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NEW ENGLANDS TRIALS.
  
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NEW ENGLANDS
TRIALS.

NEW England

[_]
1
is a part of America betwixt
the degrees of 41. and 45. the very meane
betwixt the North Pole and the Line:
From 43. to 45. the coast is mountainous,
rockie, barren and broken Iles that make
many good harbours. The water is deepe
close to the shoare; there are many rivers
and fresh springs: few Salvages, but an incredible
aboundance of fish, fowle, wilde
fruites, and good timber. From 43. to 41.
and halfe, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand, and clay: much
corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a temperate
ayre, and therein all things necessarie; for the building ships of any
proportion, and good merchandize for their fraughts; within a square
of twelve leagues 25. harbours I sounded, thirtie severall Lordships
I sawe, and so neare as I could imagine, three thousand men. I was
up one river fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads
are reported to be great Lakes; where they kill their || Bevers; inhabited
with many people, who trade with those of New England,
and them of Cannada.

The benefite of Fishing, as that famous Philosopher
Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie.

[_]
2

He saith, that more then forty foure yeares agoe, the Herring
Busses out of the Low-countries, under the King of Spaine, were five
hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred
saile of Flemings.

The coasts of Wales and Lankashire was used by three hundred
sayle of strangers.

Ireland at Baltemore

[_]
3
fraughted yerely three hundred sayle of

396

Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended to have made a
strong Castell, because of the straite, to have tribute for fishing.

Blacke Rocke

[_]
4
was yearely fished by three or foure hundred
sayle of Spaniards, Portugalls, and Biskiners.

Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and
Fishmongers, with whom I have conferred, report:

[_]
5

The Hollanders raise yearely by Herrings, Cod, and Ling,
3000000. pounds.

English, and French by Salt-fish, poore John, Salmons, and
Pilchards, 300000. pounds.

Hambrough and the Sound,

[_]
6
for Sturgion, Lobsters, and Eeles,
100000. pounds.

Cape Blanke, Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskinners and Spaniards.
30000. pounds.

But divers other learned experienced Observers
say, though it may seeme incredible:

[_]
7

That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearely tribute, of the
Fishers of Tunny, Mullit, and Purgos, more then 10000. pounds.

[_]
S.
[_]
8

Lubeck hath seven hundred shippes:

[_]
1
Hambrough sixe hundred:
Embden lately a fisher towne, 1400, whose customes by the
profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be.

Holland and Zeland, not much greater then Yorkeshire,

[_]
2
hath
thirty walled townes, 400. villages, and 20000. sayle of ships and

397

hoyes; 3600. are fishermen, whereof 100. are Dogers, 700. Pinckes
and Welbotes, 700. frand botes, 400. Enaces, 400. gal-botes, Britters
and Todebotes, with 1300. Busses;
[_]
3
besides three hundred that
yearely fish about Yarmouth,
[_]
4
where they sell their fish for gold; and
15. yeares agoe they had more then 116000. Sea-faring men.

These fishing ships do take yearely 200000. Last of fish,

[_]
5
12.
barrells to a Last; which amounteth to 3000000. pounds by the
Fishermens price that 14. yeres agoe did pay for their tenths 300000.
pound; which venting in Pomerland, Sprusland, Denmarke, Lefland,
Russia, Suethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere,
etc. make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000. pounds; and yet
in Holland they have neither matter to build shippes, nor merchandize
to set them foorth, yet they asmuch encrease as other Nations
decay. But leaving these uncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine:

That the coast of England,

[_]
6
Scotland, and Ireland, the north
Sea, with Island, and the Sound, New-foundland, and Cape Blancke,
doe serve all Europe, as well the land Townes as Portes, and all the
Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported;
from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz.

         
Herring.  Tunny. 
Salt-fish.  Porgos. 
poore John.  Caviare. 
Sturgion.  Buttargo. 
Mullit. 

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may
be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries
for the building of ships, boates and houses; and the nourishment
of man: the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the
habitations wee may there make, that New England hath much
advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe farre cheaper
then they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor food, but
at great rates; at Sea, nothing but what they carry in their shippes,


398

an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.

