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THE PROCEEDINGS of the English Colony in Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of Thomas Studly Cape-marchant, Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniel Powell, William Phetiplace, and Richard Pot, with the laboures of other discreet observers, during their residences.
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203

THE PROCEEDINGS
of the English Colony in Virginia,
taken faithfully out of the writings of
Thomas Studly
[_]
1
Cape-marchant,
Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell,
Nathaniel Powell, William Phetiplace,
and Richard Pot, with the laboures
of other discreet observers, during
their residences.

Chapter 1.

IT might wel be thought, a countrie so faire
(as Virginia is) and a people so tractable,
would long ere this have beene quietly
possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers,
and the eternizing of the memorie
of those that affected it. But because all
the world doe see a defailement;

[_]
2
this following
Treatise shall give satisfaction to
all indifferent
[_]
3
readers, how the businesse
hath beene carried, where no doubt they
will easily understand and answer to their question, howe it came to
passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold,

[_]
4
the first mover of this plantation,
having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found
small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Master
Edward Maria Wingfield, Captaine John Smith,
[_]
5
and diverse others
who depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be
effected, till by their great charge and industrie it came to be apprehended

204

by certaine of the Nobilitie, || Gentrie, and Marchants, so
that his Majestie by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing
Councels, to direct here, and to governe, and to execute
there; to effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that time, three
ships were provided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace
of 20.
[_]
6
The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine
Christopher Newport,
[_]
7
a Marriner well practised for the westerne
parts of America. But their orders for governement were put in
a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they
arived in Virginia.
[_]
8

[_]
The first mover
of the action.

[_]
Orders for
government.

On the 19 of December, 1606.

[_]
9
we set saile, but by unprosperous
winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which
time, Master Hunt
[_]
1
our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few
expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from
his habitation (the time we were in the downes) and notwithstanding
the stormie weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some
few, little better then Atheists,
[_]
2
of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested
against him, all this could never force from him so much as a
seeming desire to leave the busines, but preferred the service of God,
in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse
foes, whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed) had
even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then
arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations
(but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those
flames of envie, and dissention.

Wee watred

[_]
3
at the Canaries,
[_]
4
wee traded with the Salvages at
Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selvs amongst

205

these west-India Iles;
[_]
5
in Gwardalupa
[_]
6
we found a bath so hot, as in
it we boiled porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Ile called
Monica,
[_]
7
we tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare 2 hogsheads
full of birds in 3 or 4 houres. In Mevis,
[_]
8
Mona, and the Virgin
Iles, we spent some time, where with a lothsome beast like a Crocadil,
called a Gwayn,
[_]
9
Tortoses, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily
feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was
not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had three daies passed
their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine Ratcliffe (Captaine
of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme to returne
for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all
good actions, forcing them by an extream storme to hul all night, did
drive them by his providence to their desired port, beyond all their
expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. The first
land they made they called Cape Henry; where anchoring, Master
Wingfield, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others, recreating themselves
on shore, were assalted by 5 Salvages, who hurt 2 of the English
very dangerously.
[_]
1
That night was the box opened, and the
orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfeild,
Christopher Newport, John Smith, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and
George Kendall, were named to bee the Councell, and to choose a
President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should
governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Jurie, || but
determined by the major part of the Councell in which the Precedent
[_]
2

had 2 voices. Untill the 13 of May they sought a place to plant
in,
[_]
3
then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfeild was chosen
Precident, and an oration made, whie Captaine Smith was not admitted
of the Councell as the rest.
[_]
Monica an unfrequented
Ile
full of birds.

[_]
Their first
landing.

[_]
Matters of
government.

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort,


206

the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some
provide clapbord
[_]
4
to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets,
etc. The Salvages often visited us kindly. The Precidents overweening
jealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but
the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the
extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport,
with Smith, and 20 others, were sent to discover the head of the river:
by divers smal habitations they passed, in 6 daies they arrived at a
towne called Powhatan, consisting of some 12 houses pleasantly
seated on a hill; before it 3 fertil Iles, about it many of their cornefields.
The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place
the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this
place the river is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of
the Rockes and Iles, there is not passage for a smal boate, this they
call the Falles.
[_]
5
The people in al parts kindly intreated them, til
being returned within 20 miles of James towne, they gave just cause
of jealousie,
[_]
6
but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then
those at the fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for
at the fort, where they arived the next day, || they found 17 men hurt,
and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse
barre shot
[_]
7
from the ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst
them that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine, being
securely all at worke, and their armes in drie fats.
[_]
8

[_]
The discovery
of the Falles
and Powhatan.

[_]
The Fort
assalted by the
Salvages.

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed,
the ordinance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for
many were the assaults, and Ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our
men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages
by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toile wee had,
with so smal a power to guard our workmen adaies, watch al night,
resist our enimies and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut
downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corne, etc. I referre
to the readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner,
Captaine Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was
to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from
their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner upon


207

the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe
[_]
9
(envying his repute)
who fained he intended to usurpe the governement, murder the
Councell, and make himselfe king, that his confederats were dispearsed
in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that
revealed it, would affirme it, for this he was committed. 13 weekes
he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne
they pretended out of their commisserations,
[_]
1
to referre him to the
Councell in England to receave a || check,
[_]
2
rather then by particulating
his designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life,
or utterly overthrowe his reputation; but he much scorned their
charitie, and publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie. Hee
wisely prevented their pollicies, though he could not suppresse their
envies, yet so wel he demeaned himselfe in this busines, as all the
company did see his innocencie, and his adversaries malice, and
those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation;
many untruthes were alleaged against him; but being so apparently
disproved begat a generall hatred in the harts of the company against
such unjust commanders; many were the mischiefes that daily
sprong from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good
doctrine and exhortation of our preacher Master Hunt reconciled
them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell;
[_]
3

the next day all receaved the Communion, the day following the
Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned
for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607.
[_]
Captaine Newports
returne
for England.

