University of Virginia Library

NEW ENGLANDS
TRIALS,
and Present Estate.

CONCERNING the description of this
Countrey, six yeares ago I writ so largely,
as in briefe I hope this may suffice you to
remember,

that New England is a part of
America, betwixt the Degrees of 41. and
45. the very meane betwixt the North Pole
and the Line. From 43. to 45. the coast is
mountainous, rockie, barren and broken
Iles that make many good harbours. The
water is deepe, close to the shore; there
are many rivers and fresh springs: few Salvages, but an incredible
abundance of fish, fowle, wilde fruits, and good timber. From 43. to
41. and a half, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand and clay,
much corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a temperate
aire, and therein all things necessary for the building ships of
any proportion, and good merchandize for their fraught, within a
square of 12 leagues: 25 harbours I sounded; 30 severall Lordships I
saw, and so neare as I could imagine, 3000 men. I was up one river
fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads are reported
to be great lakes; where they kill their || Bevers; inhabited with many
people, who trade with those of New England, and them of Cannada.

The benefit of fishing, as Master Dee

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2

reporteth
in his Brittish Monarchie

He saith that it is more then 44 yeares ago, and it is more then
40 yeares since he writ it, that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries,
under the King of Spaine, were 500. besides 100 Frenchmen,
and three or foure hundred saile of Flemmings.

The coasts of Wales and Lancashire was used by 300 saile of
strangers.

Ireland at Baltemore fraughted yearely 300 saile of Spaniards,

where King Edward the sixt intended to have made a strong Castle,
because of the strait, to have tribute for fishing.

Blacke Rocke was yearely fished by three or foure hundred saile
of Spaniards, Portugals and Biskiners.

Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and
Fish-mongers with whom I have conferred, report,

The Hollanders raise yearely by Herring, Cod, and Ling,
3000000 pounds.

English and French by Salt-fish, poore John, Salmons and
Pilchards, 300000 pounds.

Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles,
100000 pounds.

Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards
30000 pounds.

But divers other learned experienced Observers
say, though it may seeme incredible,

That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearely tribute of the fishers
for Tunny, Mullit and Purgos, more then 10000 pounds.

Lubeck hath 700 ships: Hambrough 600: Embden lately a
fisher towne, 1400. whose customes by the profit of fishing hath made
them so powerfull as they be.

Holland and Zeland, not much greater then Yorkshire, hath
thirtie walled townes, 400 villages, and 20000 saile of shippes and
hoyes; 3600 are fishermen, whereof 100 are Doggers, 700 Pinckes and
Welbotes, 700 Frand botes, Britters

and Tode-botes, with 1300
Busses, besides three hundred that yearely fish about Yarmouth,
where they sell their fish for gold; and fifteene yeares ago they had
more then 116000 sea-faring men.

These fishing ships do take yearely 200000 Last of fish, twelve
barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000 pounds by the Fishermens
price, that 14 yeares ago did pay for their tenths 300000 pound;
which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmarke, Lefland, Russia,
Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere, etc.
make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000 pounds; and yet in
Holland they have neither matter to build ships, nor merchandize
to set them foorth; yet by their industrie they as much increase, as
other Nations decay. But leaving these uncertainties as they are,
of this I am certaine, || That the coast of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland

and the Sound, New-found
land and Cape Blanke, do serve all Europe, as well the land Townes
as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish
which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile,
viz.

         

Herring.	Tunny.
Salt-fish.	Porgos.
poore John.	Caviare.
Sturgion.	Buttargo.
Mullit.

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may
be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries
for the building of ships, boates and houses, and the nourishment
of man; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the
habitations we may there make, that New England hath much advantage
of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe farre cheaper
then they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor food, but at
great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an
hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.

