University of Virginia Library

Search this document 


  
  
  
  
  
  
  

  
  
  
 tp1. 
  
  
  
  
  
expand section 
  
expand section 
expand section 
  
  
 tp2. 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
expand section 
  
expand section 
expand section 
  
expand section 
 tp3. 
  
expand section 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
expand section 
  
expand section 
expand section 
  
  
 tp4. 
  
  
  
  
  
collapse section 
ADVERTISEMENTS: Or, The Path-way to Experience to erect a Plantation.
expand section 
  
  
expand section 
expand section 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
expand section 
  
expand section 
  
expand section 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
expand section 
  
  

ADVERTISEMENTS:
Or, The Path-way to Experience
to erect a Plantation.

Chapter 1.
What people they are that beginne this plantation:
the bane of Virginia: strange misprisions of wise men.

THE Warres in Europe, Asia, and Affrica,
taught me how to subdue the wilde salvages
in Virginia and New-England, in
America;

[_]
1
which now after many a stormy
blast of ignorant contradictors, projectors,
and undertakers, both they and I have
beene so tossed and tortured into so many
extremities, as despaire was the next wee
both ∥ expected, till it pleased God now at
last to stirre up some good mindes, that I
hope will produce glory to God, honour to his Majesty, and profit to
his Kingdomes, although all our Plantations have beene so foyled
[_]
2

and abused, their best good willers have beene for the most part discouraged,

270

and their good intents disgraced, as the generall History
of them will at large truly relate you.

Pardon me if I offend in loving that I have cherished truly, by
the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and youth: If it over-glad
me to see Industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged
endevours, not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of
discontented Brownists,

[_]
3
Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separatists,
and such factious Humorists, for no such they will suffer among
them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of them have assured mee, and
the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently
perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe.
[_]
No Brownist
nor Separatist
admitted.

I meane not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at New-Plimoth,
who although by accident, ignorance, and wilfulnesse, have
indured with a wonderfull patience, many losses and extremities;
yet they subsist and prosper so well, not any of them will abandon
the Country, but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers:
But of those which are gone within this eighteene moneths for Cape
Anne, and the Bay of the Massachusets: those which are their chiefe
Undertakers are Gentlemen of good estate, some of 500, some a
thousand pound land a yeere, all which they say they will sell for the
advancing this harmlesse and pious worke; men of good credit and
well-beloved in their Country, not such as flye for debt, or any scandall
at home, and are good Catholike Protestants according to the
reformed Church of England, if not, it is well they are gone: the rest
of them men of good meanes, or Arts, Occupations, and Qualities,
much more fit for such a businesse, and better furnished of all necessaries
if they arrive well, than was ever any Plantation went out of
England: I will not say but some of them may be more precise than
needs, nor that they all be so good as they should be, ∥ for Christ had
but twelve Apostles, and one was a traitor; and if there be no dissemblers
among them, it is more than a wonder: therefore doe not
condemne all for some; but however they have as good authority
from his Majesty as they could desire, if they doe ill, the losse is but
their owne; if well, a great glory and exceeding good to this Kingdome,
to make good at last what all our former conclusions have disgraced.
Now they take not that course the Virginia company did for
the Planters there, their purses and lives were subject to some few
here in London who were never there, that consumed all in Arguments,
Projects, and their owne conceits, every yeere trying new
conclusions, altering every thing yearely as they altered opinions, till
they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds, and
neere eight thousand mens lives.

[_]
What they are
that beginne
this Plantation.

[_]
The bane of
Virginia.


271

It is true, in the yeere of our Lord 1622. they were about seven
or eight thousand

[_]
4
English indifferently well furnished with most
necessaries, and many of them grew to that height of bravery,
[_]
5
living
in that plenty and excesse, that went thither not worth any thing,
made the Company here thinke all the world was Oatmeale
[_]
6
there,
and all this proceeded by surviving those that died, nor were they
ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here, and out of the juice of
Tabacco, which at first they sold at such good rates, they regarded
nothing but Tabacco; a commodity then so vendable, it provided
them all things: and the loving salvages their kinde friends, they
trained so well up to shoot in
[_]
7
a Peece, to hunt and kill them fowle,
they became more expert than our owne Country-men, whose
labours were more profitable to their Masters in planting Tabacco,
and other businesse.

This superfluity caused my poore beginnings scorned, or to be
spoken of but with much derision,

[_]
8
that never sent Ship from thence
fraught, but onely some small quantities of Wainscot, Clap-board,
Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Sope-ashes, Glasse, Cedar, Cypresse, Blacke
Walnut, Knees for Ships, Ash for Pikes, Iron Ore none better, some
Silver Ore, but so poore it was not regarded; better there may be, for
I was no Mine- ∥ ralist, some Sturgion, but it was too tart of the
Vinegar, which was of my owne store, for little came from them
which was good; and Wine of the Countries wilde Grapes, but it was
too sowre, yet better than they sent us any: in two or three yeeres but
one Hogshead of Claret.
[_]
9
Onely spending my time to revenge my
imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent salvages, who by my
cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribution, and to send any
offended my idle humour to James towne to punish at mine owne
discretion; or keepe their Kings and subjects in chaines, and make
them worke. Things cleane contrary to my Commission; whilest I
and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in discovering the
Countries about us, building of Forts, and such unnecessary fooleries,
where an Egge-shell (as they writ) had beene sufficient against such
enemies; neglecting to answer the Merchants expectations with
profit, feeding the Company onely with Letters and tastes of such
commodities as we writ the Country would afford in time by industry,
as Silke, Wines, Oyles of Olives, Rape, and Linsed, Rasons, Prunes,
Flax, Hempe, and Iron, as for Tabacco, wee never then dreamt of it.
[_]
The differences
betwixt my
beginning in
Virginia and
the proceedings
of my successors.


272

Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home with those
commodities, they kindly writ to me, if we failed the next returne,
they would leave us there as banished men, as if houses and all those
commodities did grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure,
with such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and most contrary
to that was fitting, we did admire how it was possible such wise
men could so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities
and impossibilities, making Religion their colour, when all
their aime was nothing but present profit, as most plainly appeared,
by sending us so many Refiners, Gold-smiths, Jewellers, Lapidaries,
Stone-cutters, Tabacco-pipe-makers, Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen,
with all their appurtenances, but materialls, and all those had
great summes out of the common stocke: and so many spies and
super-intendents over us, as if they supposed we would turne Rebels,
all stri- ∥ ving to suppresse and advance they knew not what: at last
got a Commission in their owne names, promising the King custome
within seven yeares, where we were free for one and twenty, appointing
the Lord De-la-ware for Governour, with as many great and
stately officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great Kingdome,
with good summes for their extraordinary expences; also
privileges for Cities, Charters for Corporations, Universities, Free-schooles,
and Glebe-land, putting all those in practice before there
were either people, students, or schollers to build or use them, or
provision and victuall to feed them were then there: and to amend
this, most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure but
twelve pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing the Company of all
such things as belonged to his trade, such jugling there was betwixt
them, and such intruding Committies their associats, that all the
trash they could get in London was sent us to Virginia, they being
well payed for that was good. Much they blamed us for not converting
the salvages, when those they sent us were little better, if not
worse, nor did they all convert any of those we sent them to England
for that purpose. So doating of Mines of gold, and the South Sea, that
all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to
ruine than they did themselves, with many more such like strange
conceits; by this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take
heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in the fire at
once, neither such change of Governours, nor such a multitude of
Officers, neither more Masters, Gentlemen, Gentlewomen, and
children, than you have men to worke, which idle charge you will
finde very troublesome, and the effects dangerous, and one hundred
good labourers better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me,
that could doe nothing but complaine, curse, and despaire, when
they saw our miseries, and all things so cleane contrary to the report
in England, yet must I provide as well for them as for my selfe.

[_]
A strange
mistake in wise
men.


273

Chapter 2.
Needlesse custome, effect of flattery, cause of misery,
factions, carelesse government, the dissolving the
Company and Patent.

THIS the Mariners and Saylers did ever all they could to conceale,
who had alwayes both good fare, and good pay for the
most part, and part out of our owne purses, never caring how long
they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces, when
wee lived upon a little corne and water, and not halfe enough of that,
the most of which we had from amongst the salvages. Now although
there be Deere in the woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowles in abundance
in their seasons; yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so broad,
and the beasts so wild, and wee so unskilfull to catch them, wee little
troubled them nor they us: for all this our letters that still signified
unto them the plaine truth, would not be beleeved, because they
required such things as was most necessary: but their opinion was
otherwayes, for they desired but to packe over so many as they could,
saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves, as for
good labourers they were more usefull here in England: but they
found it otherwayes; the charge was all one to send a workman as a
roarer,

[_]
10
whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get fish and
corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with
more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for
the most of them would rather starve than worke; yet had it not
beene for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry,
and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted.
[_]
The effect of
flattery, the
cause of misery.

Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having authority
that extended so farre as death: but I say, having neither meat,
drinke, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing, or preferment: and seeing
the Merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought
for, I know not what punishment could be greater than that they
indured; which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions, the most
part striving ∥ by any meanes to abandon the Country, and I with
my party to prevent them and cause them stay. But indeed the cause
of our factions was bred here in England, and grew to that maturity
among themselves that spoyled all, as all the Kingdome and other
Nations can too well testifie: Yet in the yeare 1622. there were about
seven or eight thousand English, as hathbeene said, so well trained,
secure, and well furnished, as they reported and conceited. These
simple salvages their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid
their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning, and upon the 22.