But New Englands fishings neare land, where is helpe of wood,
water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings needefull; and the
Terceras,

[_]
7
Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Provance, Savoy,
Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry Fish, greene
Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland,
Littuania, or Germany, for their Herring, (which is here also
in aboundance, for taking;) They returning but wood, pitch, tarre,
soape-ashes, cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities: We
wines, oyles, su- || gars, silkes, and such merchandizes as the Straites
affoord, whereby our profites may equalize theirs; besides the increase
of Shipping and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:

With two shippes I went from the Downes, the third of March,
and arrived in New England, the last of Aprill. I had but fortie five
men and boyes, we built seven boates, 37. did fish; my selfe with
eight others ranging the coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got
acquaintance of the inhabitants, eleven hundred bever skinnes, one
hundred Martins, and as many Otters: fortie thousand of dry fish
we sent for Spaine, with the salt-fish, treine oyle and furres, I returned
for England the 18. of July, and arrived safe with my company the
latter end of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my voyage, out
and home, and by the labour of 45. got neare the valew of fifteene
hundred pounds in those grosse commodities. This yeare also one
went from Plimmouth, spent his victuall, and returned with nothing.

[_]
9

[_]
Proofe 1.
[_]
8

1614.

The Londoners, upon this, sent foure good shippes, and because
I would not undertake it for them, having ingaged my selfe to them
of the West,

[_]
1
the Londoners entertained the men that came home
with me; They set sayle in January, and arrived there in March:
they found fish enough untill halfe June, fraughted a shippe of three
hundred Tunnes; went for Spaine with drie fish, which was taken by
the Turkes;
[_]
2
one went to Virginia, to relieve that Collony; and two
came for England, with the greene fish, treine oyle, and furres, within
sixe moneths.
[_]
Proofe 2.
1615.

With a labyrinth of trouble

[_]
3
I went from Plimmouth with a

399

shippe of two hundred Tunnes, and one of fiftie; [B3v]|| but ill weather
breaking all my mastes, I was forced to returne to Plimmouth,
where re-imbarking my selfe in a ship of three score tunnes, how I
escaped the English Pirats, and the French, and was betrayed by
foure Frenchmen of warre, I referre you to the Description of New
England; but my Vice-admirall, notwithstanding the latenesse of
the yeare, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners in January,
she arrived in May, they in March, yet came home well fraught in
August, and all her men well, within five moneths odde dayes.
[_]
Proofe 3.
1615.

The Londoners, ere I returned from France, for all their losse
by the Turkes, which was valewed about foure thousand pounds,

[_]
4

sent two more in July: but such courses they tooke by the Canaries to
the west Indies; it was ten months ere they arrived in New England:
wasting in that time, their seasons, victuall, and healths; yet there
they found meanes to refresh themselves, and the one returned, neere
fraught with fish and traine, within two moneths after.
[_]
Proofe 4.
1616.

From Plimmouth went foure ships, onely to fish and trade, some
in February, some in March; one of two hundred tunnes, got thither
in a moneth, and went full fraught for Spaine, the rest returned to
Plimouth well fraught, and their men well, within 5 months odde
daies.

[_]
Proofe 5.
1616.

From London went two more, one of 220. tunnes, got thither in
sixe weekes; and within sixe weekes after, with fortie foure men and
boyes, was full fraught, and returned againe into England within five
months and a few dayes; the other went to the Canaries with dry fish,
which they solde at a great rate, for royalls of eight, and (as I heard)
turned Pirates.

[_]
5

[_]
Proofe 6.
1616.

[_]
Proofe 7.
1617.

I being at Plimouth, provided with three good ships, || was wind-bound
three months, as was many a hundred sayle more; so that the
season being past, the shippes went for New-found-land, whereby
my desseigne was frustrate, which was to me and my friends, no small
losse.