But New Englands fishings is neare land, where is helpe of wood,
water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings needfull; and the
Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugale, Provance, Savoy,
Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry Fish, greene
Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland,
Littuania or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in
abundance for taking; they returning but wood, pitch, tarre, soape-ashes,
cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities: we, wines,
oyles, sugars, silks, || and such merchandize as the Straits affoord,
whereby our profit may equalize theirs; besides the increase of shipping
and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:

With two ships sent out at the charge of Captain Marmaduke
Roydon, Captain George Langam, Master John Buley and W. Skelton,

I went from the Downes the third of March, and arived in New
England the last of April, where I was to have stayed but with ten
men to keep possession of those large territories, had the Whales
proved, as curious information had assured me and my adventurers,
(but those things failed.) So having but fortie five men and boyes, we
built seven boates, 37 did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the
coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the
inhabitants; 1100 Bever skins, 100 Martins, and as many Otters.
40000 of drie fish we sent for Spaine; with the salt fish, traine oile and
Furres, I returned for England the 18 of July, and arived safe with
my company the latter end of August. Thus in six moneths I made
my voyage out and home; and by the labour of 45, got neare the
value of 1500 pounds in those grosse commodities. This yeare also
one went from Plimmoth, set out by divers of the Isle of Wight and
the West country, by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando
Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with nothing.

The Virginia Company upon this sent 4 good ships; and because
I would not undertake it for them, having ingaged my selfe to them
of the West, the Londoners entertained the men that came home
with me. They set saile in January, and arived there in March; they
found fish enough untill halfe June, fraughted a ship of 300 Tuns,
|| went for Spaine, which was taken by the Turks; one went to Virginia
to relieve that Colonie, and two came for England with the
greene fish, traine oile and Furres within six moneths.

In January

with 200 pounds in cash for adventure, and six
Gentlemen wel furnished, I went from London to the foure ships
was promised, prepared for me in the West country, but I found no
such matter; notwithstanding at the last with a labyrinth of trouble
I went from Plimmoth with a ship of 200 Tuns, and one of fiftie:
when the fishing was done onely with 15 I was to stay in the country;
but ill weather breaking all my masts, I was forced to returne to
Plimmoth, where rather then lose all, reimbarking my selfe in a Bark
of 60 Tuns, how I escaped the English pyrates and the French, and
was betrayed by foure French men of warre, I referre you to the
Description of New England: but my Vice-Admirall, notwithstanding
the latenesse of the yeare, setting forth with me in March, the
Londoners in January, she arived in May, they in March, yet came
home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within 5 months,
odde days.

The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all their losse by
the Turks, which was valued about 4000 pounds, sent two more in
July; but such courses they took by the Canaries to the West Indies,
it was ten moneths ere they arived in New England, wasting in that
time their seasons, victuall and healths, yet there they found meanes
to refresh themselves, and the one returned, neare fraught with fish
and traine, within 2 moneths after.

From Plimmoth went 4 ships, onely to fish and trade, some in
Februarie, some in March, one of 200 Tuns got thither in a month,

and went full fraught for Spain, || the rest returned to Plimmoth well
fraught, and their men well, within five moneths, odde dayes.

From London went two more, one of 200 Tuns, got thither in
six weeks, and within six weeks after with 44 men and boyes was full
fraught, and returned again into England within five moneths and
a few daies; the other went to the Canaries with drie fish, which they
sold at a great rate, for Rials of 8, and as I heard turned pirats.

I being at Plimmoth provided with 3 good ships, yet but fifteen
men

to stay with me in the country, was Wind-bound three moneths,
as was many a hundred saile more, so that the season being past, the
ships went for New-found-land, whereby my designe was frustrate,
which was to me and my friends no small losse, in regard whereof
here the Westerne Commissioners in the behalfe of themselves and
the rest of the Companie, contracted with me by articles indented
under our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and
in the renewing of their Letters pattents so to be nominated, halfe the
fruits of our endevours theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged,
now the businesse doth prosper, some of them would willingly forget
me; but I am not the first they have deceived.