274

of March, so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty
seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and brought them to
that distraction and confusion within lesse than a yeare, there were
not many more than two thousand remaining: the which losse to repaire
the company did what they could, till they had consumed all
their stocke as is said; then they broke,
[_]
11
not making any account, nor
giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any,
whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate
businesse to a few that lost not by it; so that his Majesty recalled their
Commission, and by more just cause: then they perswaded King
James to call in ours, which were the first beginners without our
knowledge or consent, disposing of us and all our indevours at their
pleasures.
[_]
Take heed of
factions bred in
England.

[_]
The Massacre
in Virginia.

[_]
How the company
dissolved.

Chapter 3.
A great comfort to new England, it is no Iland:
a strange plague.

NOTWITHSTANDING since they have beene left in a manner, as
it were, to themselves, they have increased their numbers to
foure or five thousand, and neere as many cattell, with plenty of
Goats, abundance of Swine, Poultry and Corne, that as they report,
they have sufficient and to spare, to entertaine three or foure hundred
people, which is much better than to have many people more than
provision. Now having glutted the world with their too ∥ much over-abounding
Tabacco: Reason, or necessity, or both, will cause them,
I hope, learne in time better to fortifie themselves, and make better
use of the trials of their grosse commodities that I have propounded,
and at the first sent over: and were it not a lamentable dishonour so
goodly a Countrey after so much cost, losse, and trouble, should now
in this estate not bee regarded and supplied. And to those of New-England
may it not be a great comfort to have so neare a neighbour
of their owne Nation, that may furnish them with their spare cattell,
swine, poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from
England. But I feare the seed of envy, and the rust of covetousnesse
doth grow too fast, for some would have all men advance Virginia to
the ruine of New-England; and others the losse of Virginia to sustaine
New-England, which God of his mercy forbid: for at first it was intended
by that most memorable Judge Sir John Popham, then Lord
chiefe Justice of England, and the Lords of his Majesties Privy
Councel, with divers others, that two Colonies should be planted, as
now they be, for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences;


275

the which to performe, shal ever be in my hearty prayers to
Almighty God, to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt
them for ever.
[_]
The abundance
of victuals now
in Virginia.

[_]
A great comfort
for New
England by
Virginia.

By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected inconveniences
are incident to a plantation, especially in such a multitude
of voluntary contributers, superfluity of officers, and unexperienced
Commissioners. But it is not so, as yet, with those for New-England;
for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers, in that they are
overseers of their owne estates, and so well bred in labour and good
husbandry as any in England, where as few as I say was sent me to
Virginia, but these were naught here and worse there.

[_]
1

[_]
The differences
betwixt the
beginning of
Virginia, and
them of Salem.

"

[_]
2
Now when these shall have laid the foundations, and provided
"meanes beforehand, they may entertain all the poore artificers and
"laborers in England, and their families which are burthensome to
"their Parishes and Countries where they live upon almes and be"nevolence
for want of worke, which if they would but pay for their
"transportation, they ∥ should never be troubled with them more;
"for there is vast
[_]
3
land enough for all the people in England, Scot"land,
and Ireland: and it seemes God hathprovided this Country
"for our Nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not touch"ing
one Englishman, though many traded and were conversant
"amongst them; for they had three plagues in three yeares succes"sively
neere two hundred miles along the Sea coast, that in some
"places there scarce remained five of a hundred, and as they report
"thus it began:
[_]
A necessary
consideration.

[_]
New-England
is no Iland but
the maine
continent.

A fishing ship being cast away upon the coast, two of the men
escaped on shore; one of them died, the other lived among the natives
till he had learned their language: then he perswaded them to become
Christians, shewing them a Testament, some parts thereof
expounding so well as he could, but they so much derided him, that
he told them hee feared his God would destroy them: whereat the
King assembled all his people about a hill, himselfe with the Christian
standing on the top, demanded if his God had so many people
and able to kill all those? He answered yes, and surely would, and
bring in strangers to possesse their land: but so long they mocked
him and his God, that not long after such a sicknesse came, that of
five or six hundred about the Massachusets there remained but thirty,
on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty eight: the two remaining
fled the Country till the English came, then they returned and


276

surrendred their Countrey and title to the English: if this be not true
in every particular, excuse me, I pray you, for I am not the Author:
[_]
4

but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst
them; for where I have seene two or three hundred, within three
yeares after remained scarce thirty, but what disease it was the salvages
knew not till the English told them, never having seene, nor
heard of the like before.
[_]
A strange
plague among
the salvages.

Chapter 4.
Our right to those Countries,
true reasons for plantations, rare examples.

MANY good religious devout men have made it a great question,
as a matter in conscience, by what warrant they might goe to
possesse those Countries, which are none of theirs, but the poore
salvages. Which poore curiosity will answer it selfe; for God did
make the world to be inhabited with mankind, and to have his name
knowne to all Nations, and from generation to generation: as the
people increased they dispersed themselves into such Countries as
they found most convenient. And here in Florida, Virginia, New-England,
and Cannada, is more land than all the people in Christendome
can manure, and yet more to spare than all the natives of those
Countries can use and culturate.

[_]
5
And shall we here keepe such a
coyle
[_]
6
for land, and at such great rents and rates, when there is so
much of the world uninhabited, and as much more in other places,
and as good, or rather better than any wee possesse, were it manured
and used accordingly. If this be not a reason sufficient to such tender
consciences; for a copper kettle and a few toyes, as beads and
hatchets, they will sell you a whole Countrey; and for a small matter,
their houses and the ground they dwell upon; but those of the Massachusets
have resigned theirs freely.
[_]
By what right
wee may
possesse those
Countries lawfully.


Now the reasons for plantations are many; Adam

[_]
7
and Eve did
first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity,
but not without labour, trouble, and industry: Noah and his
family began againe the second plantation, and their seed as it still
increased, hathstill planted new Countries, and one Country another,
and so the world to that estate it is; but not without much
hazard, travell, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters: had
those worthy Fathers and their memorable off-spring not beene more

277

diligent for us now in those ages, than wee are to plant that yet unplanted
for after-livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our ∥ Saviour Christ Jesus and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers
to plant the Gospell wee so much professe, than we, even we our
selves had at this present beene as salvages, and as miserable as the
most barbarous salvage, yet uncivilized. The Hebrewes, Lacedemonians,
the Goths, Grecians, Romans, and the rest, what was it
they would not undertake to inlarge their Territories, inrich their
subjects, and resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of
those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no silvered idle
golden Pharisies, but industrious honest hearted Publicans, they regarded
more provisions and necessaries for their people, than jewels,
ease and delight for themselves; riches was their servants, not their
masters; they ruled as fathers, not as tyrants; their people as children,
not as slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let
none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances,
and what hathever beene the worke of the best great Princes of the
world, but planting of Countries, and civilizing barbarous and inhumane
Nations to civility and humanity, whose eternall actions fils
our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed
them by warres.
[_]
True reasons
for those plantations.

Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards that first began plantations
in this unknowne world of America till within this 140. yeares,

[_]
8
whose
everlasting actions before our eyes, will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude
to all posterity, and neglect of our duty and religion wee
owe our God, our King, and Countrey, and want of charity to those
poore salvages,
[_]
9
whose Countries we challenge, use, and possesse,
except wee be but made to marre what our forefathers made, or but
only tell what they did, or esteeme our selves too good to take the like
paines where there is so much reason, liberty, and action offers it
selfe, having as much power and meanes as others: why should
English men despaire and not doe so much as any? Was it vertue in
those Heros to provide that doth maintaine us, and basenesse in us
to doe the like for others to come? Surely no; then seeing wee are not
borne for our selves but each to helpe other, and our abilities are
much alike at the ∥ howre of our birth and minute of our death: seeing
our good deeds or bad, by faith in Christs merits, is all wee have to
carry our soules to heaven or hell: Seeing honour is our lives ambition,
and our ambition after death, to have an honourable memory
of our life: and seeing by no meanes wee would be abated of the
dignitie and glorie of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to
be worthily their successors, or at least not hinder, if not further them
that would and doe their utmost and best endevour.
[_]
Rare examples
of the Spaniards,
Portugals,
and the
Ancients.


278

Chapter 5.
[_]
1

My first voyage to new England, my returne and profit.

TO begin with the originals of the voyages to those coasts, I referre
you to my generall history; for New-England by the most of
them was esteemed a most barren rocky desart: Notwithstanding at
the sole charge of foure Merchants of London and my selfe, 1614.
within eight weekes sayling I arrived at Monahigan an Ile in America
in 43. degrees 39. minutes of Northerly latitude. Had the fishing for
Whale proved as we expected, I had stayed in the Country; but we
found the plots wee had, so false, and the seasons for fishing and trade
by the unskilfulnesse of our Pylot so much mistaken, I was contented,
having taken by hookes and lines with fifteene or eighteene men at
most, more than 60000. Cod in lesse than a moneth: whilest my selfe
with eight others of them might best be spared, by an houre glasse of
three moneths, ranging the coast in a small boat, got for trifles eleven
hundred Bever skins beside Otters and Martins; all amounting to the
value of fifteene hundred pound, and arrived in England with all my
men in health in six or seven moneths: But Northward the French
returned this yeare to France five and twenty thousand bevers and
good furres, whilest we were contending about Patents and Commissions,
with such fearefull incredulity that more dazeled our eyes
than opened them. In this voyage I tooke the description of the coast
as well by map as writing, and called ∥ it New-England; but malicious
mindes amongst Sailers and others, drowned that name with the
eccho of Nusconcus, Canaday, and Penaquid; till at my humble sute,
our most gracious King Charles, then Prince of Wales, was pleased
to confirme it by that title, and did change the barbarous names of
their principall Harbours and habitations for such English, that
posterity may say, King Charles was their Godfather; and in my
opinion it should seeme an unmannerly presumption in any that
doth alter them without his leave.