The names of them that were the first planters,
were these following.

    Councell.

  • Master Edward Maria Wingfield.
  • Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll.
  • Captaine John Smyth.
  • Captaine John Ratliffe.
  • Captaine John Martin.
  • Captaine George Kendall.
  • || Master Robert Hunt Preacher.

208

    Gentlemen.

  • Master George Percie.
  • Anthony Gosnoll.
    [_]
    4
  • Captaine Gabriell Archer.
  • Robert Ford.
  • William Bruster.
  • Dru Pickhouse.
  • John Brookes.
  • Thomas Sands.
  • John Robinson.
  • Ustis Clovill.
  • Kellam Throgmorton.
  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Robert Behethland.
  • Jeremy Alicock.
  • Thomas Studley.
  • Richard Crofts.
  • Nicholas Houlgrave.
  • Thomas Webbe.
  • John Waler.
  • William Tankard.
  • Francis Snarsbrough.
  • Edward Brookes.
  • Richard Dixon.
  • John Martin.
    [_]
    5
  • George Martin.
  • Anthony Gosnold.
  • Thomas Wotton, Sierg.
    [_]
    6
  • Thomas Gore.
  • Francis Midwinter.

    Carpenters.

  • || William Laxon.
  • Edward Pising.
  • Thomas Emry.
  • Robert Small.
  • Anas Todkill.
  • John Capper.
    [_]
    7

209

  • James Read, Blacksmith.
  • Jonas Profit, Sailer.
  • Thomas Couper, Barber.
  • John Herd, Brick layer.
  • William Garret, Bricklayer.
  • Edward Brinto, Mason.
  • William Love, Taylor.
  • Nicholas Skot, Drum.

    Labourers.

  • John Laydon.
  • William Cassen.
  • George Cassen.
  • Thomas Cassen.
  • William Rods.
  • William White.
  • Ould Edward.
  • Henry Tavin.
  • George Golding.
  • John Dods.
  • William Johnson.
  • William Unger.
  • William Wilkinson. Surgeon.

    Boyes.

  • Samuell Collier.
  • Nathaniel Pecock.
  • James Brumfield.
  • Richard Mutton.

with diverse others to the number of 105.

[_]

1. On Studley, see p. 15n, below.

[_]

2. Failure.

[_]

3. Unbiased, impartial.

[_]

4. Bartholomew Gosnold, seven or eight years Smith's senior, has been considered
the prime mover of the Jamestown colony (see Philip L. Barbour, "Bartholomew Gosnold,
Prime Mover of the Jamestown Colony," in Warner F. Gookin and Philip L. Barbour,
Bartholomew Gosnold, Discoverer and Planter, New England -- 1602, Virginia -- 1607 [Hamden,
Conn., 1963], 191-218; and the Biographical Directory).

[_]

5. Smith placed his own name first in the Generall Historie, 41.

[_]

6. According to Purchas, the ships were the Susan Constant (the flagship, with 71
men aboard), the Godspeed (commanded by Gosnold, with 52 men), and the Discovery
(with 21), for a total of 144 men (Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His
Pilgrimes
... [London, 1625], IV, 1705). It has since been learned that the Susan Constant
was rated at 120 tons (Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter,
1606-1609
[Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I,
55).

[_]

7. See the Biographical Directory.

[_]

8. This practice of secrecy, undoubtedly designed to protect the authority of the
ship captain during the voyage, was to give rise to chaos in 1609 when the flagship,
carrying the governor, his staff, and his orders, was wrecked on Bermuda, leaving Jamestown
without any authorized leadership (see pp. 93-94, below).

[_]

9. George Percy wrote, "On Saturday[,] the twentieth of December ... the fleet
fell from London" (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).

[_]

1. For Robert Hunt, M.A., see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 60-64; and the
Biographical Directory.

[_]

2. "Atheist" seems to be merely a broad term of opprobrium here.

[_]

3. A not uncommon spelling of "watered."

[_]

4. In 1629 Smith wrote that he had been in the Canaries, apparently in 1604 (True
Travels
, 39). These ships watered there early in 1607. And on sailing from the Canaries,
Smith was restrained as a prisoner (p. 5, below), perhaps for making some "impertinent"
suggestion based on his previous experience. Anyone who disagreed with self-important
gentlemen was "mutinous." See Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John
Smith
(Boston, 1964), 112-115, for suggestions as to what may have happened.

[_]

5. According to Percy, the fleet reached the West Indies on Mar. 23 and "disimboged"
out of them on Apr. 10 (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685-1686; and Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 129-133).

[_]

6. Guadeloupe.

[_]

7. Islote del Monito, Puerto Rico.

[_]

8. Nevis; "Mevis" was a frequent misreading of the Spanish name, Nieves.

[_]

9. Iguana.

[_]

1. The two Englishmen were Capt. Gabriel Archer and Matthew Morton, a sailor
who later became a ship captain (see the True Relation, sig. A3r; and the True Travels, 49).

[_]

2. "Precedent" and "precident," below, were variant spellings of "president."

[_]

3. A spot called Archer's Hope at the mouth of modern College Creek just below
Jamestown Island was considered a better site by Bartholomew Gosnold and others (see
Charles E. Hatch, Jr., "Archer's Hope and the Glebe," Virginia Magazine of History and
Biography
, LXV [1957], 467-484; and Percy's "Observations," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV,
1688). Obviously, Gabriel Archer spotted the place; and the name "hope" was still
applied to a small bay or river mouth (Old English h-o-p related to modern Icelandic hóp,
"broad bay at the mouth of a river" [Jan de Vries, Altnordisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch
(Leiden, 1958), 248]).

[_]

4. Clapboards were short, split oak staves used for cooperage and wainscoting.
Virginia, it was hoped, would replace the Baltic as a major source.