There was foure good ships prepared at Plimmoth, but by
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely 2 went
forward, the one being of 200 Tuns, returned well fraught for Plimmoth,
and her men in health, within five moneths; the other of 80
Tuns, went for Bilbow with drie fish, and made a good returne. In
this voyage

Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant souldier,
that had bin with me in Virginia, and seven yeares after went with
me from Plimoth towards || New England with Thomas Dirmer an
understanding and an industrious Gentleman to inhabite it; all
whose names with our proceedings you may reade at large in my
description of New England, upon triall before the Judge of the
Admiraltie, how when we had past the worst, for pure cowardize the
Maister and sailers ran away with the ship and all I had, and left me
alone among 8 or 9 French men of Warre in the yeare 1615. This
Stallings went now againe in those ships, and having some wrong
offered him in New England by a French man, he tooke him, and as
he writ to me, he went with her to Virginia with fish, to trade with
them for such commodities as they might spare; he knew both these
countries well, yet he promised me the next Spring to meet me in
New England; but the ship and he perished in Virginia.

This yeare againe, divers ships intending to go from Plimmoth,
so disagreed, as there went but one of 200 Tuns, who stayed in the
country about 6 weeks, with 38 men and boyes, had her fraught,
which she sold at the first penie, for 2100 pounds, besides the Furres:
so that every poore sailer that had but a single share, had his charges,
and 16.l. 10.s. for his seven moneths worke.

Master Thomas Dirmer
having lived about a yeare in New-found-land, returning to Plimmoth,
went for New England in this ship, and not only confirmes
what I have writ, but so much more approved of it, that he stayed
there with five or six men in a little boate; finding 2 or 3 Frenchmen
among the savages, who had lost their ship, augmented his companie,
with whom he ranged the coast to Virginia, where he was
kindly welcomed and well refreshed; thence returned to || New England
again, where having bin a yeare, in his back-returne to Virginia,
he was so wounded by the savages, he died upon it, them
escaped were relieved at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great
adventures and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather
wonder how God did so long preserve them, with so small meanes to
do so much, leaving the fruits of their labours to be an encouragement
to those our poore undertakings; and this for advantage as they
writ unto me, that God had laid this Country open for us, and slaine
the most part of the inhabitants by cruell warres and a mortall
disease; for where I had seene 100 or 200 people, there is scarce ten
to be found. From Pembrocks bay to Harrintons bay there is not 20;
from thence to Cape An, some 30; from Taulbuts bay to the River
Charles, about 40, and not any of them touched with any sicknes,
but one poore Frenchman that died.

For to make triall this yeare there is gone 6 or 7 saile from the
West country, onely to fish, three of whom are returned, and as I was
certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that every sailer for a
single share had 20 pounds for his 7 moneths work, which is more
then in 20 moneths he should have gotten had he gone for wages any
where. Now though all the former ships have not made such good
voyages as they expected, by sending opinionated unskilfull men,

that had not experienced diligence to save that they tooke, nor take
that there was; which now patience and practise hath brought to a
reasonable kind of perfection: in despite of all detractors and calumniations,
the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in
their using or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me.

A plantation in New England.

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9

Upon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen and
Merchants of London and other places provided two ships, the one
of 160 Tunnes, the other of 70; they left the coast of England the 23
of August, with about 120 persons, but the next day the lesser ship
sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimmoth, where discharging
her and 20 passengers, with the great ship and a hundred
persons besides sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September, and
the ninth of November fell with Cape James;

but being pestred nine
weeks in this leaking unwholsome ship, lying wet in their cabbins,
most of them grew very weake, and weary of the sea, then for want
of experience ranging to and again, six weeks before they found a
place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without
coverture in the extremitie of Winter, fortie of them died, and 60
were left in very weake estate at the ships coming away, about the
fift of April following, and arived in England the sixt of May.