[_]
6

There was foure good shippes

[_]
7
prepared at Plimouth; but by
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went
forward, the one being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught
to Plimouth, and her men in health, within five moneths; the other
of foure score, went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good
returne.
[_]
Proofe 8.
1618.

This yeare againe,

[_]
8
divers shippes intending to go from Plimmouth,
so disagreed, as there went but one of 200. tuns, who stayed

400

in the Countrey about sixe weekes, with thirty eight men and boyes,
had her fraght, which she sold at the first penny for 210o. pounds,
[_]
9

besides the furres; so that every poore Sayler, that had but a single
share, had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seven
moneths worke: but some of the company say, for sixe months in the
Hercules,
[_]
1
they receeved seventeene pound two shillings a share.
[_]
Proofe 9.
1619.

For to make triall this yeare there is gone six or seven sayle from
the west Country, onely to fish, three of which are returned; and (as
I am certainely informed) have made so good a voyage, that every
Sayler for a single share had twenty pounds for his seven moneths
worke, which is more then in twenty moneths he should have gotten,
had he gone for wages any where. Now though all the former ships
have not made such good voyages as they expected, by sending
opinionated unskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence, to
save that they tooke, || nor take that there was; which now patience
and practise hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection in
despite of all Detractors, and Calumniations, the Countrey yet hath
satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their using or abusing it, not in
it selfe, nor me.

[_]
Proofe 10.
1620.

[_]
For this next
yeare 1621.
it is reported
12. or 20. saile
is a preparing.

Heere I entreate your Honourable leaves to answer some objections.
Many do thinke it strange, if this be true, I have made no
more use of it, and rest so long without employment. And I thinke it
more strange they should tax me before they have tried what I have
done, both by Sea and Land, as well in Asia, and Affrica, as Europe
and America. These fourteene yeres I have spared neither pains, nor
money, according to my abilitie, in the discovery of Norumbega,

[_]
2

where with some thirty seaven men and boyes, the remainder of an

401

hundred and five, against the fury of the Salvages, I began that
plantation now in Virginia; which beginning (here and there) cost
mee neare five yeares worke, and more then five hundred pound
[_]
3

of my owne estate; beside all the dangers, miseries and incomberances,
and losse of other imployments I endured gratìs. From which
blessed Virgin, where I stayed till I left five hundred English, better
provided then ever I was (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation
of Somer Iles.
[_]
Burmudos.

This Virgins sister (called New-England, An. 1616 at my
humble suite, by our most gracious Prince Charles) hath bene neare
as chargeable to mee and my friends; from all which, although I
never got shilling, but it cost mee a pound, yet I thinke my || selfe
happy to see their prosperities.

If it yet trouble a multitude to proceede uppon these certainties,
what thinke you I undertooke, when nothing was knowne, but that
there was a vast Land? I never had power and meanes to do any
thing (though more hath beene spent in formall delayes then would
have done the businesse) but in such a penurious and miserable
maner, as if I had gone a begging to builde an University; where,
had men bin as forward to adventure their purses, as to crop the
fruites of my Labours, thousands ere this, had bene bettered by these
designes. Thus betwixt the spurre of Desire, and the bridle of Reason,
I am neare ridden to death in a ring of Despaire;

[_]
4
the reines are in
your hands, therefore I entreate you to ease mee: and those blame
mee (beleeve)
[_]
5
this little may have taught me, not to be so forward
againe at every motion, unlesse I intended nothing but to carry
newes. For now they dare adventure a shippe, that, when I went
first, would not adventure a groat, so they may be at home againe by
Michaelmasse; but to the purpose.

