | 1684 |
1819 | S. Bagster, Old
and New Testament |
16° | 1685 |
TOTAL London Bibles: 64 | |||
TOTAL London Bibles (by the King's Printers): 24 |
However, the greatest threat to the Bible patent-holders in England was probably from the King's printers in Edinburgh.[13] There 32 Bibles were published by Mark & Charles Kerr in 1790-1798 (13), J. H. Blair & J. Bruce in 1799 (1), and Sir D. Hunter Blair & J. Bruce in 1802-17 (18), in all the formats: 32° (3), 24° (1), sextodecimo (2), duodecimo (14), octavo (5), quarto (8), and folio (1). Notice that in just one year, 1793, J. & C. Kerr produced Bibles in folio, quarto, duodecimo, and 24°, and printed new editions in duodecimo in 1795, 1796 (2), and 1797. Plainly they were preparing to keep a stock of all sizes of Bibles in print. And as the Oxford Bible Minutes reveal, they were equally clearly selling in England these Bibles printed with the King's privilege in Scotland.
There is very little information about the size of the editions of the Bibles recorded by Darlow & Moule, but they do note that the Douay Bibles printed by John Moir in Edinburgh for sale "chiefly in England and Ireland" in 1796 in duodecimo and in 1805 in quarto consisted of three thousand copies and two thousand copies respectively, and these may have been something like the norms at least for Bibles in similar formats.
Date | Publisher | Format | D&M | Date | Publisher | Format | D&M |
1790 | Mark & Charles Kerr | 12 ° | 1349 | 1805 | John Moir[14] | 4° | 1483 |
1791 | M. & C. Kerr | 4° | 1355 | 1806 | Sir D. Hunter
Blair & J. Bruce |
4° | 1491 |
1791 | M. & C. Kerr | 32 ° | 1360 | ||||
1793 | M. & C. Kerr | 2° | 1376 | 1806 | ibid | 16° | 1492 |
1793 | M. & C. Kerr | 4° | 1378 | 1806 | ibid | 12° | 1493 |
1793 | M. & C. Kerr | 12° | 1382 | 1807 | ibid | 32° | 1504 |
1793 | M.& C. Kerr | 24° | 1383 | 1808 | ibid | 8° | 1515 |
1795 | M. & C. Kerr | 12° | 1398 | 1809 | ibid | 8° | 1524 |
1796 | M. & C. Kerr | 12° | 1406 | 1809 | ibid | 12° | 1525 |
1796 | M. & C. Kerr | 12° | 1407 | 1811 | ibid | 8° | 1545 |
1796 | John Moir | 12° | 1408 | 1811 | ibid | 12° | 1546 |
1797 | M.& C. Kerr | 12° | 1418 | 1811 | ibid | 4° | 1548 |
1797 | M.& C. Kerr | 4° | 1419 | 1813 | ibid | 4° | 1581 |
1798 | M. & C. Kerr | 16° | 1434 | 1814 | ibid | 4° | 1593 |
1799 | Sir J [ames] H
[unter] Blair & J. Bruce |
12° | 1440 | 1815 | ibid | 8° | 1608 |
1816 | ibid | 12° | 1623 | ||||
1802 | Sir D. Hunter Blair
& J. Bruce |
32 ° | 1461 | 1816 | ibid | 12 ° | 1633 |
1817 | ibid | 12° | 1655 | ||||
1803 | ibid | 8° | 1465 | ||||
TOTAL Edinburgh Bibles: 34 | |||||||
TOTAL Edinburgh Bibles (by the King's Printers): 32 |
Outside Oxford, Cambridge, London, and Edinburgh (the cities of the patent-holders), thirty-four Bibles were produced in fifteen different provincial
But the most striking feature of these provincial interlopers is their format: 88% are in folio (14) and quarto (16). Many, probably most, of these massive works were issued by subscription, and most were illustrated and heavily annotated. Clearly it was felt that the large format Bibles were the ones most likely to prove profitable.