Immediatly after her arivall, from London they sent another of
55 Tunnes

to supply them, with 37 persons, they set saile in the
beginning of July, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the
end of August ere they could passe Plimmoth, and arived at New
Plimmoth in New England the eleventh of November, where they
found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie and in good
health, except six that died. Within a moneth they returned here for
England, laded with clapboord, wainscot and walnut, with about
three hogsheads of Bever skins, || and some Saxefras, the 13 of December,
and drawing neare our coast, was taken by a Frenchman,
set out by the Marquis of Cera, Govenour of Ile Deu on the coast of
Poytou, where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and companie,
took from them to the value of about 500 pounds; and after 14
days sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne
being devoured by the Marquis and his hungry servants; they arived
at London the 14 of Februarie, leaving all them they found and
caried to New England well and in health, with victuall and corne
sufficient till the next harvest.

The copie of Letter sent by this ship.

Loving cousin,

at our arivall at New Plimmoth in New England,
we found all our friends and planters in good health, though
they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes, the Indians
round about us peaceable and friendly, the country very pleasant
and temperate, yeelding naturally of it self great store of fruites, as
vines of divers sorts in great abundance; there is likewise walnuts,
chesnuts, small nuts and plums, with much varietie of flowers, rootes,
and herbs, no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place
hath more goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better, Timber of all
sorts you have in England, doth cover the Land, that affoords beasts
of divers sorts, and great flocks of Turkies, Quailes Pigeons and
Partriges: many great lakes abounding with fish, fowle, Bevers and
Otters. The sea affoords us as great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish,
as the rivers and Iles doth varietie of wilde fowle of most usefull
sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor
qualitie we know. Better grain cannot be then the Indian corne, if
we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are
all free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble us, and all those good
blessings we have, of which and what we list in their seasons for
taking. Our companie are for || most part very religious honest
people; the word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath: so that
I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your
friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all
the friends I have in England, and so I rest

From the West country went ten or twelve ships to fish, which
were all well fraughted; those that came first at Bilbow made 17
pounds a single share, besides Bever, Otters and Martins skins; but
some of the rest that came to the same ports that were already furnished,
so glutted the market, their price was abated, yet all returned
so well contented, they are a preparing to go againe.

There is gone from the West of England onely to fish

35 ships,
and about the last of April two more from London, the one of 100
Tuns, the other of 30, with some 60 passengers to supply the plantation
with all necessary provisions. Now though the Turke and
French hath bin somewhat too busie, would all the Christian Princes
but be truly at unitie, as his royall Majestie our Soveraigne Lord and
King desireth, 70 saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of
his coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard in the straits of
Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more afraid in
Constantinople, then the smallest red crosse that crosses the seas
would be, either of any French Piccaroun, or the pirats of Argere.

An abstract of Letters sent from the Collony
in New England, July 16. 1622.

Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians

continue their wonted friendship, yet are we more wary of them then
before; for their hands hath bin || embrued in much English blood,
onely by too much confidence, but not by force.

Here I must intreate a little your favours to digresse. They did
not kill the English because they were Christians, but for their
weapons and commodities, that were rare novelties; but now they
feare we may beate them out of their dens, which Lions and Tygers
would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an
English man, or discourage any either in Virginia or New England?
No: for I have tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that country
with 38, and had not to eate but what we had from the savages. When
I had ten men able to go abroad, our common wealth was very
strong: with such a number I ranged that unknown country 14
weeks; I had but 18 to subdue them all, with which great army I
stayed six weekes before their greatest Kings habitations, till they
had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the Dutch-men
sent at a needlesse excessive charge did helpe Powhatan how to
betray me.

Of their numbers we were uncertaine; but them two honorable
Gentlemen (Captaine George Percie and Captaine Francis West),
two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble gentlemen and
resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now living in England,
did see me take this murdering Opechankanough now their great
King by the long locke on his head, with my pistole at his breast, I
led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted made him
fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne wants was
such, I have given || them part againe in pittie, and others have
bought it againe to plant their fields.