By this all men may perceive

[_]
6
the ordinary performance of this

402

voyage in five or sixe moneths, the plenty of fish is most certainely
approoved; and it is certaine from Cannada and New England hath
come neare twenty thousand
[_]
7
Bever skinnes, within these five yeares.
Now, had each of those shippes transported but sixe, or three pigs, as
many goates and hens, fruits, plants and seeds as I projected; by this
time there might have beene victuall for a thousand men. But the
desire of present || gaine (in many) is so violent, and the indevours of
many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding his private,
that it is hard to effect any publique good, and impossible to bring
them into a body, rule, or order, unlesse both Authoritie and Mony
assist experiences: it is not a worke for every one to plant a Colonie
(but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it.) This
requireth all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honestie, constancy,
diligence and experience to doe but neare well: and there is
a great difference betwixt Saying and Doing. But to conclude, the
fishing will go forward if you plant it or no; whereby you may transport
a colony for no great charge, that in a short time, might provide
such fraughts, to buy of us their dwelling, as I would hope no ship
could goe or come emptie from New England.

The charge of this is onely salt, nettes, hookes, lines, knives, Irish
rugges,

[_]
8
course cloth, beads, hatchets, glasse and such trash, onely
for fishing and trade with the Salvages, besides our owne necessarie
provisions, whose indevours
[_]
9
will quickely defray all this charge; and
the Salvages have intreated me to inhabit where I will. Now all those
ships have bin fished within a square of two leagues, and not one ship
of all these, would yet adventure further, where questionlesse 500.
saile may have their fraught, better then in Island, Newfoundland,
or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can have their
fish in their ships. Because New Englands fishing beginneth in mid-February,
the other not till mid-Maie, the progression heereof tends
|| much to the advancement of Virginia, and the Burmudas: and will
be a good friend in time of need to the Inhabitants in New-found-land.

The returnes made by the Westerne shippes

[_]
1
are commonly
divided into 3. parts; one for the owners of the shippe, another for
the maister and his company, the third for the victulers; which course
being still permitted, will be no hinderance to the plantation, goe

403

there never so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearely for
little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds.

If a Ship can gaine, twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred,

[_]
2
nay
neare three hundred for 100. in seven moneths, as you see they have
doone, spending twice so much time in going and coming as in staying
there; were I there planted, seeing the varietie of the fishings in
their seasons, serveth the most part of the yeare; and with a little
labour we might make all the salt we neede use. I can conceive no
reason to distrust, but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are
at all the former charge, and can fish but two months in a yeare: and
if those do give twenty, thirty, or forty shillings for an acre of land, or
ship Carpenters, Forgers of yron etc. that buy all things at a deare
rate, grow rich, when they may have as good of all needfull necessaries
for taking (in my opinion) should not grow poore; and no commoditie
in Europe doth more decay then wood.

Maister Dee recordeth

[_]
3
in his Brittish Monarchie, that King
Edgar had a navie of foure thousand saile, || with which hee yearely
made his progresse about this famous Monarchy of Great Brittany,
largely declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon it seems he projected
to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of
three score saile, he called a little Navy Royall; immitating the admired
Pericles prince of Athens, that could never secure that tormented
estate, untill he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea.

At this none neede wonder, for who knowes not, her Royall
Majestie during her life, by the incredible adventures of her Royall
Navy and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men; notwithstanding all
treacheries at home, the protecting and defending France and Holland,
and re-conquering Ireland, yet all the world, by Sea or Land,
both feared, loved, and admired good Queene Elizabeth.

Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God
be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord
and Soveraigne King James, etc. this great Philosopher hath left this
to his Majesty and his kingdomes considerations.

That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due
by Sea, the Kings highwayes

[_]
4
are common to passe, but not to digge
for mines or anie thing, so Englands coasts are free to passe, but not
to fish, but by his Majesties prerogative.

His Majestie of Spaine, permits none to passe the Popes order
for the East and West Indies, but by his permission, or at their perills.


404

If all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice for England to
make || as much use of her owne, as strangers doe, that pay to their
owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owners of those Liberties any
thing, whose subjects may neither take nor sell any in their territories;
which small tribute, would maintaine his little Navy Royall, and not
cost his Majesty a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all forrainers,
and allow them more curtesie, then any Nation in the world affords
to England.

It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy to enjoy
our fishings as Lords thereof, because they have more skill to handle
it then we, as they can our wooll, and undressed cloth, notwithstanding
all their wars and troublesome disorders.