[_]
My first voyage
to Norumbega
now called
New-England.
1614.

[_]
We got 1500.
pound in six
moneths.

[_]
25000. Bevers
sent to France.

My second voyage was to beginne a Plantation, and to doe what
else I could, but by extreme tempests that bore neare all my Masts
by the boord, being more than two hundred leagues at Sea, was
forced to returne to Plimoth with a Jury-Mast. The third was intercepted
by English and French Pyrats, by my trecherous company
that betrayed me to them, who ran away with my Ship and all that
I had, such enemies the Sailers were to a Plantation, and the greatest
losse being mine, did easily excuse themselves to the Merchants in
England, that still provided to follow the fishing: much difference
there was betwixt the Londoners and the Westerlings to ingrosse it,
who now would adventure thousands, that when I went first would


279

not adventure a groat; yet there went foure or five good Ships, but
what by their dissention, and the Turkes men of warre that tooke the
best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved themselves this yeare.
At my returne from France I did my best to have united them, but
that had beene more than a worke for Hercules, so violent is the folly
of greedy covetousnesse.
[_]
My second and
third voyage.

[_]
1615.

[_]
1616.

Chapter 6.
[_]
2

A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations,
Land-marks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map.

THIS Country wee now speake of, lyeth betwixt 41. and 44 ½ the
very meane for heat and cold betwixt the Equinoctiall and the
North Pole, in which I have sounded about five and twenty very good
Harbors; in many ∥ whereof is Ancorage for five hundred good ships
of any burthen, in some of them for a thousand, and more than three
hundred Iles overgrowne with good timber, or divers sorts of other
woods; in most of them (in their seasons) plenty of wilde fruits, Fish,
and Fowle, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling
from their rockie foundations. The principall habitations I
was at North-ward, was Pennobscot, who are in warres with the
Terentines, their next Northerly neighbours. Southerly up the Rivers,
and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid,
Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca:
to those belong the Countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck,
Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck,
Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, etc. To
those are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus,
Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck, all these for any
thing I could perceive differ little in language or any thing, though
most of them be Sagamos, and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the
Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The
next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, then Cape
Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles Nawset and Capawuck, neere
which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into
the maine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous betwixt the
degrees of 40. and 41.

[_]
A description of
the Country.

Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth it selfe Southward
to Virginia, Florida, the West-Indies, the Amazons, and Brasele, to
the straits of Magelanus, two and fifty degrees Southward beyond the
Line; all those great Countries, differing as they are in distance North


280

or South from the Equinoctiall, in temper, heat, cold, Woods, Fruits,
Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of the night and day,
to six moneths day and six moneths night. Some say, many of those
Nations are so brute they have no Religion, wherein surely they may
be deceived, for my part I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the
world which had not Religion, Deare, ∥ Bowes, and Arrowes. Those
in New-England, I take it, beleeve much alike as those in Virginia,
of many divine Powers, yet of one above all the rest; as the Southerly
Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit,
Okee, but all their Kings Werowances. The Massachusets call their
great God Kichtan, and their Kings Sachemes; and that we suppose
their Devill, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots, their God,
Tantum, their Kings, Sagamos. About those Countries are abundance
of severall Nations and languages, but much alike in their simple
curiosities, living and workemanship, except the wilde estate of their
chiefe Kings, etc.
[_]
Under the
Equinoctiall,
twelve houres
day, and twelve
night.

[_]
Their Religion.

Of whose particular miserable magnificence, yet most happy in
this, that they never trouble themselves with such variety of Apparell,
Drinkes, Viands. Sawses, Perfumes, Preservatives, and nicities as we;
yet live as long, and much more healthfull and hardy: also the deities
of their chiefest Gods,

[_]
3
Priests, Conjurers, Religion, Temples, Triumphs,
Physicke, and Chirurgerie, their births, educations, duty of
their women, exercise for their men; how they make all their Instruments
and Engines to cut downe Trees, make their Cloaths, Boats,
Lines, Nets, Fish-books, Weres, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots,
Platters, Morters, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Swords, Clubs, Jewels,
and Hatchets. Their severall sorts of Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish,
Fowle, Roots, Berries, Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade,
what is most fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge
of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it, their best
countries to vent it for their best returnes; also the particulars for
every private man or family that goeth to plant, and the best seasons
to goe or returne thence, with the particular description of the salvages,
Habitations, Harbours, and Land markes, their Latitude,
Longitude, or severall distance, with their old names and the new by
the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their Kings, obedience of
their subjects, Lawes, executions, planting their Fields, Huntings,
Fishings, the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne; and
in generall, their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their
brute, barba- ∥ rous, and salvage dispositions: of all these particulars
you may reade at large in the generall History of Virginia, New-England,
and the Summer Iles, with many more such strange actions
and accidents, that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme

281

miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected, which though they
are but wound up as bottoms
[_]
4
of fine silke, which with a good needle
might be flourished
[_]
5
into a far larger worke, yet the Images of great
things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses.

Chapter 7.
[_]
6

New Englands yearely trials, the planting new Plimoth,
supprisals prevented, their wonderfull industry
and fishing.

FOR all those differences there went eight tall ships before I arrived
in England, from France, so that I spent that yeare in the West
Country, to perswade the Cities, Townes, and Gentrie for a Plantation,
which the Merchants very little liked, because they would
have the coast free only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were
doubtfull of their true accounts; oft and much it was so disputed, that
at last they promised me the next yeere twenty saile well furnished,
made me Admirall of the Country for my life under their hands, and
the Colonels

[_]
7
Seale for New-England; and in renewing their Letters
Patents, to be a Patentee for my paines, yet nothing but a voluntary
fishing was effected for all this aire.
[_]
1617.
Eight ships to
fish.

[_]
1618.

In those yeares many Ships made exceeding good voyages, some
in six moneths, others in five, but one of two hundred tunne in six
weeks, with eight and thirty men and boyes had her fraught, which
shee sold at the first penny

[_]
8
for one and twenty hundred pounds,
besides her Furres. Six or seven more went out of the West, and some
Sailers that had but a single share, had twenty pounds, and at home
againe in seven moneths , which was more than such a one should
have got in twenty moneths , had he gone for wages any where: yet
for all this, in all this time, though I had divulged to my great ∥ labour,
cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps, and
moved the particular Companies in London, as also Noblemen,
Gentlemen, and Merchants for a Plantation, all availed no more
than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels, so fresh were the living abuses
of Virginia and the Summer Iles in their memories.
[_]
1619.

[_]
1620.

[_]
Eight and
thirty men in
six weeks tooke
two thousand
one hundred
pounds worth
of fish.

At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed Brownists,


282

as they are tearmed, with some Gentlemen and Merchants of Layden
and Amsterdam, to save charges, would try their owne conclusions,
though with great losse and much miserie, till time had taught them
to see their owne error; for such humorists
[_]
9
will never beleeve well,
till they bee beaten with their owne rod.

They were supplied with a small Ship

[_]
1
with seven and thirty
passengers, who found all them
[_]
2
were left after they were seated,
well, all but six that died, for all their poverties: in this ship they
returned the value of five hundred pounds, which was taken by a
French-man upon the coast of England.
[_]
1621.

There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty saile, two from
London with sixty passengers for them at New-Plimoth, and all made
good voyages. Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty passengers
miscarrying twice upon the coast of England, came so ill
provided, they onely relyed upon that poore company they found,
that had lived two yeares by their naked

[_]
3
industry, and what the
Country naturally afforded; it is true, at first there hathbeene taken
a thousand Bayses
[_]
4
at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of
Herrings in a night, of other fish when and what they would, when
they had meanes; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling,
it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie themselves, resist
their enemies, and plant their plants.
[_]
1622.

[_]
Seven and
thirty saile to
fish.

In July, a many of stragling forlorne Englishmen, whose wants
they releeved, though wanted themselves; the which to requite,

[_]
5

destroyed their Corne and Fruits, and would have done the like to
them, and have surprised what they had; the salvages also intended
the like, but wisely they slew the salvage ∥ Captaines, and revenged
those injuries upon the fugitive English, that would have done the
like to them.

Chapter 8.
[_]
6

Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their estate,
they make good salt, an unknowne rich myne.

AT New-Plimoth, having planted there Fields and Gardens, such
an extraordinary drought insued, all things withered, that they
expected no harvest; and having long expected a supply, they heard


283

no newes, but a wracke split upon their Coast, they supposed their
Ship: thus in the very labyrinth of despaire, they solemnly assembled
themselves together nine houres in prayer. At their departure, the
parching faire skies all overcast with blacke clouds, and the next
morning, such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies,
that it was hard to say, whether their withered fruits or drooping
affections were most revived; not long after came two Ships to supply
them, with all their Passengers well, except one, and he presently
recovered; for themselves, for all their wants, there was not one sicke
person amongst them: the greater Ship they returned fraught with
commodities. This yeare went from England, onely to fish, five and
forty saile, and have all made a better voyage than ever.
[_]
1623.