For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I have caused
Powhatan send his owne men to James Towne to receive their
punishment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie
they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled
tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter
the meanes to deliver me: and thereby taught me to know their
trecheries to preserve the rest. It was also my chance in single combat
to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced
his subjects to worke in chaines, till I made all the country pay contribution,
having little else whereon to live.

Twise in this time I was their President,

and none can say in all
that time I had a man slaine: but for keeping them in that feare I
was much blamed both there and here: yet I left 500 behind me that
through their confidence in six months came most to confusion, as
you may reade at large in the description of Virginia. When I went
first to those desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound
to hire men to go; and procrastination caused more run away then
went. But after the ice was broken, came many brave voluntaries:
notwithstanding since I came from thence, the honorable Company
have bin humble suiters to his Majestie to get vagabonds and condemned
men to go thither; nay so much scorned was the name of
Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would go thither, and
were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and || discouragement,
and this lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now suters
to go, then ever hath bin constrained knaves; and it is not unknown
to most men of understanding, how happie many of those Collumners
doe thinke themselves, that they might be admitted, and
yet pay for their passage to go now to Virginia: and had I but meanes
to transport as many as would go, I might have choise of 10000 that
would gladly be in any of those new places, which were so basely
contemned by ungratefull base minds.

To range this countrey of New England in like maner I had but
eight, as is said, and amongst their bruite

conditions I met many of
their silly incounters, and without any hurt, God be thanked; when
your West country men were many of them wounded and much tormented
with the savages that assaulted their ship, as they did say
themselves, in the first yeare I was there 1614. and though Master
Hunt then Master with me did most basely in stealing some savages
from that coast to sel, when he was directed to have gone for Spaine,
yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should
have fraughted them with gold ore, his fault could be no cause of
their bad successe, however it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not
this out of vainglory, as it may be some gleaners, or some was never
there may censure me, but to let all men be assured by those examples,
what those savages are that thus strangely doe murder and
betray our country men. But to the purpose.

What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the aire, || the richnesse
of the soile, the goodnes of the woods, the abundance of fruits,
fish, and fowle in their season, they stil affirm that have bin there
now neare 2 yeares, and at one draught they have taken 1000 basses,
and in one night twelve hogsheads of herring. They are building a
strong fort, they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are wel
provided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and
well neare 60 acres of ground well planted with corne, besides their
gardens well replenished with useful fruits; and if their Adventurers
would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants
would quickly be supplied. To supply them this 16 of October is
going the Paragon with 67 persons, and all this is done by privat mens
purses. And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all
plenties they have found, they thinke they should not be beleeved.

For the 26 saile of ships, the most I can yet understand is, Master
Ambrose Jennens of London, and Master Abraham Jennens of Plimmoth
sent (their Abraham) a ship of 220 Tuns, and the Nightingale of
Porchmouth of 100. whose fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds:
in all they were 35 saile: and where in Newfound land they shared
six or seven pounds for a common man, in New England they shared
14 pounds; besides six Dutch and French ships made wonderfull
returnes in furres.

Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England
(by Virginia) which hath bin so costly to this kingdome and
so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, pardon me
though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modestie, to have bin
sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how
to prevent it. By that || acquaintance I have with them, I may call
them my children, for they have bin my wife, my hawks, my hounds,
my cards, my dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my
heart as my left hand to my right; and notwithstanding all those
miracles of disasters

have crossed both them and me, yet were there
not one English man remaining (as God be thanked there is some
thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did
at the first; not for that I have any secret encouragement from any I
protest, more then lamentable experiences: for all their discoveries
I can yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe; nor more strange to
me then to heare one tell me he hath gone from Billings gate and discovered
Greenwich, Gravesend, Tilbery, Quinborow, Lee and
Margit, which to those did never heare of them, though they dwell
in England, might be made seem some rare secrets and great countries
unknowne, except the relations of Master Dirmer.

