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Newe England is a part of America

[_]
8
betwixt the degrees of 41
and 45. the very meane betweene the North Pole and the line: From
43 to 45. The Coast is mountaynous rockye, barren and broken Isles
that make many good Harbours, the water being deepe close to the
shore. There is many Rivers and freshe springs[,] a fewe Savages,
but an incredible aboundance of fish fowles, wilde fruits and good
store of Timber./

From 43 to 41 ½ an excellent mixed Coast of stone sand and
Clay, much Corne, many people, some Isles[,] many good harbors[,]
a temperate aire, yron and steele;

[_]
9
oare and many other such good
blessings, that having but men skilfull to make them simples there
growing,
[_]
1
I dare ingage myselfe to finde all things belonging to the
building and rigging of Shippes of any proportion and good Merchandize
for their fraught within a square of 10. or 14. leagues./.

25. Harbors I sounded: 30 severall Lordshipps I sawe, and as
nere as I could imagine 3000 men. I was upp one River fortie myles,

[_]
2

crossed the mouthes of many whose heads, the Inhabitants report
are great Lakes where they kill their beavers inhabited with many
people that trade, with them of New England and those of Cannada.
[_]
3


379

The benefitt of fishing:

         
The Hollanders raise yearely by fishing
(if Records be true) more then 
2000000.li 
From Newfound land at the least  400000. 
From Island and the North Sea  150000 
From Hamborough  20000 
|| From Cape Blanke  10000 

Those five places doe serve all Europe as well the land Townes as
Ports and all the Christian shipping with these sorts of Staple fish
which is transported from whence it is taken many a thousand
myle[:]

       
Herring  Mullet 
Poore John  Purgos 
saltfish  Caviare 
Sturgeon  Buttargo 

Now seing

[_]
4
all these sortes of fish may be had in a land more
fertile, temperate and plentifull of all naturall things for the building
of Shipps boates howses and the nourishment for man only for a litle
labour or the most part of the cheife materialls, the seasons are so
propper and the fishing so neare the habitations we may there
make./.

That new England hath much advantage of the most of those
parts to serve all Europe farr cheaper then they can who have neither
wood[,] salt[,] nor foode but at a great rate[,] nothing to helpe them
but what they carry in their shipps 2 or 300 leagues from their habitacion?
noe Port or harbor but the mayne sea: Wee the fishing at our
dores and the helpe of the land for woods, water, fruites, fowle,
Corne or what we want to refresh us when we list: And the Terceras
Mederas Canaries Spaine Portugall Province Savoy, Cicilia and all
Italye as convenient Marketts for our drye fish Greenefish Sturgeon
Mullett and Buttargo as Norway Swethland Luttuania Polonia Denmarke
or Germany for their Herring, which is here also in aboundance
for taking; they retourning but wood, Pitch Tarre Soape
ashes, Cordage and such grosse commodityes: we wynes, oyles Sugars
Silkes and such marchandize as the Straits afford, whereby our
profitt may equallize theirs. || Besides the infinite good by increase of
Shipping and Marriners this fishing

[_]
5
would breede. And imployment
for the surplusage of many of his Majesties unruely Subjects.
And that this may be, these are my proofes. (Vizt)
[_]
6

In the yeare 1614, with two shippes I went from the Downes the
third of March and arrived in New England the last of Aprill. I had


380

but 45. men and boyes[,] we built seven boates[,] 37. did fish[,] my
selfe with 8. others raunging the Coast. I made this mappe; gott the
acquaintance of the Inhabitants, 1000 Beaver skinns, 100 Martins,
and as many Otters. 40000 of drye fish we sent for Spaine with the
Saltfish, Traine oyle and furres./. I retourned for England the 18 of
July, and arrived safe, with my Company in health in the latter end
of August. Thus in six moneths I made my voyage out and home,
and by the labour of 45 men gott neere the value of 1500.li in lesse
then three moneths in those grosse Commodityes./.
[_]
7