[_]

5. A handy and well-illustrated article on the region is Robert L. Scribner, "Belle
Isle," Virginia Cavalcade, V (Winter, 1955), 8-14.

[_]

6. Anxiety, apprehension.

[_]

7. A "crosse barre shot" was a round shot with "a long spike of Iron cast with it as if
it did goe thorow the middest of it" (Sea Grammar, 67). Purchas states in a marginal note
here, "I have also M[aster] Wingfields notes of these affaires: but would not trouble the
Reader here with things more then troublesome there" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1706). These
notes are presumably the same as or similar to the documents now in Lambeth Palace
Library (London) and printed in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 213-234.

[_]

8. In this instance, "drie fats" refers to casks for stacking guns.

[_]

9. "Chiefe" was used elliptically for "the chief people." See p. 3n, above.

[_]

1. I.e., they pretended their plan was in Smith's interest.

[_]

2. Reprimand.

[_]

3. While Master Hunt undoubtedly had something to do with Smith's admission to
the council, he is not specifically mentioned in the "Relatyon," attributed to Gabriel
Archer, which was sent to England with Newport on June 22; and Smith's chronology
is inaccurate. Smith was sworn one of the council on Wed., June 10, 1607; the following
Sun., June 14, two Indians came up, unarmed, and stated that four of the neighboring
chiefs would help promote peace with five unfriendly chiefs (naming them); the colonists
received the communion a week later, on Sun., June 21; and Newport sailed on Mon.,
June 22 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 97-98; and Percy's "Discourse," ibid., 143).

[_]

4. One Anthony Gosnold was Bartholomew's younger brother, not yet 30, who was
drowned in the James River early in 1609; the other, listed 24 lines below, was the son
of Bartholomew's first cousin Robert Gosnold IV and was about 19 in 1607. He remained
in Virginia until 1621.

[_]

5. The identity of John and George Martin is uncertain, though one of them, if not
both, must have been the son(s) of Capt. John Martin. Percy reports the death of John
Martin on Aug. 18, 1607, and this may be the son who starved during Wingfield's presidency
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144, 220, 231). But John Martin was still a
shareholder in the Virginia Company in 1620. A solution to the problem is still to be
found.

[_]

6. "Surgeon."

[_]

7. In the original, "John Capper" was set on the same line with "Anas Todkill," for
the convenience of the printer.

Chapter 2.
What happened till the first supply.

BEING thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within tenne daies
scarse ten amongst us coulde either goe, or well stand, such extreame
weaknes and sicknes oppressed us.

[_]
8
And thereat none need

210

mervaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this;
whilest the ships staied, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a
daily proportion of bisket which the sailers would pilfer to sell, give
or exchange with us, for mony, saxefras, furres, or love. But when
they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house nor
place of relief but the common kettell. Had we beene as free from all
sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennes, we might have bin canonized
for Saints; But our President would never have bin admitted, for
ingrossing to his privat, Otemeale, sacke, oile, aquavitæ,
[_]
9
beefe, egs,
or what not; but the kettel, that indeede he allowed equally to be
distributed, and that was halfe a pinte of wheat and as much barly
boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26.
weeks in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so
that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our
drinke was water, our lodgings castles in aire.
[_]
10
With this lodging and
diet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting pallisadoes,
[_]
11
so
strained and brui- || sed us, and our continuall labour in the extremity
of the heate had so weakned us, as were cause sufficient to
have made us as miserable in our native country, or any other place
in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped lived
upon Sturgion, and sea-Crabs, 50. in this time we buried. The rest
seeing the Presidents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnas
by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so
moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliffe
in his place. Gosnoll being dead, Kendall deposed,
[_]
1
Smith
newly recovered, Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserved and
relieved, but now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all
helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages;
when God the patron of all good indeavours in that desperate extreamity
so changed the harts of the Salvages, that they brought such
plenty of their fruits, and provision as no man wanted.
[_]
2

[_]
The occasion
of sicknesse.

[_]
The sailers
abuses.

[_]
A bad Precident.

[_]
Plentie unexpected.

And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councel to


211

send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will
shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such il conceipts;
first the fault of our going was our owne, what coulde bee
thought fitting or necessary wee had, but what wee should finde, what
we should want, where we shoulde be, we were all ignorant, and
supposing to make our passage in two monthes, with victuall to live,
and the advantage of the spring to worke; we weare at sea 5. monthes
[_]
3

where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunity of the time,
and season to plant.

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject
to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties,
but nothing so difficult as to establish a common wealth so
farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so
untoward

[_]
4
as neither do well themselves nor suffer others; but to
proceed.

The new President, and Martin, being little beloved, of weake
judgement in dangers, and lesse industry in peace, committed the
managing of all things abroad to captaine Smith: who by his owne
example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to
binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe
alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his own share, so that in short
time, he provided most of them lodgings neglecting any for himselfe.
This done, seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to decrease (with
some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the shallop to search the
country for trade. The want of the language,

[_]
5
knowledge to mannage
his boat with out sailers, the want of a sufficient power, (knowing
the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men, and other
necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement.
Being but 6 or 7 in company he went down the river to Kecoughtan,
where at first they scorned him, as a starved man, yet he so dealt with
them, that the next day they loaded his boat with corne, and in his
returne he discovered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks. In the
meane time those at the fort so glutted the Salvages with their commodities
as they became not regarded.
[_]
The building
of James
Towne.

[_]
The beginning
of trade
abroad.

Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any
regarded but from hand to mouth, (the company being well recovered)
caused the Pinas to bee provided with things fitting to get
provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4.
journies and discovered the people of Chickahamine. Yet what he
carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall


212

living in disgrace, seeing al things at randome in the absence of
Smith, The companies dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their
small love to Martins never-mending sicknes, strengthened themselves
with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their former
credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinas, (being
fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course
and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot
discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it till with store
of fauken and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the river,
which action cost the life of captaine Kendall.
[_]
6
These brawles are so
disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men
of good judgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should
be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame
of their excused disorders. The President and captaine Archer not
long after intended also to have abandoned the country, which
project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith.
[_]
7
The Spanyard
never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, which finding so
plentiful in the river of Chickahamine where hundreds of Salvages
in divers places stood with baskets expecting his com- || ming.
[_]
8
And
now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with
swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good
bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and
diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none
of our Tuftaffaty humorists
[_]
9
desired to goe for England. But our
comædies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions
being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the
head of Chickahamine river, and taxed by the Councell, to bee too
slowe in so worthie an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so
farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder
[_]
1
he made
his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in
a broad bay out of danger of shot,
[_]
2
commanding none should goe
ashore till his returne, himselfe with 2 English and two Salvages went
up higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men
went ashore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and
opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Casson, and much
failed not to have cut of the boat
[_]
3
and all the rest. Smith little dreaming

213

of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, 20
myles in the desert,
[_]
4
had his 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by
the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who
finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 2 of them hee slew, stil
defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid, (whome hee
bound to his arme and used as his buckler,) till at last slipping into
a bogmire they tooke him prisoner: when this newes came to the fort
much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting || what ensued.
A month those Barbarians kept him prisoner,
[_]
5
many strange triumphes
and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned
himselfe amongst them, as he not only diverted them from surprising
the Fort, but procured his owne liberty, and got himselfe and his
company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired
him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the Fort, once more
staied the Pinnas her flight for England, which til his returne, could
not set saile, so extreame was the weather, and so great the frost.
[_]
6

[_]
The discoverie
of Chickahamine.


[_]
Another
project to
abandon the
Country.

[_]
The 3 projects
to abandon the
fort.

His relation of the plentie he had seene, especially at Werowocomoco,
where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was unknowne)
so revived againe their dead spirits as all mens feare was
abandoned. Powhatan having sent with this Captaine divers of his
men loaded with provision, he had conditioned, and so appointed
his trustie messengers to bring but 2 or 3 of our great ordenances, but
the messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them discharged,
ran away amazed

[_]
7
with feare, till meanes was used with
guifts to assure them our loves. Thus you may see what difficulties
still crossed any good indeavour, and the good successe of the businesse,
and being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction,
yet you see by what strange meanes God hath still delivered it. As
for the insufficiencie of them admitted in commission, that errour
could not be prevented by their electors, there being no other choice,
and all were strangers to each others education, quallities, or disposition;
[_]
8

and if any deeme it a shame to our nation, to have any
mention made of these e- || normities, let them peruse the histories of
the Spanish discoveries and plantations, where they may see how

214

many mutinies, discords, and dissentions, have accompanied them
and crossed their attempts, which being knowne to be particular
mens offences, doth take away the generall scorne and contempt,
mallice,
[_]
9
and ignorance might else produce, to the scandall and reproach
of those, whose actions and valiant resolution deserve a
worthie respect. Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith
to have concluded with any of their severall projects to have abandoned
the Countrie with some 10 or 12 of them we cal the better sort,
to have left Master Hunt our preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a
most honest, worthie, and industrious gentleman, with some 30 or
40 others his countrie men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and
all manner of mischiefes and inconveniences, or starved himselfe with
them for company, for want of lodging, or but adventuring abroad
to make them provision, or by his opposition, to preserve the action,
and save all their lives, I leave to the censure of others to consider.
[_]
A true proofe
of Gods love to
the action.

[_]
Of two evils
the lesser was
chosen.

Thomas Studley.

[_]
10

[_]

8. The ascription of the autumn (1607) "sickness" to anopheles or aëdes mosquitoes
has been invalidated by sounder medical diagnosis, but the precise cause remains
uncertain. Unsanitary conditions and bad water unquestionably contributed to the
virulence of the epidemic. Typhoid fever, dysentery, and beri-beri have been suggested
as scientific causes; the inability of the colonists to dress suitably for the climate has been
advanced as a contributory social source. In the absence of a definitive investigation,
three studies can be mentioned: Wyndham B. Blanton, "Epidemics, Real and Imaginary,
and Other Factors Influencing Seventeenth Century Virginia's Population," Bulletin of
the History of Medicine
, XXXI (1957), 454-462; Gordon W. Jones, "The First Epidemic
in English America," VMHB, LXXI (1963), 3-10; and Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H.
Rutman, "Of Agues and Fevers: Malaria in the Early Chesapeake," William and Mary
Quarterly
, 3d Ser., XXXIII (1976), 31-60 (the Rutmans note that "malaria was not
notorious as a 'killer' disease" [p. 50]).

[_]

9. A general name for spirits distilled from grapes or grain.

[_]

10. Daydreams, castles in Spain.

[_]

11. "Palisade"; fence made of stakes. The word was imported from Spanish long
before the French equivalent took over.

[_]

1. Percy informs us that Bartholomew Gosnold died on Aug. 22, 1607, after which
Kendall "was committed about hainous matters which was proved against him" (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). Late in Nov., Kendall was finally brought to trial, but
no English account states just when or just why. For a confused report, see that of the
Irish sailor Francis Magnel, which somehow reached Spain nearly three years later:
"they have executed in that James-fort of theirs a Catholic English Captain called Captain
Tindol [Kendall], because they knew that he wanted to come to Spain to reveal to
His Majesty what goes on in that land" (ibid., 156; see also the Biographical Directory,
s.v. "Kendall, Capt. George").

[_]

2. The fact of the matter was that the Indians had plenty of food to use for trade as
soon as their corn and beans ripened. The English, being unacquainted with corn "on
the cob" or "in the ear," attributed the Indians' haste to bring it "ere it was half ripe" to
the hand of God (see the True Relation, sig. B1r).