[_]
Five and forty
saile to fish.

In this Plantation there is about an hundred and fourescore
persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry: their Towne
containes two and thirty houses, whereof seven were burnt, with the
value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods, impailed about
halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a
Watch-tower, well built of stone, lome, and wood, their Ordnance
well mounted, and so healthfull, that of the first Planters not one
hathdied this three yeares: yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being
an hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind at
Plimoth for want of good take heed,

[_]
7
thinking to finde all things
better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes in ∥ wandring
up and downe in frost and snow, wind and raine, among the woods,
cricks, and swamps, forty of them died, and threescore were left in
most miserable estate at New-Plimoth, where their Ship left them,
and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed,
[_]
8
whose misery
and variable opinions, for want of experience, occasioned much
faction, till necessity agreed them.
[_]
9
These disasters, losses, and uncertainties,
made such disagreement among the Adventurers in England,
who beganne to repent, and rather lose all, than longer
continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven thousand pounds,
accounting my bookes and their relations as old Almanacks. But the
Planters, rather than leave the Country, concluded absolutely to
supply themselves, and to all their adventurers pay them for nine
yeares two hundred pounds yearely without any other account;
where more than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more
than two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence. Since they
have made a salt worke, wherewith they preserve all the fish they

284

take, and have fraughted this yeare a ship of an hundred and fourescore
tun, living so well they desire nothing but more company, and
what ever they take, returne commodities to the value.
[_]
1624.

[_]
They make
store of good
salt.

Thus you may plainly see, although many envying I should
bring so much from thence, where many others had beene, and some
the same yeare returned with nothing, reported the Fish

[_]
10
and Bevers
I brought home, I had taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage
any from beleeving me, and excuse their owne misprisions,
some onely to have concealed this good Country (as is said) to their
private use; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my
discoveries and designes so publike for nothing, which might have
beene so well managed by some concealers, to have beene all rich ere
any had knowne of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have
beene my recompences, for which I am contented, so the Country
prosper, and Gods name bee there praised by my Country-men, I
have my desire; and the benefit of this salt and fish, for breeding
Mariners and building ∥ ships, will make so many fit men to raise a
Common-wealth, if but managed, as my generall history will shew
you; it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best Mine
the King of Spaine hathin his West Indies.
[_]
An incredible
rich mine.

Chapter 9.
Notes worth observation: miserablenesse no good
husbandry.

NOW if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have
befallen those plantations and my selfe, how oft up, how oft
downe, sometimes neere despaire, and erelong flourishing; how
many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace them,
bring them to ruine, or at least hinder them all they could; how many
have shaven and couzened

[_]
1
both them and me, and their most
honourable supporters and well-willers, cannot but conceive Gods
infinite mercy both to them and me. Having beene a slave to the
Turks,
[_]
2
prisoner amongst the most barbarous salvages, after my
deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers
and unknowne Nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions,
that the wiser sort often gave mee for lost, alwayes in mutinies, wants
and miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time prisoner
among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by my

285

selfe, and adrift, all such a stormy winter night when their ships were
split, more than an hundred thousand pound lost, wee had taken at
sea, and most of them drownd upon the Ile of Ree,
[_]
3
not farre from
whence I was driven on shore in my little boat, etc. And many a
score of the worst of winter moneths lived in the fields, yet to have
lived neere 37.
[_]
4
yeares in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine; by
which, many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and scarce
five living
[_]
5
of them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruits
of my labours thus well begin to prosper: Though I have but my
labour for my paines, have I not much reason both privately and
publikely to acknowledge it and give God thankes, whose omnipotent
power onely delivered me ∥ to doe the utmost of my best to make
his name knowne in those remote parts of the world, and his loving
mercy to such a miserable sinner.
[_]
Notes worthy
observation.

Had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of
gold, as I know many have done that knew no such matter; though
few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the
power nor care to defend it; or some new invention to passe to the
South sea, or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery;
or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques, or letters of
mart,

[_]
6
to rob some poore Merchant or honest fisher men; what multitudes
of both people and money would contend to be first imployed.
But in those noble indevours now how few, unlesse it bee to begge
them as Monopolies, and those seldome seeke the common good, but
the commons goods, as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the
generall history will shew. But only those noble Gentlemen and their
associates, for whose better incouragements I have recollected those
experienced memorandums, as an Apologie against all calumniating
detracters, as well for my selfe as them.
[_]
Goods ill gotten
ill spent.

Now since them called Brownists went, some few before them
also having my bookes and maps, presumed they knew as much as
they desired, many other directers they had as wise as themselves,


286

but that was best that liked their owne conceits; for indeed they
would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves,
pretending onely Religion their governour, and frugality their counsell,
when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity, and contempt
of authority; because they could not be equals, they would
have no superiours: in this fooles Paradise, they so long used that
good husbandry, they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies,
who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations, and
to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished to nothing,
to the great disparagement of the generall businesse, therefore
let them take heed that doe follow their example.
[_]
Miserablenesse
no good
husbandry.
[_]
7

Chapter 10.
[_]
8

The mistaking of Patents, strange effects,
incouragements for servants.

WHO would not thinke that all those certainties should not have
made both me and this Country have prospered well by this?
but it fell out otherwayes, for by the instigation of some, whose policy
had long watched their oportunity by the assurance of those profitable
returnes, procured new Letters Patents from King James, drawing
in many Noblemen and others to the number of twenty, for
Patentees, dividing my map and that tract of land

[_]
9
from the North
Sea to the South Sea, East and West, which is supposed by most
Cosmographers at least more than two thousand miles; and from 41.
degrees to 48. of Northerly latitude about 560. miles;
[_]
1
the bounds
Virginia to the South, the South Sea to the West, Canada to the
North, and the maine Ocean to the East; all this they divided in
twenty parts, for which they cast lots, but no lot for me but Smiths
Iles,
[_]
2
which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrowne with
such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them; without
either grasse or wood, but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars.
Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship should goe

287

thither to fish but pay them for the publike, as it was pretended, five
pound upon every thirty tuns of shipping, neither trade with the
natives, cut downe wood, throw their balast overboord, nor plant
without commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division
or Mannor; some of which for some of them I beleeve will be tenantlesse
this thousand yeare. Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers
of those projects, should have planted it selfe of it selfe, especially
all the chiefe parts along the coast the first yeare, as they have
oft told me, and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of
their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be
admitted under their protections: but it proved so contrary, none
would ∥ goe at all. So for feare to make a contempt against the Proclamation
it hathever since beene little frequented to any purpose,
nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe.
[_]
1625.

[_]
1626.

[_]
1627.

[_]
1628.

[_]
The effect of
the last great
Patent.

[_]
A Proclamation
for New-England.

Thus it lay againe in a manner vast,

[_]
3
till those noble Gentlemen
thus voluntarily undertooke it, whom I intreat to take this as a
memorandum of my love, to make your plantations so neere and
great as you can; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your
small parties can doe nothing availeable; nor stand too much upon
the letting, setting, or selling those wild Countries, nor impose too
much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines,
[_]
4
which commonly
eat out all poore mens labours, nor any other too hard imposition
for present gaine; but let every man so it bee by order
allotted him, plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, bee
it by the halfes
[_]
5
or otherwayes: And at the end of five or six yeares,
or when you make a division, for every acre he hathplanted, let him
have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you finde hee hath
extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever; all
his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good:
In so doing, a servant that will labour, within foure or five yeares
may live as well there as his master did here: for where there is so
much land lie waste, it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy,
or hire, or pay any thing more than an acknowledgement to whom
it shall be due; and hee is double mad that will leave his friends,
meanes, and freedome in England, to be worse there than here.
Therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be,
and true dealing, for it is the greatest comfort you can give them,
where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud, and
become odious to God and man; but mildly temper correction with
mercy, for I know well you will have occasion enough to use both;
and in thus doing, doubtlesse God will blesse you, and quickly triple
and multiply your numbers, the which to my utmost I will doe my
best indevour.
[_]
Memorandums
for masters.

[_]
Incourage-
ments for
servants.


288

Chapter 11.
The planting Bastable or Salem and Charlton,
[_]
6

a description of the Massachusets.

IN all those plantations, yea, of those that have done least, yet the
most will say, we were the first; and so every next supply, still the
next beginner: But seeing history is the memory of time, the life of
the dead, and the happinesse of the living;

[_]
7
because I have more
plainly discovered, and described, and discoursed of those Countries
than any as yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and
doe all men right so neere as I can in those new beginnings, which
hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine
dayes pamphlets.
[_]
1629.

[_]
The planting
Salem.

In the yeare 1629. about March, six good ships are gone with
350. men, women, and children, people professing themselves of good
ranke, zeale, meanes and quality: also 150. head of cattell, as horse,
mares, and neat beasts; 41. goats, some conies, with all provision for
houshold and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with
Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions
necessary for the good of man. They are seated about 42. degrees and
38. minutes, at a place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our
Royall King Charles, Bastable; but now by the planters, Salem;
where they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattell and all
things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond their expectation.

[_]
Their provisions
for
Salem.