[_]
1 proofe
1614

In the yeare 1615 the Londoners uppon this sent 4 good Shipps
and intertayned

[_]
8
the men who retourned with me. They sett saile in
Januarye and arrived there in March and found fish inough till halfe
June; fraughted a Shipp of 300. Tonnes which they sent for Spaine[.]
one went to Virginia to releive that Collonye and two came home
with Saltfish, Trayne oyle, furres, and the salt remayned
[_]
9
within six
moneths.
[_]
2 proofe
1615

The same yeare I sett forth from Plymouth with a Shippe of 200
and one of 50 to inhabitt the Countrie according to the Tenor of his
Majesties Comission granted to the west parts of England.

[_]
1
But ill
weather breaking all my M-a-stes
[_]
2
forced me to retourne againe to
Plymouth where reimbarking || myselfe in a small barke but of 60
Tonnes I passed the English Pyrats and the French, but at last I was
betrayed by fowre Frenchmen of warr who kept me Prisoner that
Sommer and so overthrew my voyage and Plantation. During which
tyme my Viceadmirall that sett forth in March arrived there in May.
came home fraught with fish[,] Trayne oyle[,] Beavers skinnes[,] and
all her men safe in August within 6 moneths and odd dayes./.
[_]
3 proofe
1615

The Londoners ere I retourned sent two shippes more in July to
trye the winter:

[_]
3
but such courses they tooke by the Canaries, and
the Indies, it was 10 moneths ere they arrived, wasting in that tyme
their seasons, victuall and healthes: yet within 3 moneths after the
one retourned nere fraught with fish Trayne oyle and Beavers./.
[_]
4 Proofe
1616

From Plymouth went 4 Shipps only to fish and trade[,] some in
February some in March[,] one of 200 Tonnes gott thither in a
moneth and went full fraught for Spaine with drye-fish, the rest
retourned all well and safe and all full fraught, with Fish furres and
oyle in five moneths and odd dayes./.

[_]
5 Proofe
1616

From London went two more one of 220 Tonnes gott thither in


381

6. weekes and within 6 weekes after with 44 men was fraughted with
Fish, furres and oyle[,] and was againe in England within 5 moneths
and a fewe dayes./.
[_]
4

[_]
6 Proofe
1616

Being at Plymouth provided with 3 good Shippes I was winde
bound nere 3 monethes as was many a 100 sayle more so that the
season being past I sent my Shippes to Newfound land whereby the
adventurers had noe losse./.

[_]
5

[_]
7 Proofe
1617

There is 4. or 5. saile gone thither this yeare to fish and trade:
from || London also there is one gone only to fish and trade, each
Shippe for her particuler designe and their private endes, but none
for any generall good, where neither to Virginia nor the Bermudas
they make such hast[e]./.

[_]
1618

By this your Lordship

[_]
6
may perceive the ordinary performance
of this voyage in 6 monethes, the plenty of Fish that is most certainely
approved,
[_]
7
and if I be not misinformed from Cannada and Newe
England, within these 4 yeares hath bene gotten by the French and
English nere 36000 Beavers skinnes;
[_]
8
That all sortes of Timber for
shipping is most plentifully there; All those which retourned can
testifye, and if ought of this be untrue is easily proved./.

The worst is

[_]
9
of these 16. Shippes, 2 or three of them have bene
taken by Pyrates, which hath putt such feare in poore fishermen,
whose powers are but weake. And the desyre of gaine in Marchants
so violent; everyone so regarding his private, that it is worse then
slaverye to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring them
into a bodye, rule, or order, unles it be by some extraordinary power.
But if his Majestie would please to be perswaded to spare us but a
Pinnace, to lodge my men in and defend us and the Coast from such
invasions, the space of eight or tenn monethes only till we were
seated, I would not doubt but ere long to drawe the most part of
Newfound Land men to assist us, if I could be so provided but in due
season: for now ere the Savages grow subtle and the Coast be too
much frequented || with strangers, more may be done with 20.li then
hereafter with a 100li.