[_]

3. Accurately, four months and a few days.

[_]

4. Shortsighted, contrary.

[_]

5. A "shallop" was a small boat that could be "cut down for stowage aboard ship"
and "reassembled on the shore" (William A. Baker, "Notes on a Shallop," American
Neptune, XVII [1957], 105-113). The period referred to was probably early Oct. Smith
apparently had little command of the Powhatan language before mid-1608. The list of
hindrances that follows is not really surprising.

[_]

6. "Fauken" was a variant spelling of "falcon," a kind of light cannon (see the Sea
Grammar, 70). For Kendall, see p. 10n.

[_]

7. The sentence "The President ... by Smith" is out of sequence, and apparently
was inserted as an afterthought.

[_]

8. The end of this sentence is missing. Smith had treated his Chickahominy voyages
at much greater length in the True Relation, sig. B2r -B3v, and the author of this passage
in the Proceedings (surely not Studley, since he was dead by then) seems to have relied on
some other version of the story.

[_]

9. Cranks in fancy clothes.

[_]

1. "Asunder."

[_]

2. This was at Apocant.

[_]

3. "Almost cut off the boat."

[_]

4. A deserted, uninhabited place.

[_]

5. According to Wingfield, who is unreliable, Smith "went up the Ryver of the
Chechohomynaies" on Dec. 10, and Powhatan "sent him home to owr Towne" on Jan. 8,
1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226-227), which would be 29 days. We know,
however, that Captain Newport arrived on Jan. 2, when Smith had already returned
(ibid., 159). Smith's "a month" may therefore be approximately accurate, and Wingfield's
first date as mistaken as the second.

[_]

6. See the True Relation, sigs. B3r-C3v, for a fuller account; and the Generall Historie,
49, for the Pocahontas episode. The lack of sequential coherence between these concluding
passages in chap. 2 (attributed to Studley) and the beginning of chap. 3 (seemingly
derived from Studley and Todkill) points to different authorship, as well as
inadequate editing by Symonds.

[_]

7. Terror stricken.

[_]

8. This is a keen summation of the basic trouble in the colony.

[_]

9. Arber suggests this should read: "contempt, that mallice ..." (Edward Arber,
ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No.
16 [Birmingham, 1884], 99).

[_]

10. Studley could not have written all of this section, since he died on Aug. 28, 1607
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). The Generall Historie, 50, significantly, adds the
names of Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington (both of them otherwise unidentified), and
especially Smith himself ("J. S.") for at least the last paragraph.

Chapter 3.
The arrivall of the first supply
[_]
1
with their
proceedings and returne.

ALL this time our cares were not so much to abandon the Countrie,
but the Treasurer and Councell in England were as diligent
and carefull to supplie us. Two tall

[_]
2
ships they sent us, with neere 100
men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessarie,
both for them and us. The one commanded by Captaine Newport:
the other by Captaine Nelson, an honest man and an expert marriner,
but such was the leewardnesse
[_]
3
of his ship, that (though he
were within sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrarie windes, was
forced so farre to sea, as the West Indies
[_]
4
was the next land for the
repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Captaine
Newport got in, and arived at James towne, not long after the redemption

215

of Captaine Smith, to whome the Salvages every other day
brought such plentie of bread, fish, turkies, squirrels, deare, and
other wild beasts, part they gave him as presents from the king; the
rest, hee as their market clarke set the price how they should sell.
[_]
5

[_]
The Phenix
from Cape
Henry forced
to the west
Indies.

So he had inchanted those poore soules (being their prisoner) in
demonstrating unto them the roundnesse of the world, the course of
the moone and starres, the cause of the day and night the largenes
of the seas the quallities of our ships, shot and powder, The devision
of the world, with the diversity of people, their complexions, customes
and conditions. All which hee fained to be under the command
of Captaine Newport, whom he tearmed to them his father; of whose
arri- || val, it chanced he so directly prophecied,

[_]
6
as they esteemed
him an oracle; by these fictions he not only saved his owne life, and
obtained his liberty, but had them at that command, he might command
them what he listed. That God that created al these things;
they knew he adored for his God, whom they would also tearme in
their discourses, the God of captaine Smith. The President and
Councel so much envied his estimation amongst the Salvages
(though wee all in generall equally participated with him of the good
therof) that they wrought it into their understandings, by their great
bounty in giving 4. times more for their commodities then he appointed,
that their greatnesse and authority, as much exceeded his,
as their bounty, and liberality; Now the arrivall of this first supply,
so overjoyed us, that we could not devise too much to please the
mariners. We gave them liberty to truck or trade at their pleasures.
But in a short time, it followed, that could not be had for a pound of
copper, which before was sold for an ounce. Thus ambition, and
sufferance, cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion
of Newports greatnes, (wherewith Smith had possessed
[_]
7
Powhatan)
especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he
could prepare the Pinas to go and visit him; so that this Salvage also
desired to see him. A great bruit there was to set him forwarde: when
he went he was accompanied, with captaine Smith, and Master
Scrivener a very wise understanding gentleman newly arrived, and
admitted of the Councell, and 30. or 40. chosen men for their guarde.
Arriving at Werowocomo Newports conceipt of this great Salvage,

216

bred || many doubts, and suspitions of treacheries; which Smith, to
make appeare was needlesse, with 20. men well appointed, undertooke
to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen
there names were.