To get mony to build this Navy he saith, Who would not spare
the hundred penny of his Rents,

[_]
5
and the 500. penny of his goods;
each servant that taketh 33.s. 4.d. wages, 4. pence, and every forrainer
seven yeares of age, 4. pence yearely for 7. yeares; not any of
these but yearely they will spend 3. times so much in pride, wantonnesse
or some superfluity. And doe any men love the security of their
estates that are true subjects, would not of themselves be humble
suters to his Majestie, to do this of free will as a voluntary benevolence,
so it may be as honestly and truly imployed as it is projected,
the poorest mechanicke in this kingdome will gaine by it.

If this be too much, would the honorable Adventurers be
pleased to move his Majestie, that but the 200. penny of Rents, and
the thousandth peny of Goodes might bee thus collected, to plant
New England, and but the tenth fish there taken, leaving || strangers
as they are. You might build ships of any burden and numbers you
please, five times cheaper then you can doe heere, and have good
marchandize for their fraught in this unknowne Land, to the advauncement
of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel, and the strengthening
and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without hurt to any:
To the terror of Pirates, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of
friends, the securing merchants, and so much increase of Navigation,
to make Englands Trade and Shipping, as much as any Nation in the
world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all
true subjects, and would cause thousands yet unborne, blesse the
time, and all them that first put it in practise.

Now, lest it should be obscured, as it hath bene, to private ends;
or so weakely undertaken, by our over-weening incredulitie, that


405

strangers may possesse it, whilst we contend for New Englands goods,
but not Englands good. I present this unto your Lordship,
[_]
6
and to all
the Lords in England, hoping (by your honorable good liking and
approbation,) to move all the worthy Companies of this noble City,
and all the cities and Countries in the whole Land to consider of it,
since I can find them wood, and halfe victuall with the aforesaide
advantages, with what facility they may build and maintaine this
little Navy Royall, both with honour, profite and content, and inhabit
as good a countrey as any in the world, within that parallell,
which with my life, and what I have, I will indevour to effect, if God
please, and you permit.

As for them whom pride or covetousnes lulleth asleepe in a
Cradle of slouthfull carelesnesse; would they but consider, how all
the great Monarchies of the Earth have bene brought to confusion:
or but remember the late lamentable experience of Constantinople;
and how many Cities, Townes, and Provinces, in the faire rich kingdomes
of Hungaria, Transilvania, and Wallachia; and how many
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, and Merchants, have
in one day, lost goods, lives, and honours: or solde for slaves, like
beasts in a market place; their wives, children and servants slain, or
wandering they knew not whither: dying, or living in all extreamities
of extreame miseries and calamities.

[_]
7
Surely, they would not
onely doe this, but give all they have, to enjoy peace and libertie at
home; or but adventure their persons abroade, to prevent the conclusions
of a conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth, and best
prevaileth, where he findeth wealth and plenty (most armed)
[_]
8
with
ignorance and securitie.

Much more I could say, but lest I should be too tedious to your
more serious affaires, I humbly crave your honorable and favorable
constructions and pardons, if any thing be amisse.

If any desire to bee further satisfied, they may reade my Description
of Virginia, and New England, and peruse them with their
severall Mappes; what defect you finde in them, they shall finde supplied
in mee, or in my Authors, that thus freely have throwne my
selfe, with my Mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not
doubting but God will || stirre up some noble spirits, to consider and
examine if worthy Collumbus could give the Spaniards any such certainties


406

for his dessigne, when Queene Isabell of Spayne set him forth
with fifteene saile: And though I can promise no mines of golde, yet
the warrelike Hollanders let us immitate, but not hate, whose wealth
and strength are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing.
Therefore (honourable and worthy Countrymen) let not the meannesse
of the word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good golde as
the mines of Guiana, or Tumbatu,
[_]
9
with lesse hazard and charge,
and more certaintie and facilitie: and so I humbly rest.

FINIS.