Date | Place & Publisher | Format | D&M |
1790 | Dublin: G. Grierson | 4° | 1342 |
1791 | Dublin: G. Grierson | 18° | 1359 |
1793 | Newcastle: M. Brown | 2° | 1365 |
1793 | Manchester: J. Radford | 2° | 1375 |
1793 | Dublin: Zachariah
Jackson, Universal Family Bible |
2° | 1377 |
1793 | Berwick: John Taylor for SPCK |
4° | 1379 |
1794 | Dublin: J. Reilly | 2° | 1385 |
1800 | Helston:[15] Thomas Flinde | 4° | 1445 |
1801 | Dublin: G. Grierson | 2° | 1453 |
1802 | Bristol: Richard Edwards | 12° | 1460 |
1803 | Halifax: Nicholson&
Walker, Christian's New and Complete Family Bible |
4° | 1464 |
1803 | Bristol: John Fenley,
Jr for John Parsons |
12° | 1467 |
1804 | Bungay: C. Brightly, New Family Bible |
4° | 1471 |
1804 | Kidderminster: G. Gower | 4° | 1472 |
1804 | Newcastle: M. Angus & Son | 4° | 1475 |
1805 | Liverpool: J.
Nuttall, Christian's Complete Family Bible |
2° | 1478 |
1805 | Birmingham: Knott& Lloyd | 4° | 1479 |
1807 | Stourbridge: J.
Herring, Complete Family Bible |
2° | 1499 |
1807 | Manchester: J. Russell | 2° | 1500 |
1809 | Dublin: G. Grierson | 4° | 1522 |
1811 | Lewes: J. Baxter | 4° | 1549 |
Date | Place & Publisher | Format | D&M |
1811 | Dublin: R. Coyne | 12 ° | 1551 |
1812 | Stokeley: W. Pratt &
Co, Christian's Family Bible |
4° | 1565 |
1815 | Liverpool: Nuttall, Fisher
& Dixon |
2° | 1577 |
1815 | Berwick: William
Lochhead, Christian's Complete Family Bible |
4° | 1578 |
1815 | Manchester: Oswald Syers | 2° | 1579 |
1814 | Bungay: Brightly & Childs, Self-Interpreting Bible |
2° | 1588 |
1814 | Manchester: T. Haydock | 2° | 1590 |
1814 | Stourbridge: J.
Heming, Imperial Family Bible |
4° | 1591 |
1815? | Yarmouth: Keymer &
Co, Royal Standard Devotional Family Bible |
4° | 1620 |
1816 | Bungay: Brightly & Childs for T. Kinnersley, Self-Interpreting Bible |
2° | 1622 |
1816 | Dublin: J. Charles,
Christian's Complete Family Bible |
4° | 1624 |
1816 | Bungay: Brightly &
Childs, Imperial Expositor and Family Bible |
4° | 1625 |
1816 | Dublin: Richard Coyne | 2 ° | 1634 |
A similar pattern is visible in the thirty-nine London Bibles produced by publishers other than the King's Printers. Twelve of them have titles other than simply The Holy Bible, half of these are a version of The Family Bible, and 69% are in quarto (18) or folio (9).
For all the complete Bibles published in Britain in 1790-1820, according to Darlow & Moule, 136 were produced by the patent-holders (53 in Oxford, 32 in Edinburgh, 27 in Cambridge, and 24 in London), while 78 were published by others, almost all of them in London (40) or in provincial cities other than Oxford, Cambridge, and Edinburgh (35). In terms of the Bible sales of the English patent-holders, the greatest threat to the luxury trade in expensive quartos and folios came from a large number (56) of mostly small-scale publishers scattered from London to Helston and Halifax.
However, the threat to their bread-and-butter trade in the smaller formats, in octavos and duodecimos, came from just one source: The King's Printers in Edinburgh, who produced 32 Bibles during this period, the vast majority of them (72%) in these smaller formats. From the point of view of the English patent-holders, and particularly of Oxford, the most vigorous of the English patent-holders, the greatest threat to the monopoly they claimed on publication of the King James translation, or rather on its sale in England, came from the King's Printers in Edinburgh.