In England some are held great travelers that have seene Venice
and Rome, Madrill and Algere, Prague or Ragousa, Constantinople
or Jerusalem, and the Piramides of Egypt; that thinke it nothing to
go to the Summer Iles or Virginia,

which is as farre as any of them,
and I hope in time will prove a more profitable and a more laudable
journey. As for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen
account it nothing now to go thither; and therefore I hope all good
men will better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in
despaire, whom God so wonderfully and so oft hath preserved.

What here I have writ by relation, if it be not || right, I humbly
intreate your pardons, but I have not spared any diligence to learne
the truth of them that have bin actors or sharers in those voyages: in
some particulars they might deceive me, but in the substances they
could not, for few could tell me any thing, except where they fished:
but seeing all those

have lived there, do confirme more then I have
writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun examples
of plantation, will move both Citie and Country freely to
adventure with me and my partners more then promises, seeing I
have from his Majestie Letters Pattents, such honest, free and large
conditions assured me from his Commissioners, as I hope wil satisfie
any honest understanding.

But because some fortune tellers saith, I am unfortunate; had
they spent their time as I have done, they would rather beleeve in
God then their calculations, and peradventure have given as bad
account of their actions; and therefore I intreat leave to answer those
objectors, that think it strange if this be true,

I have made no more
use of it, and rest so long without emploiment, and hath no more
reward nor preferment: to which I say:

I thinke it more strange they should taxe me before they have
tried as much as I have both by land and sea, as well in Asia and
Africa, as Europe and America, where my commanders were actors
or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I never needed to
importunate, or could I ever learne to beg; what there I got, I have
thus spent: these sixteen yeares

I have spared neither paines nor
money ac- || cording to my abilitie, first to procure his Majesties
Letters pattents, and a Company here to be the means to raise a company
to go with me to Virginia, as is said: which beginning here and
there cost me neare 5 yeares worke, and more then 500 pounds of my
owne estate, besides all the dangers, miseries and incumbrances I
endured gratis, where I stayed till I left 500 better provided then ever
I was; from which blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate
habitation of Somer Iles.

This Virgins sister, now called New England, an. 1616. at my
humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles hath bin neare as
chargeable to me and my friends: for all which although I never got
shilling, but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happie to
see their prosperities.

If it yet trouble a multitude to proceed upon these certainties,
what think you I undertook when nothing was knowne, but that
there was a vast land; I never had power and meanes to do any
thing, though more hath bin spent in formall delayes then would
have done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable
manner as if I had gone a begging to build an universitie: where had
men bin as forward to adventure their purses and performe the conditions
they promised me, as to crop the fruites of my labours, thousands
ere this had bin bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the
spur of Desire and the bridle of Reason I am neare ridden to death
in a ring of despaire; the raines are in your hands, therefore I intreate
you to ease me: and those that think I am either idle or unfortunate,
may see the cause, and know: unlesse I did see better dealing, I have
had warning enough, not to be so forward again at every motion
upon their promises, unlesse I intended || nothing but to cary newes.
For now they dare adventure a ship, that when I went first, would
not adventure a groate, so they may be at home again by Michaelmas:
which makes me remember Master Hackluts; oh incredulitie!
the wit of fooles, that slovenly do spit at all things faire; a sluggards
cradle, a cowards castle, how easie it is to be an infidell:

but to the
purpose.

By this all men may perceive the ordinary performance of this
voyage in five or six moneths, the plenty of fish is most certainly
approved: and it is certain, from Cannada and New England within
these six yeares hath come neare 20000 Bever skins. Now had each
of those ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing
beasts, fowles, fruit,

plants and seeds, as I projected, by this
time their increase might have bin sufficient for a thousand men. But
the desire of present gain (in many) is so violent, and the endevors of
many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding their private
gaine, that it is hard to effect any publick good, and impossible to
bring them into a body, rule, or order, unlesse both authoritie and
mony assist experiences. It is not a worke for every one to plant a
Colonie; but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in
it. This requireth all the best parts of art, judgement, courage,
honestie, constancie, diligence and experience to do but neare well:
your home bred ingrossing projectors shall finde there a great difference
betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the fishing wil go
forward if you plant it or no; whereby a Colonie may be transported
with no great charge, that in a short time might provide such
fraughts to buy of us there dwelling, as I would hope no ship should
go or come empty from New England.