At this place they found some reasonable good provision and
houses built by some few of Dorchester, with whom they are joyned
in society with two hundred men, an hundred and fifty more they
have sent to the Massachusets, which they call Charlton, or Charles
Towne: I tooke the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon I
called it Charles river, after the name of our Royall King Charles;
but they find that faire Channell to divide it selfe into so many faire
branches as make forty or fifty pleasant Ilands within that excellent
Bay, ∥ where the land is of divers and sundry sorts, in some places
very blacke and fat, in others good clay, sand and gravell, the superficies
neither too flat in plaines, nor too high in hils. In the Iles you
may keepe your hogs, horse, cattell, conies or poultry, and secure for
little or nothing, and to command when you list, onely having a care
of provision for some extraordinary cold winter. In those Iles, as in
the maine, you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where


289

you put no cattell; in the maine you may shape your Orchards, Vineyards,
Pastures, Gardens, Walkes, Parkes, and Corne fields out of the
whole peece as you please into such plots, one adjoyning to another,
leaving every of them invironed with two, three, foure, or six, or so
many rowes of well growne trees as you will, ready growne to your
hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a champion
[_]
8
you
could not in many ages; and this at first you may doe with as much
facility, as carelesly or ignorantly cut downe all before you, and then
after better consideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with
an excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many great
and small growing trees for your maineposts, to fix hedges, palisados,
houses, rales, or what you will; which order in Virginia hathnot
beene so well observed as it might: where all the woods for many an
hundred mile for the most part grow streight, like unto the high grove
or tuft of trees, upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight
Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of
Danbery, where I writ this discourse,
[_]
9
but much taller and greater,
neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe, and much good
ground betweene them without shrubs, and the best is ever knowne
by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth. Now in New-England
the trees are commonly lower, but much thicker and firmer
wood, and more proper for shipping, of which I will speake a little,
being the chiefe engine
[_]
1
wee are to use in this worke, and the rather
for that within a square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most
of the chiefe materials belonging to them, were they wrought to their
perfection as in other places.
[_]
The planting
Salem and
Charlton.

[_]
A description of
the Massachusets
Bay.

Of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent, requiring more art in
building, rigging, sayling, trimming, defending, and moaring, with
such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion,
not understood of any landman, as none would thinke of, but some
few that know them; for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar,
a booke most necessary for those plantations, because
there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but the Sea-termes,
charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed, and also any
indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter
or Sailer to build Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those
coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things
in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget. But to be excellent
in this faculty is the master-peece of all the most necessary workmen


290

in the world. The first rule or modell thereof being directed by God
himselfe to Noah for his Arke, which he never did to any other building
but his Temple, which is tossed and turned up and downe the
world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as a ship, sometimes
tasting the fury of the foure Elements, as well as shee, by unlimited
tyrants in their cruelty for tortures, that it is hard to conceive
whether those inhumanes exceed the beasts of the Forrest, the birds
of the Aire, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatnesse, swiftnesse,
fiercenesse or cruelty; whose actions and varieties, with such
memorable observations as I have collected, you shall finde with
admiration in my history of the Sea,
[_]
2
if God be pleased I live to finish
it.
[_]
The master-peece
of workmanship.


Chapter 12.
Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats,
increase of corne, how to spoyle the woods, for any thing,
their healths.

FOR the building houses, townes, and fortresses, where shall a
man finde the like conveniency, as stones of most sorts, as well
lime stone, if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone, smooth stone,
blew slate for covering houses, and great rockes we supposed Marble,
so that one place is called ∥ the marble harbour:

[_]
3
There is grasse
plenty, though very long and thicke stalked, which being neither
mowne nor eaten, is very ranke, yet all their cattell like and prosper
well therewith, but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grasse growing together,
which although they be good and sweet in the Summer, they
will deceive your cattell in winter; therefore be carefull in the Spring
to mow the swamps, and the low Ilands of Auguan,
[_]
4
where you may
have harsh sheare-grasse
[_]
5
enough to make hay of, till you can cleare
ground to make pasture, which will beare as good grasse as can grow
any where, as now it doth in Virginia; and unlesse you make this
provision, if there come an extraordinary winter, you will lose many
of them and hazard the rest, especially if you bring them in the latter
end of Summer, or before the grasse bee growne in the Spring, comming
weake from Sea.
[_]
6
All things they plant prosper exceedingly:

291

but one man of 13. gallons of Indian corne, reaped that yeare 364.
bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at which I much
wonder, having planted many bushels, but no such increase.
[_]
Extraordinary
meanes for
buildings.

[_]
Caveats for
cattell.

The best way wee found in Virginia to spoile

[_]
7
the woods, was
first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad round about the tree,
which pill off and the tree will sprout no more, and all the small
boughs in a yeare or two will decay, the greatest branches in the root
they spoyle with fire, but you with more ease may cut them from the
body and they will quickly rot: betwixt those trees they plant their
corne, whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts,
and heat of the Sunne, where that in the plaines, where the trees by
time they have consumed, is subject to both; and this is the most
easie way to have pasture and corne fields, which is much more fertile
than the other: in Virginia they never manure their overworne fields,
which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile: but in New-England
they doe, sticking at every plant of corne, a herring or two,
which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take
more than they know what to doe with.
[_]
How to spoyle
the woods for
pasture and
corne.

[_]
A silly complaint
of cold,
the reason and
remedy.

Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats,

[_]
8
complaine of the
piercing cold, especially in January and February, yet the ∥ French
in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders, Polanders, Germans, and
our neighbour Hollanders, are much colder and farre more Northward,
for all that,
[_]
9
rich Countreyes and live well. Now they have
wood enough if they will but cut it, at their doores to make fires, and
traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles,
where in Holland they have little or none to build ships, houses, or
any thing but what they fetch from forren Countries, yet they dwell
but in the latitude of Yorkshire, and New-England is in the heighth
of the North cape of Spaine, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues, or
600. miles
[_]
1
nearer the Sunne than wee, where upon the mountaines
of Bisky I have felt as much cold, frost, and snow as in England, and
of this I am sure, a good part of the best Countries and kingdomes of
the world, both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same
paralels of Virginia and New-England, as at large you may finde in
the 201. page
[_]
2
of the generall history.

Thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they have proceeded,
in which course by Gods grace they may continue; but great


292

care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell
nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet,
for therein is used much legerdemaine,
[_]
3
therefore in that you cannot
be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at Sea: in this
case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can
get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die,
for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger,
as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable experience,
although we have victualled them all at our owne charges.
[_]
Provisoes for
passengers and
saylers at sea.

Chapter 13.
Their great supplies, present estate and accidents,
advantage.

WHO would not thinke but that all those trials had beene sufficient
to lay a foundation for a plantation, but we see many
men many mindes, and still new Lords, new lawes: for those 350.
men with all their cat- ∥ tell that so well arived and promised so much,
not being of one body, but severall mens servants, few could command
and fewer obey, lived merrily of that they had, neither planting
or building any thing to any purpose, but one faire house for the
Governour, till all was spent and the winter approached; then they
grew into

[_]
4
many diseases, and as many inconveniences, depending
only of a supply from England, which expected Houses, Gardens, and
Corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment.
[_]
1630.

[_]
Their present
estate.

It is true, that Master John Wynthrop, their now Governour, a
worthy Gentleman both in estate and esteeme, went so well provided
(for six or seven hundred people went with him) as could be devised,
but at Sea, such an extraordinarie storme encountred his Fleet, continuing
ten daies, that of two hundred Cattell which were so tossed
and brused, threescore and ten died, many of their people fell sicke,
and in this perplexed estate, after ten weekes, they arrived in New-England
at severall times, where they found threescore of their
people dead, the rest sicke, nothing done, but all complaining, and
all things so contrary to their expectation, that now every monstrous
humor began to shew it selfe. And to second this, neare as many more
came after them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women
and children, as redoubled their necessities.

This small triall of their patience, caused among them no small
confusion, and put the Governour and his Councell to their utmost
wits; some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the
sight of a Crosse nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of


293

common Prayer. This absolute crue,
[_]
5
only of the Elect, holding all
(but such as themselves) reprobates and cast-awaies, now make more
haste to returne to Babel, as they tearmed England, than stay to
enjoy the land they called Canaan; somewhat they must say to excuse
themselves.
[_]
The fruits of
counterfeits.

Those he found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth, who are
now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well without want, some
two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for England, whose
clamors are as variable as their ∥ humours and Auditors; some say
they could see no timber of two foot diameter, some the Country is all
Woods, others they drunke all the Springs and Ponds dry, yet like to
famish for want of fresh water; some of the danger of the rattell
Snake; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased
to them that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers out of
others miseries; yet all that returned are not of those humors.

[_]
6

Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governour was no way disanimated,
neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes,
but did order all things with that temperance and discretion, and so
releeved those that wanted with his owne provision, that there is six
or seven hundred remained with him, and more than 1600. English
in all the Country, with three or foure hundred head of Cattell, as for
Corne they are very ignorant: If upon the coast of America, they doe
not before the end of this October

[_]
7
(for toies) furnish themselves with
two or three thousand bushels of Indian Corne, which is better than
ours, and in a short time cause the salvages to doe them as good
service as their owne men, as I did in Virginia, and yet neither use
cruelty nor tyranny amongst them;
[_]
8
a consequence well worth putting
in practice: and till it be effected, they will hardly doe well. I
know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this impossible taske,
ever since the massacre in Virginia, I have beene a suter to have
undertaken, but with 150. men, to have got Corne, fortified the
Country, and discovered them more land than they all yet know or
have demonstrated: but the Merchants common answer was, necessity
in time would force the Planters doe it themselves, and rather
thus husbandly
[_]
1
to lose ten sheepe, than be at the charge of a halfe
penny worth of Tarre.