[_]

1. This paragraph is almost verbatim from the "Letter to Bacon" (see fol. 130r,
130rnn).

[_]

2. The reference is to John Dee's General and rare memorials pertayning to the Perfect
Arte of navigation
... (London, 1577), 23-24, the first section of which bears the title
"The Brytish Monarchie." There is material from Dee in both Richard Hakluyt, The
Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation
(London, 1598-
1600), and Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London,
1625). Smith seems to have borrowed directly from the original, probably by courtesy of
Purchas.

[_]

3. Baltimore is in Ireland.

[_]

4. There are several spots with that name on the Irish coast. This Black Rock is that
off Achill Island, County Mayo, and is on the Speed map of Kell.

[_]

5. See Tobias Gentleman, Englands way to win wealth ... (London, 1614). While
Smith appears to have borrowed little directly from the book, it is evident that Master
Gentleman and his fishmonger friends (see ibid., 46) could have supplied Smith with
information.

[_]

6. "The Sound" refers to the strait between Denmark and Sweden. Below, "Cape
Blanke" was the usual English version of Cabo Blanco, on the W coast of Africa in 21° N
latitude between Lévrier Bay, Mauritania, and the Atlantic.

[_]

7. The identity of Smith's other "Observers" is uncertain, but one of them may
have been John Keymor, an economic writer of the period, about whom little is known.
Tobias Gentleman writes that Keymor obtained information from him in 1612 or 1613,
which he had a "mind to shew ... unto the right Honourable Counsell" (Englands way,
3-4). Keymor, however, wrote his Observation made upon the Dutch fishing, about the year
1601
, which was not printed until 1664 (in London).

[_]

8. Regarding the marginal note "S.," Professor D. B. Quinn has called the editor's
attention to John Stoneman's account of Henry Challon's voyage to New England in
1606 and his capture by a Spanish fleet in the Straits of Florida. The duke of Medina
Sidonia (1550-1615) attempted to befriend Stoneman and a few others in Challon's
party (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1834-1835). Smith may have heard about this from Stoneman
personally or through Purchas.

[_]

1. This paragraph is certainly based on Keymor's Observation, 1. Smith apparently
had access to a MS copy.

[_]

2. By modern measurements, Holland and Zeeland have a combined area of c.
5,100 sq. mi.; Yorkshire, c. 6,100 sq. mi.

[_]

3. The paragraph is based on or drawn from Keymor's Observation, 2, with some
errors in copying. The correct names as listed by Keymor are: doggers (or dogger-boats),
pinks, well-boats, strand-boats, evers (not in the OED), galliots, drivers, and tode-botes.

[_]

4. Yarmouth (better known as Great Yarmouth, partly to distinguish it from Yarmouth
on the NW coast of the Isle of Wight) was and is a great fishing center in Norfolk
County, 32 km. (20 mi.) E of Norwich (see Gentleman, Englands way, 14-17).

[_]

5. Here again, Smith seems to have been dependent on Keymor (see Observation, 3).
Of the countries mentioned below, Pomerland is now Pomerania, on the Baltic Sea in
East Germany and Poland; Sprusland (or Sprussia), to the E, is part of Poland and the
U.S.S.R., formerly East Prussia; Lefland, also Livonia, is roughly the area now comprising
Latvia and Estonia; Suethland (for Swethland), is roughly modern Sweden (see
Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, for contemporary maps of these areas; and cf. the Generall Historie,
228n).

[_]

6. Here Smith takes up the text of his "Letter to Bacon" almost verbatim (fol. 130v).
"Island" was a common spelling of "Iceland."

[_]

7. The Azores -- from the name of the single island of Terceira.

[_]

8. Proofs 1 to 7 as they appear in the "Letter to Bacon" (fol. 131r-v) are repeated
with little or no change in both the first and the second editions of New Englands Trials
(sig. B2r-B3r), except as noted below.

[_]

9. The last sentence was added.

[_]

1. The clause "and because ... of the West" has been added.

[_]

2. The clause "which was taken by the Turkes" has been added. Cf. M. Oppenheim's
apropos remark: "The 'Turks,' the generic name for all Mahommedan pirates,
were said to have taken 466 British ships between 1609 and 1616" (M. Oppenheim, ed.,
The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson ... [Navy Records Society, Publications, XLIII
(London, 1913)], 101).