The charge

[_]
1
of this is only Salt, Netts, Hookes, Lynes, Knives[,]
Course Cloth, beades, glasse, hatchetts and such trash[,] only for
fishing and trade with the Savages, that have desyred me to inhabitt
where I will. And all these Shippes have bene fished within a square

382

of two leagues, the Coast being of the same Condicion the length of
two or 3 hundred Leagues, where questionles within one hundred
500 sayle may have their fraught, better then in Iseland Newfounde
lande or elswhere, and be at their marketts ere the other can have
their fish in their Shippes. From the west part of England the Shippes
goe for the third part, that is when the voyage is done the goods are
divided into three parts. (vizt) one third for the Shippe: one for the
Company, the other for the victualer, whereby with a stock of 5000.li.
I goe forth with a charge of 15000.li. so the transporting this Collonye,
will cost litle or nothing, but at the first, because the fishing will goe
forward, whether we plant it or noe. for the fishers report it to be the
best they knowe in the Sea, and the land in a short tyme may be more
profitable.
[_]
The charge.

[_]
The facilitye
of this
Plantation.

Now if a Shippe can gaine 59. or 60.li. in the 100. only by fishing,
spending as much tyme in going and coming as in staying there, were
I there planted seing the Fish || in their seasons serveth the most part
of the yeare, and with a litle labour, I could make all the salt I need
use, I can conceive noe reason to distrust, but double and triple their
gaines, that are at all the former charge and can fish, but two
monethes. And if those doe give 20. 30. or 40s for an Acre of grounde,
or Shipp Carpenters, Forgers of yron or Steele, that buy all thinges
at a deare rate grow rich, when they may have as good of all needfull
necessaryes for taking, in my opinion should not growe poore, and
noe commoditye in Europe doth decay more then wood./.

Thus Right Honorable and most worthy Peere[,]

[_]
2
I have
throwne my Mite into the Treasure of my Countries good beseeching
your Lordship well to consider of it, and examine whether Columbus
could give the Spaniards any such Certaintyes for his grounds, when
he gott 15. sayle
[_]
3
from Queene Isabell of Spaine when all the great
judgments of Europe refused him: And though I can promise noe
mynes of gold, the Hollanders are an example of my projects, whose
endevoures by fishing cannot be suppressed by all the kinge of
Spaynes golden powers. Truth is more then wealth and industrious
Subjects are more availeable to a king then gold. And this is so certaine
a course to gett both, as I thinke was never propounded to any
State for so small || a charge, seeing I can prove it, both by examples,
reason and experience. How I have lived, spent my tyme and bene
imployed, I am not ashamed who will examine. Therefore I humbly
beseech your Honor, seriously to consider of it; and lett not the
povertie of the Author, cause the action to be lesse respected, who
desyres noe better fortune then he could finde there./.


383

In the interim I humbly desyre your Honor would be pleased to
grace me with the title of your Lordshipps servant: Not that I desyre
to shutt upp the rest of my dayes in the chamber of ease and idlenes,
but that thereby I may be the better countenanced for the prosecution
of this my most desyred voyage: for had I but the Patronage of
so mature a judgment as your Honors, it would not only induce those
to believe, what I know to be true in this matter, who will now hardly
vouchsafe the perusal of my relations; but also be a meanes to further
it to the uttermost of their powers with their purses. And I shalbe
ever ready to spend both life and goods for the honor of my Country,
and your Lordships service. With which resolucion I doe in all
humility rest,

At your Honors service

[_]
4

[_]

1. John Smith to Sir Francis Bacon, C.O. 1/1, 3886, fols. 129-133, Public Record
Office. Bacon was made Baron Verulam on July 12, 1618, 28 weeks after his appointment
as lord chancellor, and was created Viscount St. Albans in Jan. 1621.