         
Nathaniell Powell.  John Taverner. 
Robert Beheathland.  William Dier.
[_]
8
 
William Phettiplace.  Thomas Coe. 
Richard Wyffin.  Thomas Hope. 
Anthony Gosnoll.  Anas Todkell. 

with 10. others whose names I have forgotten. These being kindly
received a shore, with 2. or 300. Salvages were conducted to their
towne; Powhatan strained himselfe to the uttermost of his greatnes
to entertain us, with great shouts of Joy, orations of protestations,
and the most plenty of victuall hee could provide to feast us. Sitting
upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbroydred (after their
rude manner) with pearle and white beades, his attire a faire Robe
of skins as large as an Irish mantle,

[_]
9
at his head and feet a handsome
young woman; on each side his house sate 20. of his concubines, their
heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads
about their necks.
[_]
10
Before those sate his chiefest men in like order in
his arbor-like house. With many pretty discourses to renue their
olde acquaintaunce; the great kinge and our captaine spent the time
till the ebbe left our Barge a- || ground, then renuing their feasts and
mirth we quartred that night with Powhatan: the next day Newport
came a shore, and received as much content as those people
could give him, a boy named Thomas Savage
[_]
1
was then given unto
Powhatan who Newport called his son, for whom Powhatan gave
him Namontacke
[_]
2
his trusty servant, and one of a shrewd subtill
capacity. 3. or 4. daies were spent in feasting dancing and trading,
wherin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, yet discreetly (in his
Salvage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts considering

217

his education;
[_]
3
as scorning to trade as his subjects did, he bespake
Newport in this manner.
[_]
4

[_]
How Captaine
Smith got his
liberty.

[_]
Their opinion
of our God.

[_]
Smiths revisiting
Powhatan.

[_]
Powhatans first
entertainement
of our men.

[_]
The exchange
of a Christian
for a Salvage.

Captain Newport it is not agreeable with my greatnes in this
pedling manner to trade for trifles, and I esteeme you a great
werowans. Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither,
what I like I will take, and in recompence give you that I thinke
fitting their value.

[_]
Powhatans
speech.

Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his
father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told us his intent
was but to cheat us; yet captaine Newport thinking to out brave this
Salvage in ostentation of greatnes, and so to bewitch him with his
bounty, as to have what he listed, but so it chanced Powhatan having
his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, as I thinke it better cheape
in Spaine, for we had not 4. bushels for that we expected 20. hogsheads.
This bred some unkindnes betweene our two captaines,

[_]
5
Newport
seeking to please the humor of the unsatiable Salvage; Smith to
cause the Salvage to please him, but smothering his distast (to avoide
the || Salvages suspition) glaunced
[_]
6
in the eies of Powhatan many
Trifles who fixed his humour upon a few blew beads; A long time he
importunatly desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to
affect them, so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beads
he brought over
[_]
7
my king for 2 or 300 bushels of corne, yet parted
good friends. The like entertainement we found of Opechanchynough
king of Pamaunke whom also he in like manner fitted, (at the
like rates) with blew beads: and so we returned to the fort. Where
this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidently fired the
quarters, and so the Towne, which being but thatched with reeds
the fire was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 10. or 12
yardes distant) with their armes, bedding, apparell, and much
private provision. Good Master Hunt our preacher lost all his
library, and al that he had (but the cloathes on his backe,) yet none

218

ever see him repine at his losse.
[_]
8
This hapned in the winter, in that
extreame frost, 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane
only of Oatemeale, meale, and corne, yet the ship staying there 14.
weeks
[_]
9
when shee might as well have been gone in 14. daies, spent
the beefe, porke, oile, aquavitæ, fish, butter, and cheese, beere and
such like; as was provided to be landed us. When they departed,
what their discretion could spare us, to make a feast or two with
bisket, pork, beefe, fish, and oile, to relish our mouths, of each somwhat
they left us, yet I must confess those that had either mony, spare
clothes, credit to give bils of payment, gold rings, furres, or any such
commodities were ever welcome to this removing taverne, such || was
our patience to obay such vile commanders, and buy our owne provision
at 15 times the valew, suffering them feast (we bearing the
charge) yet must not repine,
[_]
10
but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats,
and other casualties occasioned the losse, but the vessell and remnants
(for totals) we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make
up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving
that. For all this plentie our ordinarie was but meale and water, so
that this great charge little relieved our wants, whereby with the
extreamity of the bitter cold aire more then halfe of us died, and
tooke our deathes, in that piercing winter I cannot deny, but both
Skrivener and Smith did their best to amend what was amisse, but
with the President went the major part, that their hornes were too
short. But the worst mischiefe was, our gilded refiners with their
golden promises,
[_]
1
made all men their slaves in hope of recompence;
there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine
gold, load gold, such a brute
[_]
2
of gold, as one mad fellow desired to
bee buried in the sandes, least they should by their art make gold of
his bones. Little need there was and lesse reason, the ship should
stay, their wages run on, our victuall consume, 14 weekes, that the
Marriners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can
say, the raine washed neare to nothing in 14 daies. Were it that Captaine
Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because

219

they admitted him not to the sight of their trials, nor golden consultations
I knowe not; but I heard him question with Captaine
Martin
[_]
3
and tell him, except he would shew || him a more substantiall
triall, hee was not inamored with their durtie skill, breathing out
these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment
him, then to see all necessarie businesse neglected, to fraught such a
drunken ship with so much gilded durt; till then wee never accounted
Captaine Newport a refiner; who being fit to set saile for England,
and wee not having any use of Parliaments, plaies,
[_]
4
petitions, admirals,
recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, nor
Justices of peace,
[_]
5
sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer with
him for England to seeke some place of better imploiment.
[_]
Difference of
opinions.

[_]
James towne
burnt.

[_]
A ship idly
loitring 14
weeks.

[_]
The effect
of meere
verbalists.

[_]
A needles
charge.

[_]
A returne to
England.

[_]

1. I.e., "additional body of persons (as well as supplies)."

[_]

2. "Tall" was frequently applied to ships that were high in proportion to their
width.

[_]

3. "The ship's tendency to pull to the lee."

[_]

4. A good example of the difficulties of navigation in Smith's day. "The West
Indies" possibly refers to the neighborhood of Spain's Hispaniola.