The charge of this is onely salt, nets, hookes, lines, knives, Irish
rugs, course cloth, beades, glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and
trade with the savages, beside our owne necessary provisions, whose
endevours wil quickly defray all this charge; and the savages have
intreated me to inhabite where I will. Now all these ships, till this
last yeare, have bin fished within a square of two or 3 leagues, and
not one of them all would adventure any further, where questionlesse
500 saile may have their fraught better then in Island, Newfoundland,
or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can
have their fish in their ships, because New Englands fishing begins
with February, the other not till mid May; the progression hereof

tends much to the advancement of Virginia and the Bermudas,
whose emptie ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a
good friend in time of need to the inhabitants of New foundland.

The returnes made by the Westerne ships, are commonly devided
into three parts, one for the owner of the ship, another for the
Master and his companie, the third for the victuallers: which course
being still permitted, wil be no hindrance to the plantation, go there
never so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearly for little or
nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds.

If a ship can gaine twentie, thirtie, fiftie in the 100, nay 300 for
100. in 7 moneths, as you see they have done, spending twise so much
time in going and coming as in staying there: were I there planted,
seeing the varietie of the fishings in their seasons serveth the most part
of the yeare, and with a little labour we might make all the salt we
need use. I can conceive no reason to di- || strust, but the doubling
and trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge, and can
fish but two moneths in a yeare: and if those do give 20. 30. or 40.
shillings for an acre of land, or ship carpenters, forgers of iron, etc.
that buy all things at a deare rate, grow rich; when they may have
as good of all needful necessaries for taking (in my opinion) should
not grow poore; and no commodity in Europe doth more decay then
wood.

Master Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchie, that King
Edgar

had a navie of 4000 saile, with which he yearely made his
progresse about this famous Monarchie of Great Brittaine, largely
declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon it seemes he projected to
our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of
60 saile, he called a little Navie Royall; imitating the admired
Pericles, Prince of Athens, that could never secure that tormented
estate, untill he was Lord and Captain of the Sea.

At this none need wonder; for who knowes not, her Royall
Majestie during her life, by the incredible adventures of her Royall
Navy, and valiant souldiers and sea-men, notwithstanding all trecheries
at home, the protecting and defending France and Holland,
and reconquering Ireland, yet all the world by sea or land both
feared, loved, and admired good Queen Elizabeth.

Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God
be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord
and Soveraigne King James, etc. this great Philosopher hath left this
to his Majestie and his kingdomes consideration: That if the Tenths
of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea: the Kings high
wayes are common to passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing;
so Englands coasts || are free to passe, but not to fish, but by his
Majesties prerogative.

His Majesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes order for
the East and West Indies, but by his permission, or at their perils. If
all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice for England to make
as much use of her own shores as strangers do, that pay to their own
Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to
speake of; whose subjects may neither take nor sell any in their territories:
which small tribute would maintain this little Navie Royall,
and not cost his Majestie a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all
forreiners, and allow them more courtesie, then any nation in the
world affoords to England.

It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy to
enjoy our fishings as Lords thereof, because they have more skill to
handle it then we, as they can our wooll and undressed cloth, notwithstanding
all their wars and troublesome disorders.