[_]

2. I. e., since 1598 or 1599; in 1616 he put it "neere twice nine yeares" (Description
of N.E.
, sig. ¶3r).

[_]

3. The meaning is: "with a capital of £5,000, I would dare to undertake to carry
out the project outlined here."

[_]

4. Read: "But great desires to monopolize the business have bred so many peculiar
notions that the investors have had their way, I have had losses, and the general good
has suffered."

[_]

5. A Spanish document dated Dec. 1616 confirms the existence of contacts, with an
eye to whale fishing, between shipowners in the province of Guipúzcoa (capital, San
Sebastián) and John Smith (see Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith
[Boston, 1964], 475; and Fragments, in Vol. III).

[_]

6. A reference to his captaincy, earned in the Balkan "Long War" (True Travels, 7).

[_]

7. This signature seems to be autographic. The tenor of Smith's appeal to Bacon
bears comparison with the dedication William Strachey attached to a copy of his "Historie
of Travaile," now published as The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia ..., ed.
R. H. Major (Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser. [London, 1849]), which he sent to the lord
chancellor about the same time.

[_]

8. The text of this paper, as Smith calls it, is by and large that of the first edition of
New Englands Trials (1620). All variations between the two that amount to more than a
few words are pointed out in the notes below.

[_]

9. The passage "yron and steele ... myselfe to finde" is omitted in New Englands
Trials
(1620), sig. B1r.

[_]

1. The sense seems to be "men to make use of the native (wild) products available
there, particularly as medicines." Cf. the Description of N.E., 10.

[_]

2. Augusta, Maine, 44 mi. up the Kennebec River, is on the site of Indian Cushnoc,
at the head of the tide. Smith seems not to have recorded the name, although he must
have stopped not far from there.

[_]

3. At the end of this paragraph, New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B1v, has half a page
inserted that was based on John Dee's "Brytish Monarchie," followed by a page and a
half derived from Tobias Gentleman's England's way to win wealth ... (London, 1614)
and (apparently) a MS copy of John Keymor's Observation made upon the Dutch fishing,
about the year 1601
..., which was not printed until 1664 (see New Englands Trials [1620],
sig. B1vn, B2r, B2rnn).

[_]

4. From here to the top of fol. 131r the MS text is virtually copied in New Englands
Trials
(1620), sig. B2v-B3r.

[_]

5. The phrase "this fishing," omitted by Smith's scrivener, was added in the margin.

[_]

6. "Vizt." is an obsolete form of "viz."

[_]

7. A sentence is added here in New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B3r.

[_]

8. Here, merely "hired."

[_]

9. The afterthought regarding the salt is deleted in New Englands Trials (1620), sig.
B3r, instead of explained.

[_]

1. The passage "to inhabitt ... parts of England" is omitted at the bottom of sig.
B3r, ibid.

[_]

2. The significance (if any) of the macron in "M-a-stes" is not apparent.

[_]

3. This was the crux of the question of New England colonial schemes (see the
editor's Introduction, above).

[_]

4. What happened to the other is explained in New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B3v.

[_]

5. Sc., from Plymouth. Ibid., sig. B4r, clarifies this paragraph somewhat, omitting
the afterthought regarding Virginia, etc., at the end and adding more than two pages
of post-1618 material.

[_]

6. Cf. ibid., sig. C1r, where the phrase "your Lordship" is replaced by "all men."

[_]

7. Obsolete for "demonstrated, proved."

[_]

8. Ibid., sig. C1r, has "neare twenty thousand."

[_]

9. Cf. ibid., sig. C1v, where this paragraph is rewritten.

[_]

1. Cf. ibid., where the MS letter, from here to the middle of fol. 133r, is followed
with little change.

[_]

2. Part of the ensuing peroration has been used in the concluding paragraphs of
New Englands Trials (1620) (beginning at the bottom of sig. C2r), but the personal appeal
to Bacon is of course missing.

[_]

3. Columbus had only 3 ships on his first voyage, but there were 17 in the second
fleet in 1493, with a total of 1,500 aboard.

[_]

4. Smith's scrivener miscopied the word as "serivice." There is occasional other
evidence of some haste in preparation.


384