[_]

5. Cf. the Generall Historie, 50-51.

[_]

6. According to the True Relation, sig. C1v -C2r, when Smith was first brought before
Powhatan he had elaborated on the importance of Captain Newport, his "father,"
and Powhatan had promised his release within four days. Two days after this Powhatan
had appeared before him, apparently garbed as high priest, and announced that "presently
he should goe to James towne" (Generall Historie, 49). But because of delaying
tactics by the Indians, Smith did not reach Jamestown for another two days. Newport
arrived the evening of the day of Smith's return (Wingfield, "Discourse," in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 227). Hence, in a roundabout way, Smith had prophesied Newport's
appearance. Ergo, he was an "oracle."

[_]

7. I.e., "instilled in." Smith's plan to impress Powhatan with Newport's importance
was surely sound, but Newport abused it.

[_]

8. For the subsequent behavior of this colonist, see pp. 87, 99, 102, below; and the
Generall Historie, 86.

[_]

9. Cf. the True Relation, sig. C1v, which omits the reference to Irish mantles; and the
Map of Va., 20n, which does not mention Powhatan. The added reference here brings
up the question of an alleged visit by Smith to Ireland that is discussed in the Introduction
to the True Travels.

[_]

10. Regarding the chains of white beads, the specific idea of "wampum" as a
medium of exchange in New England (cf. Roger Williams, A Key Into the Language of
America, ed. John J. Teunissen and Evelyn J. Hinz [Detroit, Mich., 1973], 210) seems
not to have been harbored in the minds of the Powhatan Indians (see Frank G. Speck,
"The Functions of Wampum among the Eastern Algonkian," American Anthropological
Association, Memoirs, VI, No. 1 [Lancaster, Pa., 1919]).

[_]

1. On Thomas Savage, see Martha Bennett Stiles, "Hostage to the Indians," Virginia
Cavalcade, XII (Summer, 1962), 5-11; and the Biographical Directory.

[_]

2. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Namontack."

[_]

3. Rearing; the word "education" began to be used in the present-day sense some
years after Smith died.

[_]

4. The speeches presented by Smith, be they Indian or English, should be taken as
faithful only in spirit -- and within the bounds of Anglo-Indian mutual comprehension.
The handwritten notations found in one copy of Smith's True Relation maintain: "This
Author I fy[nde] in many errors ... [due] to h[is?] not well understa[n]dinge the language"
(sig. C3rn), an assertion that is corroborated in a minor way by his apparent
misunderstanding of several Indian words in his word list (e.g., see Philip L. Barbour,
"The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map
and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. II, VMHB, LXXX [1972], 42-43). The significant factor
is the obvious oratorical gift of Powhatan and his subordinates (cf. Edna C. Sorber, "The
Noble Eloquent Savage," Ethnohistory, XIX [1972], 227-236), to which Smith attempted
to respond in the language of Shakespeare in his prime.

[_]

5. This occasion signaled the beginning of the tension between Smith and Newport.

[_]

6. In present-day English, "flashed."

[_]

7. Prevailed upon.

[_]

8. The passage "Where this new supply ... repine at his losse" is out of sequence,
chronologically. The fire had occurred on Jan. 7, 1608 (see the True Relation, sig. C3v
and n. 150). Newport, Smith, et al. did not return from Werowocomoco until Mar. 9
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 228).

[_]

9. Smith's chronology is accurate. Newport stayed 14 weeks and one day.

[_]

10. Arber, Smith, Works, 104, suggests: "yet must we not repine. ..."

[_]

1. Some of the colonists had thought they had found gold in the mud and sand of
the north shore of the James River. While some historians, including the editor, have
thought of pyrite or marcasite for this "fool's gold," it would seem more likely to have
been flakes of mica, which "may be quite persistent in sediments and may develop a
yellow to silver-colored sheen that is sometimes mistaken for gold" (D. C. Le Van,
Geologist, Division of Mineral Resources of the Department of Conservation and Economic
Development, Commonwealth of Virginia, Charlottesville, in a letter to the editor,
dated Sept. 16, 1975).

[_]

2. "Bruit," clamor.

[_]

3. This points to Todkill as the author. Todkill had been in Martin's employ (see
p. 25, below).

[_]

4. Tricks, underhand proceedings.

[_]

5. With this list of legal offices and institutions Smith apparently intended to disparage
Archer's inappropriate activities.

Chapter 4.
The arivall of the Ph'oe'nix, her returne,
and other accidents.

THE authoritie nowe consisting in refining,

[_]
6
Captaine Martin and
the still sickly President, the sale of the stores commodities maintained
their estates as inheritable revenews. The spring approching,
and the ship departed, Master Skrivener and Captaine Smith divided
betwixt them, the rebuilding our towne, the repairing our pallisadoes,
the cutting downe trees, preparing our fields, planting our
corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover
[_]
7
our store-house; al
men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arived with
his lost Ph'oe'nix (lost I say, for that al men deemed him lost) landing
safely his men; so well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the
Indian
[_]
8
Iles to feed his company || that his victuall (to that was left
us before
[_]
9
) was sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had nothing but he
freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a marriner) caused
us admire him, wee would not have wished so much as he did for us.
Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, the President (yet
notwithstanding
[_]
1
with his dignitie to leave the fort) gave order to
Captaine Smith and Master Skrivneer to discover and search the

220

commodities of Monacans countrie beyound the Falles, 60 able men
was allotted their number, the which within 6 daies exercise, Smith
had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared
with whome they should encounter. Yet so unseasonable was the
time, and so opposite was Captaine Martin
[_]
2
to every thing, but only
to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith
rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present dispatch;
then either with durt, or the reports of an uncertaine discoverie.
Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned.
[_]
The repairing
of James
towne.

[_]
60 appointed
to discover
Monacan.

Powhatan to expresse his love to Newport, when he departed,
presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to returne him 20
Swords, which immediatly were sent him.