In the latter part of the eighteenth century the Edinburgh printers were becoming more and more aggressive. When what the London printers had understood to be perpetual copyright in all literary works was limited by the judgement in the case of Donaldson vs Beckett in 1774 to fourteen years (renewable for another fourteen years in most circumstances and extended in later copyright acts), the Scottish printers gleefully began printing all manner of English books and selling them in England. And not only did they use English booksellers as their agents, but they printed the Authorized Version of the Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and other works in perpetual Crown copyright in England--and sold them too in England. Their right to print such works was clear, since an English copyright of 1611 did not extend to Scotland, but their right to sell such works in England was not so clear--or at least it was not so clear to the English patent-holders.
Though the patent for the Authorized Version belonged to the Crown and was delegated primarily to the King's Printer, Oxford University Press was apparently most active in defending the privilege against English pirates and Scots cruising under alleged letters of marque. The Clarendon Press, after all, printed more editions of the Bible than the Cambridge University Press and the King's Printers in London combined. The infringements against which Oxford campaigned to defend the Bible patent most vigorously were Bibles published with additions, so that they did not count simply as Bibles, and Bibles printed (legally) outside England but imported into England for sale and therefore overlapping with the royal privilege for England. The two campaigns were carried on simultaneously, against both domestic enemies printing padded Bibles and foreign enemies printing mere Bibles. (Notice that no padded edition of the Authorized Version was printed in Scotland during these years.)
The first campaign was against domestic enemies. According to the "Minutes of the Committee appointed by the Delegates of the Press for conferring with the Partners in the Bible trade"[16] for 26 October 1796, the London partners (i.e., Thomas Bensley[17]and James Cooke) "represent that several Pirated Editions [of the Bible] have been printed of late & that the number of them is increasing, two of which were this day exhibited." Perhaps the Bibles exhibited were those of 1796 printed for R. Bowyer (duodecimo and quarto), R. Bowyer & J. Fittler (duodecimo), or J. Wright (quarto).
A manuscript summary headed "Case of the University of Oxford upon their Right of
printing Bibles and common prayer &c" (1797) asserts:
To these questions, William Scott, John Scott, and John Mitford, of Lincoln's Inn,
responded on 13 April 1797 that
Oxford and Cambridge therefore joined with the King's Printers to issue warnings to
those encroaching upon their privileges, but with less than the desired effect. According to the
Oxford Bible Press Committee minutes for 21 October 1800,
Just a year later, on 21 October 1801,
Messrs Bensley & Cooke report that the [Oxford Bible] trade is at present considerably on the decline,[19] principally on account of the great influx of Scotch books, & the pains taken to disperse them throughout the country, & that it is likely to be entirely ruined except measures are speedily taken to put an end to this encroachment--Three presses are already stopp'd, & a considerable debt has been incurred--The Scotch Printers are said to have 20 presses to work--
Ordered by the delegates that a bill in Chancery be filed against the Vendor of the Scotch Bible in London [.]
And three months later, on 26 January 1802,
An injunction having been obtained against Richardson, Vendor of the Scotch Books in
London, Messrs Dawson,
Bensley & Cooke advise that proceedings be also instituted against some of the Vendors of
Books printed without
Authority in England, & they fix upon Corrall[20]. . . & his agent Hurst, Paternoster Row ....
They recommend also that Letters be then sent to all other dealers in Town & Country, & that they be also prosecuted unless they entirely give up the sale of such books [An insertion notes that it was so Order'd Jan. 29] . . .
On 29 January 1802 the Court of Chancery issued an injunction against Messrs Richardson[21]"for selling or exposing to sale, any copies or impressions of the Bible, Testament, Book of Common Prayer, &c. printed by his Majesty's Printer in Scotland",[22] but the same day "Messrs Bensley & Cooke reported, that the trade still suffers from the encroachments of others against whom Injunctions have not been granted, who continue to vend Scotch books".[23] However, on 11 May 1802, "Messrs Bensley & Cooke reported . . . that the general State of the Trade appears to have been improving, since the injunctions have been granted by the Court of Chancery against Richardson & Corral".