[_]

3. Smith's phrase is so unusual for the day that we may suspect that he heard or
saw something similar (cf. Shakespeare, Troilus and Cressida, II, iii, 2: "What, lost in the
labyrinth of thy fury?"). There are a few minor changes in this paragraph.

[_]

4. The passage "from France, ... foure thousand pounds" has been added.

[_]

5. The passage after the semicolon has been added.

[_]

6. The "Letter to Bacon" has "whereby the adventurers had noe loss" (fol. 131v).
In pointing out here that he himself had a considerable loss, which is explained at greater
length in the 1622 edition (sig. B3r), Smith admits to the full truth. It would have been
highly unwise to admit losses of any kind in his first appeal.

[_]

7. This paragraph has been partially rewritten.

[_]

8. From here to the second paragraph on sig. C1r, the text is quite new.

[_]

9. "At the first penny" means at "prime cost," i.e., at what would be normally a
wholesale price. Sailors were not paid wages on fishing voyages, but shares, determined
by an agreed scale. Prof. D. B. Quinn suggests that the figure "210o pounds" may be an
error for £210[.]o[s.], in view of the small "o" and the fact that £2,100 would be an
excessive amount for a cargo of fish.

[_]

1. This is some otherwise unrecorded voyage. The Hercules may have been the same
ship that accompanied Lord De La Warr to Virginia in 1610 (see R. H. Major, ed., The
Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia ..., by William Strachey
[Hakluyt Society, 1st
Ser., VI (London, 1849)], xxiii).

[_]

2. Norumbega first appeared on Verrazzano's brother's map of 1529 as Aranbega.
Then in 1542, Jean Alfonse (Jean Fontenau of Saintonge) explored the region and
stated that "fifteen leagues within this river [the Penobscot, in Maine] is a city called
Norombergue" (Frank T. Siebert, Jr., book review in the New England Quarterly, XVI
[1943], 503-504). Quickly, Norumbega became almost as famous as the populous and
wealthy Quivira of the Texas-Oklahoma-Kansas region, and just as unreal, though the
word itself is definitely of Penobscot Indian origin (ibid.). For a discussion of all aspects
of Norumbega, see Douglas R. McManis, European Impressions of the New England Coast,
1497-1620
, University of Chicago Department of Geography Research Paper No. 139
(Chicago, 1972), 49-67, and scattered earlier references. Here Smith most unusually
applies the name to "Virginia," as a convenient name for all of the coastal area of North
America between Spanish "Florida" and French "Canada." As is usual in Smith, "discovery"
means "exploration."

[_]

3. According to Purchas, Smith returned to England from soldiering on the Continent
"with one thousand Duckets in his purse" (Pilgrimes, II, 1370). Since he had
received 1,500 gold ducats from Zsigmond Báthory, it would appear that he had spent
500 ducats in his travels. The remaining 1,000 would have yielded him upwards of
£450, judging by various travelers' reports, and this would be in line with his statement
that he had spent £500 on Virginia (see the Generall Historie, 164, 166, and nn). (Note
that Edward Arber equated £500 with 1,500 ducats, but this would be closer to the rate
of exchange for silver ducats [Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English
Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), II, 869].)

[_]

4. The underlying idea of Smith's philosophical reflection is found in Robert
Burton's The Anatomy of Melancholy ..., "A true saying it is, 'Desire hath no rest;' ... [it
is] a perpetual rack, or a horse-mill, ... still going round as in a ring" ([London, 1621;
2d ed., "By Democritus Junior," 1624], Pt. 1, Sec. 2, Mem. 3, Subs. XI). Since there
were ties between Smith and Burton (see the Biographical Directory), it is possible that
the passage quoted put Smith's mind to work.