Who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of Spaniards in
the West Indies, subdued millions of the inhabitants, so depopulating
those Countries they conquered, that they are glad to buy
Negroes in Affrica

[_]
2
at a great rate, in Countries farre remote from

294

them, which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any
in the world, yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants;
notwithstan- ∥ ding, there is for every foure or five naturall Spaniards,
two or three hundred Indians and Negros, and in Virginia and
New-England more English than salvages, that can assemble themselves
to assault or hurt them, and it is much better to helpe to plant
a country than unplant it and then replant it: but there Indians were
in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no other remedy; and ours
such a few, and so dispersed, it were nothing in a short time to bring
them to labour and obedience.
[_]
Note well.

It is strange to me, that English men should not doe as much as
any, but upon every sleight affront, in stead to amend it, we make it
worse; notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours, the better
sort there are constant in their resolutions, and so are the most of
their best friends here; and making provision to supply them, many
conceit they make a dearth here, which is nothing so; for they would
spend more here than they transport thither. One Ship this Summer
with twenty cattell, and forty or fifty passengers, arived all well, and
the Ship at home againe in nine weekes: another for all this exclamation
of want, is returned with 10000. Corfish, and fourescore Kegs of
Sturgion, which they did take and save when the season was neare
past, and in the very heat of Summer, yet as good as can be. Since
another ship is gone from Bristow, and many more a providing to
follow them with all speed.

Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they are in no
such distresse as is supposed: as for their mischances, misprisions, or
what accidents may befall them, I hope none is so malicious, as
attribute the fault to the Country nor mee; yet if some blame us not
both, it were more than a wonder; for I am not ignorant that ignorance
and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their profession
to censure (however)

[_]
3
any mans actions, who having lost the
path to vertue, will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way;
such incomparable connivency is in the Devils most punctuall
[_]
4

cheaters, they will hazard a joint,
[_]
5
but where God hathhis Church
they wil have a Chapel; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented, that I
have thus plainly adventured to shew my affe- ∥ ction, through the
weaknesse of my abilitie, you may easily know them by their absolutenesse
in opinions, holding experience but the mother of fooles, which
indeed is the very ground of reason, and he that contemnes her in
those actions, may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and
wisdome hee hathto correct his owne folly, that thinkes to finde

295

amongst those salvages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and
Buildings as are in England.

Chapter 14.
Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia, authority from
the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable
now called Salem.

NOW because I have spoke so much for the body, give me leave to
say somewhat of the soule; and the rather because I have beene
demanded by so many, how we beganne to preach the Gospell in
Virginia, and by what authority, what Churches we had, our order
of service, and maintenance for our Ministers, therefore I thinke it
not amisse to satisfie their demands, it being the mother of all our
Plantations, intreating pride to spare laughter,

[_]
6
to understand her
simple beginning and proceedings.
[_]
Ecclesiasticall
government in
Virginia.

When I went first to Virginia, I well remember, wee did hang
an awning (which is an old saile) to three or foure trees to shadow us
from the Sunne, our walls were rales of wood, our seats unhewed
trees, till we cut plankes, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two
neighbouring trees, in foule weather we shifted into an old rotten
tent, for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure

[_]
7

for new; this was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a
barne, set upon Cratchets,
[_]
8
covered with rafts, sedge, and earth, so
was also the walls: the best of our houses of the like curiosity,
[_]
1
but
the most part farre much worse workmanship, that could neither
well defend
[_]
2
wind nor raine, yet wee had daily Common Prayer
morning and evening, every Sunday two Sermons, and every three
moneths the holy Communion, till our Minister died, but our
Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundaies; we continued two or
three yeares after till more Preachers ∥ came, and surely God did
most mercifully heare us, till the continuall inundations of mistaking
directions, factions, and numbers of unprovided Libertines neere
consumed us all, as the Israelites in the wildernesse.

Notwithstanding, out of the relicks of our miseries, time and
experience had brought that Country to a great happinesse, had
they not so much doated on their Tabacco, on whose furnish foundation


296

there is small stability: there being so many good commodities
besides, yet by it they have builded many pretty Villages, faire
houses, and Chapels, which are growne good Benefices of 120. pounds
a yeare, besides their owne mundall
[_]
3
industry, but James towne was
500. pounds a yeare,
[_]
4
as they say, appointed by the Councell here,
allowed by the Councell there, and confirmed by the Archbishop of
Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all England,
Anno 1605. to master Richard Hacluit, Prebend of Westminster,
who by his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious,
and couragious Divine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified,
our wants and greatest extremities so comforted, that they
seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable
death.
[_]
Their estates at
this day.

Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach them
how to beware, and choice men,

[_]
5
wee most ignorant in all things, or
little better, therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our
defailements: For they write, they doubt not erelong to be able to
defend themselves against any indifferent enemy; in the interim,
they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods true Religion
(they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed,
the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and
diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and commendable
good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale
withall into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God, serve
the King, and love the Country; which done, in time from both those
Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England; but
Rome was not built in one day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull
as theirs, and to make them as eminent shall be my humble
and hearty prayers.
[_]
Their order of
teaching in
Salem.

But as yet it is not well understood of any authority they have
sought for the government and tranquillity of the Church, which doth
cause those suspicions of factions in Religion, wherein although I be
no Divine, yet I hope without offence I may speake my opinion as
well in this as I have done in the rest. He that will but truly consider
the greatnesse of the Turks Empire and power here in Christendome,
shall finde the naturall Turkes are generally of one religion, and the
Christians in so many divisions and opinions, that they are among
themselves worse enemies than the Turkes, whose dis-joyntednesse
hathgiven him that opportunity to command so many hundred
thousand of Christians as he doth, where had they beene constant to


297

one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians might have beene
more able to have commanded as many Turkes, as now the Turkes
doe poore miserable Christians. Let this example remember you to
beware of faction in that nature; for my owne part, I have seene many
of you here in London goe to Church as orderly as any.
[_]
The miserable
effects of faction
in Religion.

Therefore I doubt not but you will seeke to the prime authority
of the Church of England, for such an orderly authority as in most
mens opinions is fit for you both to intreat for and to have, which I
thinke will not be denied; and you have good reason, seeing you have
such liberty to transport so many of his Majesties subjects, with all
sorts of cattell, armes, and provision as you please, and can provide
meanes to accomplish, nor can you have any certaine releefe, nor
long subsist without more supplies from England. Besides, this might
prevent many inconveniences may insue, and would clearely take
away all those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many
good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not of; for you
know better than I can tell, that the maintainers of good Orders and
Lawes is the best preservation next God of a Kingdome: but when
they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption, that state is not
doubtfull but lamentable in a well setled Common-wealth, much
more in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the Lawes
corrupt, the state consumes.

[_]
The necessity
of order and
authority.

Chapter 15.
The true modell of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade,
true examples, necessity of expert Souldiers, the names
of all the first discoverers for plantations and
their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governour
of a plantation, the expedition of Queene Elizabeths
Sea Captaines.

IN regard of all that is past, it is better of those slow proceedings
than lose all,

[_]
6
and better to amend late than never; I know how
hatefull it is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatnesse to be advised, but
I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse, for making my opinion
plaine; I have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated
for the rest, the more they mislike it, the better I like it my selfe.
[_]
The effect of a
Citadell, or the
true modell of
a Plantation.

Concerning this point of a Cittadell, it is not the least, though
the last remembred: therefore seeing you have such good meanes and


298

power of your owne I never had, with the best convenient speed may
be erect a Fort, a Castle or Cittadell, which in a manner is all one;
towards the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every
man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely, and
some small matter out of every hundred of fish taken or used within
five or ten miles, or as you please about it, it being the Center as a
Fortresse for ever belonging to the State, and when the charge shall
be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker,
[_]
7
in reason, let him be Governour
for his life: the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like
manner in a most convenient place, and so one after another, as your
abilities can accomplish, by benevolences, forfeitures, fines, and impositions,
as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth;
all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of Churches,
Universities, and Hospitals, but all depending upon one principall,
and this would avoid all faction among the Superiours, extremities
from the comminalty, and none would repine at such payments,
when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and
security; as for corruption in so small a Government, you may quickly
perceive, and punish it accordingly.

Now as his Majesty hathmade you custome-free for seven
yeares, have a care that all your Country men shall come to trade
with you, be not troubled with Pilatage, Boyage, Ancorage, Wharfage,
Custome, or any such tricks as hathbeene lately used in most of
new Plantations, where they would be Kings before their folly; to
the discouragement of many, and a scorne to them of understanding,
for Dutch, French, Biskin,

[_]
8
or any will as yet use freely the Coast
without controule, and why not English as well as they: Therefore
use all commers with that respect, courtesie, and liberty is fitting,
which in a short time will much increase your trade and shipping to
fetch it from you, for as yet it were not good to adventure any more
abroad with factors till you bee better provided; now there is nothing
more inricheth a Common-wealth than much trade, nor no meanes
better to increase than small custome, as Holland, Genua, Ligorne,
and divers other places can well tell you, and doth most beggar those
places where they take most custome, as Turkie, the Archipelagan
Iles, Cicilia,
[_]
1
the Spanish ports, but that their officers will connive to
inrich themselves, though undoe the State.
[_]
The condition
of trade and
freedome.