The case of the universities was promptly sustained by the Lord High Chancellor, and
on 1 March 1802 William Richardson, John Richardson, and James Richardson appealed to the
House of Lords against the order preventing them
from selling, or exposing to sale, certain books therein mentioned, which they had been in the practice of selling for above forty years, prior to the instituting that suit, without any disturbance or interruption. . . . for several years last past, his Majesty's Printer had not found it necessary to put forth any new edition or copies of the said books [the Holy Bible, the New Testament, the Book of Common Prayer, Administration of the Sacrament, and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of
However, the universities could not be confident that the King's Printers were their allies. On 23 January 1804, "Messrs Dawson, Bensley & Cooke report that the trend[?] of the encroachment in the [Bible] Privilege encreases, & has even taken a new shape--That not only Mr Reeves but Mr Strachan [i.e., Andrew Strahan] also have taken the measure of communicating their privilege to others"--that is, they have sold to others the right to print the Bible.
The problem of Bible pirates and of what constitutes a Bible pirate persisted. For instance, could a Bible patent-holder be at the same time a Bible pirate? Was it legal for a Bible patent-holder to license others to print Bibles? A clipping from an unidentified periodical in the Oxford University Press archives dated "1818" in MS summarizes a
LAW REPORT.
VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Dec. 14.
THE UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE v
BLAKE[26] AND OTHERS.
The Solicitor General moved, on the part of the Chancellor, Masters, and Fellows of the two Universities, for an injunction to restrain the defendants from continuing the sale of certain works, the exclusive copyright of which is vested in those public bodies by letters-patent. The Books in question were the Holy Scriptures, and the Book of Common Prayer. An edition of the former had recently been published under the title of Gurney's Bible, with a Commentary and Annotations. These were, however, nothing more than a pretext, and were used only to colour an invasion of literary property. A separate edition, of quarto size,[27] accompanied by reflexions, had also been offered to the world by the same booksellers, together with two copies [i.e., editions] of the Prayer Book. One of these professed to be an abridgement, but in point of fact contained the whole of that portion of the service which is usually read. The other, gave the whole text, subjoining a variety of annotations. As the originals could not legally be published, without a license from one of the Universities, he apprehended that the addition of notes, or omission of particular parts, must be considered as a mere attempt at disguise, and would not be allowed by a court of equity to defeat a valuable privilege.
The Vice-Chancellor granted the injunction ....
Notice that the injunction appears to be concerned only with Bibles and Prayer Books which have appended "Commentary and Annotations . . . only
Of course, this injunction spread alarm, "terror and dismay" among the booksellers who had for years been selling annotated and illustrated Bibles printed without license from the patent-holders, and another clipping in the Oxford University Press archives from an unidentified periodical dated in MS Saturday "Jany 23 1819" reports a
MEETING OF BOOKSELLERS.
A numerous Meeting of the Publishers, Booksellers, Stationers, and all others interested in the sale of the Holy Scriptures, was held yesterday evening at the Globe Tavern, Fleet-street, to take into consideration the recent attack made on the trade, as relates to the sale of Bibles and Prayer-books. As the nature of this attack may not be known to the generality of our readers, we shall endeavour to explain it by giving, in a few words, a short abstract of a Report made by a Committee, appointed on Thursday evening to investigate into its extent. It appeared from that report, that for two or three years past bills in Chauncery have been filed, and silently operating under the instruction of a patentee, against persons selling Edinburgh Bibles or Common Prayers. During the last term a hundred injunctions were obtained against different booksellers in London and the suburbs, and 90 are entered for the present term. At first the injunctions were only levelled against Bibles printed at Edinburgh, but lately they have been extended against Bibles, Testaments and Common Prayers, printed in England, with commentaries and notes. This proceeding has spread terror and dismay through the various booksellers both in town and country: especially as they have been likewise informed, that they cannot, under the existing law, sell any Bible in the English tongue, or in any other tongue whatsoever, of any translation, with note or without note, which is not printed at the press of the King's printer, or at the press[es] of the two Universities. As this system was rapidly spreading in every direction, the trade took it up, and assembled yesterday evening to discuss the propriety of resisting with all the energy which such an invasion of what they deemed their long established rights demanded. After some discussion, they entered into a resolution of appointing a Committee of 12 London booksellers, with full powers to adapt all such measures as should be requisite to terminate the depending prosecutions, and to prevent any future occurrence. This was followed by another resolution, empowering them to receive subscriptions to enable them to proceed in the cause. We understand that large sums were immediately deposited in the hands of the Commiittee, several persons advancing from twenty to thirty pounds each, and one gentleman in particular the large sum of 150 guineas.