To get mony to build this Navy, he saith, who would not spare
the 100 peny of his Rents, and the 500 peny of his goods; each servant
that taketh 40.s. wages, 4.d; and every forreiner of 7 yeares of age
4.d. for 7 yeares: not any of these but they will spend 3 times so much
in pride, wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And do any men love
the securitie of their estates, that of themselves would not be humble
suters to his Majestie to do this of free will as a voluntary benevolence,
or but the one halfe of this, (or some such other course as I have
propounded to divers of the Companies) free from any constraint,
taxe, lottery or imposition, so it may be as honestly and truly employed
as it is projected, the poorest mechanick in this kingdom
would gaine by it.

|| you might build ships of any proportion and
numbers you please, five times cheaper then you can do here, and
have good merchandize for their fraught in this unknowne land, to
the advancement of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel and the
strengthening and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without
hurt to any, to the terror of pyrats, the amazement of enemies, the
assistance of friends, the securing of Merchants, and so much increase
of navigation to make Englands trade and shipping as much
as any nation in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the
generall good of all good subjects, and would cause thousands yet
unborn blesse the time and all them that first put it in practise.

Now lest it should be obscured as it hath bin to private ends, or
so weakly undertaken by our overweening incredulitie, that strangers
may possesse it, whilest we contend for New Englands goods, but not
Englands good; I present this to your Highnes and to all the Lords

in England, hoping by your gracious good liking and approbation to
move all the worthy Companies of this noble Citie, and all the Cities
and Countries in the whole Land to consider of it, since I can finde
them wood and halfe victuall, with the aforesaid advantages, with
what facilitie they may build and maintaine this little Navie Royall,
both with honour, profit and content, and inhabite as good a country
as any in the world, within that parallel, which with my life and what
I have I wil endevour to effect, if God please, and you permit. But
no man will go from hence, to have lesse freedome there then here;
nor adventure all they have, to prepare the way for them that know
it not: and it is too well knowne there hath bin so many undertakers
of Patents and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discou-
|| ragement then wonder, to heare such great promises and so little
performances. In the interim, you see the Dutch and French already
frequent it: and God forbid them in Virginia or any of his Majesties
subjects should not have as free libertie as they. To conclude, were it
not for Master Pierce and a few private Adventurers with him, what
have we there for all these inducements?

As for them whom pride or covetousnes lulleth asleep in a cradle
of slothfull carelesnes, would they but consider how all the great
Monarchies of the earth have bin brought to confusion; or but remember
the late lamentable experience of Constantinople; and how
many Cities, Townes and Provinces in the faire rich kingdoms of
Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia and Moldavia; and how many
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants and others,
have in one day lost goods, lives and honors; or sold for slaves like
beasts in a market place; their wives, children and servants slaine or
wandring they knew not whither, dying or living in all extremities of
extreame miseries and calamities. Surely they would not onely do
this, but give all they have to enjoy peace and libertie at home; or
but adventure their persons abroad, to prevent the conclusions of a
conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth and best prevaileth where
he findeth wealth and plentie (most armed) with ignorance and
securitie.

Though the true condition of war

is onely to suppresse the
proud, and defend the innocent and humble, as did that most generous
Prince Sigismundus Bather, Prince of those countries, against
them, whom under the colour of justice and pietie, to maintaine
their superfluitie of ambitious pride, thought all the world too little
to maintaine their vice, and undoe them, or || keepe them from abilitie
to do any thing that would not admire and adore their honors, fortunes,
covetousnes, falshood, bribery, crueltie, extortion, and ingratitude,
which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all maner of
vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour, vertue and noblenesse.

Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious to your
more serious affaires, I humbly crave your honorable and favourable
constructions and pardons if any thing be amisse.

If any desire to be further satisfied, they may reade my Description
of Virginia and New England, and peruse them with their
severall Maps: what defect you finde in them, they shall find supplied
in me or my authors, that thus freely hath throwne my selfe
with my mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting
but God will stir up some noble spirits to consider and examine if
worthy Collumbus could give the Spaniards any such certainties for
his designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him foorth with fifteene
saile. And though I can promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike
Hollanders let us imitate, but not hate, whose wealth and strength
are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. Therefore
(honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not the meannesse of the
word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the mines of
Guiana or Tumbatu, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certaintie
and facilitie; and so I humbly rest.

FINIS.