In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes attending
your actions, some for one end, and some onely to finde fault; neglect
therefore no opportunity, to informe his Majesty truly your orderly
proceedings, which if it be to his liking, and contrary to the common
rumour here in England, doubtlesse his Majesty will continue you
custome free, till you have recovered your selves, and are able to


299

subsist; for till such time, to take any custome from a Plantation, is
not the way to make them prosper, nor is it likely those Patentees
shall accomplish any thing; that will neither maintaine them nor
defend them, but with Countenances, Councells, and advice, which
any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe, than one
thousand of them here who were never there; nor will any man, that
hathany wit, throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection, especially
at his owne cost and charges; but it is too oft seene that sometimes
one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two hundred not
sufficient to keepe one from being deceived.

I speake not this to discourage any with vaine feares, but could
wish every English man to carry alwaies this Motto in his heart; Why
should the brave Spanish Souldiers brag. The Sunne never sets in the
Spanish dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have
conquered for our King; who within these few hundred of yeares,
was one of the least of most of his neighbours; but to animate us to
doe the like for ours, who is no way his inferior; and truly

[_]
2
there is no
pleasure comparable to a generous spirit; as good imploiment in
noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels, to
see daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, stratagems,
releeve the oppressed, comfort his friends, passe miseries, subdue
enemies, adventure upon any feazable danger for God and his
Country: it is true, it is a happy thing to be borne to strength, wealth,
and honour, but that which is got by prowesse and magnanimity is
the truest lustre; and those can the best distinguish content, that have
escaped most honourable dangers, as if out of every extremity he
found himselfe now borne to a new life to learne how to amend and
maintaine his age.
[_]
The Spaniards
glory.

Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered

[_]
3
me in those perplexed
actions, that if I could not freely expresse my selfe to them
doth second them, I should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable
crime worse than ingratitude; however some overweining
capricious conceits, may attribute it to vaine-glory, ambition, or
what other idle Epithete such pleased to bestow on me: But such
trash I so much scorne, that I presume further to advise those, lesse
advised than my selfe, that as your fish and trade increaseth, so let
your forts and exercise of armes, drilling your men at your most convenient
times, to ranke, file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file,
manaples, battalia, or ambuskados, which service there is most
proper; also how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing
of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men,

300

especially your Gentlemen, and those you finde most capable, for
shot must be your best weapon, yet all this will not doe unlesse you
have at least 100. or as many as you can, of expert, blouded, approved
good Souldiers, who dare boldly lead them, not to shoot a ducke, a
goose, or a dead marke, but at men, from whom you must expect
such as you send. The want of ∥ this, and the presumptuous assurance
of literall Captaines,
[_]
4
was the losse of the French and Spaniards in
Florida, each surprising other, and lately neare the ruine of Mevis
and Saint Christophers in the Indies: also the French at Port Riall,
[_]
5

and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours: Lastly,
Cape Britton
[_]
6
not far from you, called New-Scotland. Questionlesse
there were some good Souldiers among them, yet somewhat was the
cause they were undone by those that watched the advantage of
opportunity: for as rich preyes make true men theeves;
[_]
7
so you must
not expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but by some
to bee attempted in the like manner: to the prevention whereof, I
have not beene more willing at the request of my friends to print this
discourse,
[_]
1
than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions
suting my calling and profession to make good, and Virginia
and New-England, my heires, executors, administrators and assignes.
[_]
Provisoes for
exercise of
armes.

Now because I cannot expresse halfe that which is necessary for
your full satisfaction and instruction belonging to this businesse in
this small pamphlet, I referre you to the generall history of Virginia,
the Summer Iles, and New-England; wherein you may plainly see
all the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and causes
of defailments of all those noble and worthy Captaines; Captaine
Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most renowned Knight Sir Richard
Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph Layne, and learned Master Hariot,
Captaine John White, Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine
Martin Pring, and George Waymouth,

[_]
2
with mine owne observations
by sea, rivers and land, and all the governours that yearely succeeded
mee in Virginia. Also those most industrious Captaines, Sir
George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates, with all the governours
that succeeded them in the Summer Iles. Likewise the plantation of
Sagadahock, by those noble Captaines, George Popham, Rawley
Gilbert, Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, James Davis, John Davis,
and divers others, with the maps of those Countries: with it also you

301

may finde the plantations of Saint Christophers, Mevis, the Berbados,
and the great river of the Amazons, whose greatest defects, and the
best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded, to be warnings
and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand.

[_]
A reference to
the actions of
all our prime
discoverers and
planters.

This great worke, though small in conceit,

[_]
3
is not a worke for
every one to mannage such an affaire, as make a discovery, and plant
a Colony, it requires all the best parts of art, judgement, courage,
honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well;
some are more proper for one thing than another, and therein best
to be imployed, and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing
and misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Curtes,
Pitzara, Zotto,
[_]
4
Magellanus, and the rest, served more than an
apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts
in the West Indies, which to the wonder of all ages, succesfully they
effected, when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds
opinion, being instructed but by relation, scorning to follow their
blunt examples, but in great state, with new inventions came to
shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in
other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I
say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse, state, nor
greatnesse, but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us
from imitating the others brave spirits, that advanced themselves
from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great
Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates on earth,
and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory, power, and renowne.
[_]
What is requisite
to be in a
Governour of a
plantation.

Till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote and dispersed
plantations such great booties and honours, to the incomparable
Sir Francis Drake, the renowned Captain Candish, Sir
Richard Luson,

[_]
5
Sir John Hawkins, Captaine Carlile, and Sir Martin
Furbisher, etc. and the most memorable and right honourable Earles,
Cumberland, Essex, Southampton, and Nottingham that good Lord
Admirall, with many hundreds of brave English Souldiers, Captaines
and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to doe the
like: Those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the
first blow, when they see peace was onely but an empty name, and
no sure league, but impuissance to doe hurt, found it better to buy
peace by warre, than take it up at interest of those could better guide
penknives than use swords; and there is no misery worse than be
conducted by a foole, or commanded by a coward; for who can
indure to be assaulted by any, see his men and selfe imbrued in their
owne bloud, for feare of a checke, ∥ when it is so contrary to nature
and necessity, and yet as obedient to government and their Soveraigne,

302

as duty required. Now your best plea is to stand upon your
guard, and provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing:
if you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for one in
your retreat, wherein there is more discipline, than in a brave charge;
and though it seeme lesse in fortune, it is as much in valour to defend
as to get, but it is more easie to defend than assault, especially in
woods where an enemy is ignorant. Lastly, remember as faction,
pride, and security, produces nothing but confusion, miserie and dissolution;
so the contraries well practised will in short time make you
happy, and the most admired people of all our plantations for your
time in the world.
[_]
The expeditions
of Queene
Elizabeths Sea-Captaines.

John Smith writ this with his owne hand.
[_]
6
FINIS.

Errata.

Page 3. The Company in England say 7. or 8. thousand: the Counsell
in Virginia say but 2200. or thereabouts.

[_]

1. The engravings above, of Zsigmond Báthory's seal and of Smith's coat of arms,
are presumably included to attest to Smith's experience in "Warres in Europe, Asia, and
Affrica."For information on these heraldic devices, see the True Travels, AIv, 15, 16.

[_]

2. Trampled down, frustrated.

[_]

3. Followers of Robert Browne (1550?–1633?), the separatist Puritan regarded as
the founder of Congregationalism.

[_]

4. See the Errata, p. 40, below.

[_]

5. Splendor, ostentation.

[_]

6. "Think everything was delightful" (proverbial); see Joseph Swetnam, The
araignment of... women
(London, 1615), iii.

[_]

7. Obsolete construction for "shoot with."

[_]

8. The type of sarcasm that follows is rare with Smith. Above, read: "beginnings
to be scorned."

[_]

9. I.e., the company had sent but one hogshead of claret in two or three years.

[_]

10. A noisy, riotous bully. Cf. the Generall Historie, 238, 238n.

[_]

11. I.e., "went broke."

[_]

1. Arber reads: "but those [that] were naught here and worse there"(Edward
Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, The English Scholar's Library
Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 932), which seems hardly called for. "Naught," as
often, means "vicious, immoral."

[_]

2. As Ronald B. McKerrow points out, quotation marks were "frequently used at
the beginnings of lines to call attention" to side remarks, and therefore should not be
"closed" (An Introduction to Bibliography, 2d ed. [Oxford, 1928], 316–317).

[_]

3. A form of "waste" chiefly found in Scots.

[_]

4. The author was William Bradford; see the Generall Historie, 233n.

[_]

5. Cultivate; the only instance of this word cited in the OED.

[_]

6.Variant of "coil," a noisy disturbance, tumult.

[_]

7. The passage from here to the end of the chapter is reprinted from the Description of N.E.,
59–61.

[_]

8. The specific reference to 140 years is not in the Description of N.E. — more correctly,
139 years, 1492 to 1631.

[_]

9. Smith's plea for "charity to those poore salvages," i.e., uncivilized people, should
be noted.

[_]

1. This chapter is based on the Generall Historie, 204–205, 221–223, with minor
additions.

[_]

2. This chapter is also based on the Generall Historie, Bk. VI, but much condensed
and rearranged.

[_]

3. Smith's reason for listing the many aspects of Indian life that follow is not given
until the top of page 16: "of all these particulars you may reade at large in the generall
History of Virginia. ..."