From hints that were dropped in the course of the discussion, we are led to conjecture, that the great body of booksellers will immediately combine, and present a petition to the two Houses of Parliament, to obtain some modification of the present patent.
There can scarcely have been any ground for claiming that the King's printer and the two university presses had exclusive rights under "the present patent" to print the Bible in any language "with note or without note" . The allegation must have been made ad terrorem either by the patent-holders as an expendable bargaining position or, far more probably, by the booksellers in order to persuade the dismayed and terrified booksellers to contribute generously to the cause. Certainly nothing in the 1818 Law Report makes such
To the booksellers it must have seemed that all the struggles of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to secure access to the Authorized Version of the Bible must be repeated--with the additional threat that they might not be allowed to print even other versions of the Bible. To the patent-holders, it must have seemed that as long as they were resisting the invasions of the Scottish buccanneers, they might as well at the same time attempt to recover the exclusive right to print annotated and illustrated Bibles which they (or at least the King's Printer) had tamely conceded to the booksellers at large at the end of the eighteenth century. Plainly both sides were marshalling their troops along the legal border, enriching their war-chests, spreading propaganda, and preparing for the onset of hostilities for a war that threatened to spread commercial carnage on an international scale.
Alas! the documents I have seen do not enable me to present further battle-bulletins. Injunctions don't get recorded very extensively, even a barrage of them like this. And even if one could get evidence as to whom the injunctions were directed against, one still couldn't draw very useful conclusions unless one could ascertain that the injunctions were breached or that they changed the actions of the injunctee. The documents have, however, made plain some of the principles of literary property at issue in the war, and they have identified the combatants on the two sides fairly plainly. Whatever they said, both sides were fighting under the banner of Mammon, though the patent-holders doubtless preferred to be known as the party of Church and King. The cause of Church and King was vigourously led by Oxford University Press, seconded, at least financially, by Cambridge University Press. The King's Printer in London seems to have permitted the campaign rather than fostered it, and indeed at least in Oxford there seems to have been some suspicion that he had a foot in the enemy camp. Opposed to the Church and King party were most conspicuously the King's Printers in Scotland (Sir D. Hunter Blair & J. Bruce in Edinburgh), but Oxford had initiated hostilities in such a way that most of the substantial book-sellers in Britain were probably ranged against them.
Further, if report of the 1819 Meeting of Booksellers is to be believed, the Church and King party led by Oxford and Cambridge University Presses was not merely defending their ancient privileges of printing and selling unillustrated and unannotated editions of the Authorized Version of the Bible; it was attempting to extend these privileges very substantially, so as to prevent the sale of "any Bible in the English tongue, or in any other tongue whatsoever, of any translation, with note or without note, which is not printed at the press of the King's printer, or at the press[es] of the two Universities". The legal conquest of such a terrain would, of course, have been immensely valuable. And while it is clear that the Church and King party did not conquer this new terrain, it is equally clear that they did maintain their privilege of printing and selling the Authorized Version of the Bible in England.
In some ways, access to the word of God was as hotly contested by booksellers at the beginning of the nineteenth century as it had been among logocentric Protestants in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Should the King's Printers and the university presses have an exclusive right to God's Word as priests had had in former ages? There was money in God's Word, and in the nineteenth century the debate swirled about the issue not of who should read God's Word but of who should make a profit from it. The fortunes of the war are fascinating, but in religious terms there may be some doubt as to whether they are edifying.
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