[_]

5. The parentheses are apparently merely for emphasis. At the end of this paragraph
a significant quotation is added in the second edition (see sig. C4vn, below; and
New Englands Trials [1622], sig. D1v, D1vn).

[_]

6. From here to the bottom of sig. C2r the text is again derived almost verbatim
from the "Letter to Bacon" (fols. 132r-133r), with "all men" being substituted for "your
Lordship."

[_]

7. The "Letter to Bacon" has 36,000 skins within four years; there is a good deal of
rewriting of the "Letter to Bacon" in the next 20 lines or so.

[_]

8. This was not included in the "Letter to Bacon." The reference is to coarse woolen
coverings, probably the kind called "Irish falinges" by William Strachey (The Historie of
Travell into Virginia Britania
, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Soc.,
2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 71); from the Gaelic fallaing, "mantle." See David Beers
Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), 23-24.

[_]

9. I.e., "pains, efforts"; the Indians could supply corn for food, and furs for profit.

[_]

1. This paragraph is somewhat clearer than the original in the "Letter to Bacon,"
fol. 132v.

[_]

2. The "Letter to Bacon" has "59. or 60.li in the 100. only by fishing," and below,
"spending twice so much time" is substituted for "spending as much time."

[_]

3. From here to the last two paragraphs (sig. C4r -- v) the text was reprinted in the
Generall Historie, 243-244, with some additions from New Englands Trials (1622), sig.
D3v-D4r. The references to John Dee's "Brytish Monarchie" (in Dee, Perfect Arte of navigation)
are as follows: to King Edgar, p. 56; to the little Navy Royall, p. 3; and to Pericles,
pp. 1, 11-12.

[_]

4. See Dee, "Brytish Monarchic," in Dee, Perfect Arte of navigation, 21-22.

[_]

5. See ibid., 13-15. The "hundred penny" would be 4d. on 400d. (400d. = 33s.
4d.); thus a servant earning 33s. 4d. annually would "spare" 4d. annually. As for the
"foreigners," there are references to Frenchmen, Dutchmen (Germans), Italians, and
Poles sent to Virginia from 1619 to 1621 (Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the
Virginia Company of London
[Washington, D.C., 1906-1935], III, see the Index, under
nationalities). Smith himself had had experience with Poles and Germans there in 1608-
1609.

[_]

6. Probably the earl of Bridgwater, although there does not seem to be any way of
knowing to which "Lordship" Smith was addressing his appeal here. The earl of Bridgwater
was not yet a privy councillor and was hardly in a position to "move all the worthy
Companies" of London.

[_]

7. Smith is obviously recalling his experiences in eastern Europe (see, for example,
the True Travels, 18).

[_]

8. The significance of the parentheses should certainly not be overlooked here.
Smith's meaning is that a "conquering foe ... best prevaileth where he findeth wealth
and plenty most equipped with ignorance and a false sense of security" -- the parentheses
indicating emphasis and pointing to the intentional sarcasm.

[_]

9. "Tumbatu" was in Smith's time a frequent English spelling of "Timbuktu" (today,
in the Republic of Mali). The city had been famous in Europe as a market of gold and
salt since the late 14th century. Smith had undoubtedly read about it in John Pory's translation
of J. Leo Africanus, A geographical historie of Africa (1606), later published in
Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 749-851. Every schoolboy knew about the riches of Guiana from
Sir Walter Ralegh (see The Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtiful Empyre of Guiana, with a
relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado)
... [London,
1596], which Richard Hakluyt reprinted in his Principal Navigations, III, 627-662).
Here, we can trace some of Smith's reading habits, as it happens. As a sequel to Ralegh's
Discoverie of Guiana, Hakluyt printed A Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana, by Laurence
Keymis (Principal Navigations, III, 666-667). Four pages below there is a quatrain, part
of George Chapman's "De Guiana carmen Epicum." The quatrain caught Smith's
fancy, and when he came to preparing the second edition of New Englands Trials he inserted
it as a bit of prose on sig. D1v, attributing it to Hakluyt himself (see New Englands
Trials
[1622]; and cf. sig. C1rn, above).