[_]

4. Skcins, balls.

[_]

5. Worked, embellished.

[_]

6. Smith reworked New Englands Trials (1622) for this chapter.

[_]

7. Arber suggests "Colony's" for the unlikely "Colonels" (Smith, Works, 941), but
Richard Arthur Preston seems to see nothing wrong with the text as it is Gorges of
Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges
... [Toronto, 1953], 401, n. 48). The correct
title would have been "Council's".

[_]

8. See New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B4rn, for a suggestion as to the meaning.

[_]

9. Smith's disparagement of the Pilgrims by use of the term "humorists" (persons
subject to humors) was equivalent to calling them fanatics.

[_]

1. The Fortune arrived at Cape Cod on Nov. 9, 1621.

[_]

2. Arber suggests "that" after "them" (Smith, Works, 941).

[_]

3. Mere.

[_]

4. "Bass."

[_]

5. Read: "though they wanted themselves; the which to requite them, destroyed.
..."

[_]

6. Chap. 8 is largely reworked from the Generall Historie, 247, and the True Travels,
46–47, with some new material.

[_]

7. The use of this phrase as a noun is recorded as early as c. 1592 in the OED, in the
works of Henry Smith, the Puritan divine, who died in 1591. Above, "within which
within" is probably a printer's error.

[_]

8. Smith has embellished what he published in New Englands Trials (1622), sig.
B4v, here adding the distance from Plymouth to Cape Cod ("nine leagues," or 27 statute
mi. — almost exactly the distance from Plymouth to Provincetown according to modern
maps).

[_]

9. This transitive use of "to agree" is now obsolete.

[_]

10. Read: "reported that the Fish and Bevers I brought home I had taken," etc.

[_]

1. Fleeced and cheated.

[_]

2. Everett Emerson cites the passage from here to the end of the paragraph as a
"vigorous expression" of Smith's outlook in 1631 (Captain John Smith [New York, 1971],
114).

[_]

3. Smith is closer here to the French name "Île de Ré" than he was in his previous
accounts.

[_]

4. From 1595 to early 1631 would be 37 years as elapsed time was counted in Smith's
day.

[_]

5. Three survivors of the original colonists, in addition to John Smith, can be
identified with some certainty: George Percy, esq., and John Martin, captain, both died
in 1632, while John Laydon, a laborer, lived on at least until 1636. Anthony Gosnold,
cousin of Bartholomew, is known to have been living in 1623 in England, but after that
he is lost sight of. For scholarly sources and discussion of the survival rate in early Virginia,
see Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia
(New York, 1975),115n, and Appendix, 396n.

[_]

6. Surely, "letters of marque."

[_]

7. Samuel Purchas may supply a clue to what Smith meant: Purchas spoke of
people who "with miserableness seeke a blessed life" (Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations
Of The World
... [London, 1614], 2d ed., I, xiii, 74), which could have been applicable
to the Pilgrim fathers. If Smith had this in mind, by "husbandry" he surely meant
"management, administration."

[_]

8. Chap. 10 is completely new, as is a large part of the rest of the book.

[_]

9. The reference here is to Sir William Alexander's patent of 1621, covering Nova
Scotia and part of Canada, and to the map that accompanied his The Mapp and Description
of New-England
(London, 1630), the New England section of which bears some resemblance
to John Smith's map of 1614. Charles M. Andrews describes Alexander as
"temperamental and imaginative," and the patent as "incredible" (The Colonial Period
of American History
[New Haven, Conn., 1934–1938], 1, 314–315).

[_]

1. Since John Smith knew that seven degrees of latitude represented 420 nautical
mi. (see p. 28, below), the "560 miles" here must mean the distance along the coast. This,
however, would have been far greater than Smith could have estimated, due to his hazy
idea of the longitude of the places he had visited, and consequently of the easterly trend
of the Atlantic coast between New York Bay and Conception Bay, Newfoundland.

[_]

2. Now called Isles of Shoals, off the New Hampshire coast.

[_]

3. "Waste"; see p. 9n, above.

[_]

4. Supply ships, or storehouses.

[_]

5. Here the meaning of "by the halfes" probably is "in part."

[_]

6. For a modern summary of these events, see Frances Rose-Troup, John White, the
Patriarch of Dorchester [Dorset] and the Founder of Massachusetts, 1575–1648
(New York,
1930), 94–174.

[_]

7. Smith's aphorism on history seems to be his own, though it may have been
influenced by John Florio, commenting on Cicero: "History ... is the testimony of
Tyme, the light of veritie, the life of memory, the guide of tyme, the messenger of
antiquity" (Florio his Firste Fruites [London, 1578], 52).

[_]

8. Variant of "champaign," a common name for open country or a clearing.

[_]

9. Danbury is about five miles E of Chelmsford; Sir Humphrey Mildmay was a
royalist gentleman and a diarist, known for his hospitality; Smith may have met him
through Robert Bertie, whose wife was a niece of a first cousin of Sir Humphrey's (see
Philip Lee Ralph, Sir Humphrey Mildmay, Royalist Gentleman: Glimpses of the English Scene,
1633–1652
[New Brunswick, N.J., 1947]).

[_]

1. Here meaning "tool" or "instrument," as often in Smith. See the beginning of
the next paragraph.

[_]

2. No trace of this work has yet been found.

[_]

3. This "place" is now called Marblehead, but the "marble" is in reality gray
granite (The Origin of Massachusetts Place Names, United States Work Projects Administration
[New York, 1941], 29).

[_]

4. At or near modern Ipswich, c. 15 mi. (24 km.) N of Salem.

[_]

5. A kind of sharp-edged grass that cuts the hands of workers and the mouths of
cattle.

[_]

6. The reference is, of course, to the cattle.

[_]

7. Destroy. Smith goes on to describe the Indian technique of girdling.

[_]

8. Not in the OED; Smith most likely knew the Latin past participle of educare (to
bring up children, etc.), but did not know how to handle it. The meaning is obvious.

[_]

9. Read: "yet for all that," etc.

[_]

1. Smith's "New-England" was practically limited to the Atlantic coast between
41° and 45° N latitude, the "North cape of Spaine" [Cape Finisterre] lies at 42° 54' N,
and England stretches from 50° to nearly 56°, with London at 51° 31' N as against 41° 28'
for New London, Connecticut. The 10° involved do amount to 600 nautical mi., as Smith
observes, but what nobody of his day realized is that latitude has little to do with temperature
unless meteorological elements are taken into consideration.

[_]

2. This should read "pages 210–211."

[_]

3. Trickery, deception.

[_]

4. Here meaning, "fell by degrees into."

[_]

5. Tyrannical band; cf. Milton's Paradise Lost, XII, 38: "A crew ... to tyrannize."

[_]

6. Here meaning, "cast of mind."

[_]

7. Sc., 1630; Smith died eight months later.

[_]

8. This condition is a significant reflection of Smith's attitude toward the Indians.

[_]

1. Frugally [and unwisely].

[_]

2. Smith apparently disapproved of the slave trade, but shared the then common
scornfulness toward "Negroes."

[_]

3. The parentheses here are to indicate emphasis: "in any way whatsoever."

[_]

4. Here meaning, "punctilious."

[_]

5. This phrase is not in the OED; however, the meaning seems to be that when the
Devil's cheaters join with goodwilled men in worthy enterprises, they will maliciously
bring about internal dissension.

[_]

6. Begging pride not to laugh.

[_]

7. The tent supplied by the investors was supposed to be new but turned out instead
to be old.

[_]

8. Poles with forked tops.

[_]

1. Elegance-here, ironical.

[_]

2. Keep out.

[_]

3. Mundane, mundial, worldly.

[_]

4. The amount seems too large, but the dispensation for Hakluyt and Hunt does not
mention the stipend involved (see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the
First Charter, 1606–1609
[Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge,
1969)], I, 62–64).

[_]

5. I.e., "to teach them how to be wary and how to choose men," etc.

[_]

6. This loosely constructed clause should probably read: "it is better off with those
slow proceedings than to have lost all."

[_]

7. I.e., reimbursed to the chief entrepreneur.

[_]

8. Biscayan.

[_]

1. For Italian "Sicilia," Sicily.

[_]

2. The passage from here to the end of the paragraph has been singled out by
Everett Emerson as Smith's greatest expression of his principles and practice (Captain
John Smith
, 118).

[_]

3. Confused — in origin, a variant of "blunder." Below, in the same sentence, read:
"expresse my selfe to them who doth second them. ..."

[_]

4. Here, probably meaning "captains in name only."

[_]

5. Port Royal (now Annapolis Royal) is on the Bay of Fundy, Nova Scotia.

[_]

6. Obviously modern Cape Breton.

[_]

7. John Lyly has, "Is it not the prey that enticeth the theefe to rifle" (Euphues. The
Anatomy of Wit
[1579], ed. Edward Arber [Birmingham, 1868], 63), but the proverbial
phrasing seems to be Smith's.

[_]

1. John Haviland, the printer of the Advertisements, may well have been one of the
"friends." He had also printed the True Travels and had a hand in the Generall Historie.

[_]

2. It is noteworthy that Sir Walter Ralegh's name does not appear here, even after
a dozen years.

[_]

3. Concept.

[_]

4. Hernando de Soto.

[_]

5. Sir Richard Leveson; Smith's spelling is phonetic.

[_]

6. This is the fifth time Smith thus signed a work, or a part of a work. See the
Generall Historie, 39n.