[_]
3
Now after his departure
hee presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding
his humor obaied in sending him weapons, he caused his people with
20. devises to obtain them, at last by ambuscadoes at our very ports
they would take them per force, surprise us at work, or any way,
which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was
no rule, the command from England was so straight not || to offend
them as our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather
be any thing then peace breakers: this charitable humor prevailed,
till well it chaunced they medled with captaine Smith, who without
farther deliberation gave them such an incounter, as some he so
hunted up and downe the Ile, some he so terrified with whipping,
beating and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of his
forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces,
boldly threatned at our ports to force Smith to redeliver 7. Salvages
which for their villanies he detained prisoners, but to try their furies,
in lesse then halfe an houre he so hampered their insolencies, that
they brought the 2. prisoners desiring peace without any farther
composition
[_]
4
for their prisoners, who being threatned and examined
their intents and plotters of their villanies confessed they were
directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine him our owne weapons to cut
our own throats, with the manner how, where, and when, which wee
plainely found most true and apparant, yet he sent his messengers
and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas
[_]
5
to excuse him, of the injuries
done by his subjects, desiring their liberties, with the assuraunce of
his love. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction hee

221

thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered
them Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he fained to save their lives
and graunt them liberty. The patient councel, that nothing would
move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled with
captaine Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slaine to any mans
knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and || obedience, as his
very name wold sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this ship
being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and
captaine Smith shee was quickly reladed; Master Scrivener was
neither Idle nor slow to follow all things at the fort; the ship falling
to
[_]
6
the Cedar Ile, captaine Martin having made shift to be sicke neare
a yeare, and now, neither pepper, suger, cloves, mace, nor nutmegs,
ginger nor sweet meates in the country (to injoy the credit of his
supposed art) at his earnest request, was most willingly admitted to
returne for England, yet having beene there but a yeare, and not
past halfe a year since the ague left him (that he might say somewhat
he had seene) hee went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere
7. miles from James towne, but lest the dew should distemper him,
was ever forced to returne before night,
[_]
7
Thus much I thought fit to
expresse, he expresly commanding me to record his journies, I being
his man, and he sometimes my master.
[_]
An ill example
to sell swords
to Salvages.

[_]
Powhatans
trecherie.

[_]
The governours
weaknesse.

[_]
Smiths attempt
to suppresse
the Salvages
insolencies.

[_]
Powhatans
excuses.

[_]
A ship fraught
with Cedar.

[_]
The adventures
of Captaine
Martin.

Thomas Studly. Anas Todkill.
[_]
8


222

Their names that were landed in this supply:

  • Matthew Scriviner, appointed to be of the Councell.

    Gentlemen.

  • Michaell Phetyplace.
  • William Phetyplace.
  • Ralfe Morton.
  • William Cantrill.
  • Richard Wyffin.
  • Robert Barnes.
  • George Hill.
  • || George Pretty.
  • John Taverner.
  • Robert Cutler.
  • Michaell Sickelmore.
  • Thomas Coo.
  • Peter Pory.
  • Richard Killingbeck.
  • William Causey.
    [_]
    9
  • Doctor Russell.
  • Richard Worley.
  • Richard Prodger.
  • William Bayley.
  • Richard Molynex.
  • Richard Pots.
  • Jefrey Abots.
  • John Harper.
  • Timothy Leds.
  • Edward Gurganay.
  • George Forest.
  • John Nickoles.
  • William Gryvill.
  • Daniell Stalling Jueller.
    [_]
    10
  • William Dawson Refiner.
  • Abraham Ransacke Refiner.
  • William Johnson Goldsmith.
  • Peter Keffer a Gunner.
  • Robert Alberton a Perfumer.
  • Richard Belfield Goldsmith.

223

    Labourers.

  • || Raymond Goodyson.
  • John Speareman.
  • William Spence.
    [_]
    1
  • Richard Brislow.
  • William Simons.
  • John Bouth.
  • William Burket.
  • Nicholas Ven.
  • William Perce.
  • Francis Perkins.
    [_]
    2
  • Francis Perkins.
  • William Bentley.
    [_]
    3
  • Richard Gradon.
  • Rowland Nelstrop.
  • Richard Salvage.
  • Thomas Salvage.
  • Richard Miler.
    [_]
    4
  • William May.
  • Vere.
  • Michaell.
  • Bishop Wyles.

    Tailers.

  • John Powell.
  • Thomas Hope.
  • William Beckwith.
  • William Yonge.
  • Laurence Towtales.
  • William Ward.
  • Christopher Rodes.
  • James Watkings.
  • Richard Fetherstone.
    [_]
    5
  • James Burne.

    Apothecaries.

  • || Thomas Feld.
  • John Harford.
  • Post Gittnat a Surgion.
  • John Lewes a Couper.
  • Robert Cotten a Tobaco-pipe-maker.
  • Richard Dole a blacke Smith.

And divers others to the number of 120.

[_]
6

[_]

6. Omitted in the Generall Historie version (p. 53), this may have reference to Martin's
"gold fever."

[_]

7. Put a new roof on.

[_]

8. West Indian.

[_]

9. "Added to what we had left over."

[_]

1. A printer's error lurks somewhere in "notwithstanding"; perhaps read, "it not
standing with his dignitie."

[_]

2. The True Relation, sig. E2r, tells a different story: Captain Martin was willing to
go himself, "yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward" -- whatever specifically
was meant by that. (A few lines below, in the same passage, Smith mentions "certain
matters which for some cause I keepe private.")

[_]

3. The account that follows differs somewhat in detail from that in the True Relation,
sig. E2r-E3r.

[_]

4. Terms.

[_]

5. This happened sometime between Apr. 20 and June 2, 1608. Pocahontas would
hardly have been 13 yet, perhaps not even 12.

[_]

6. Usually a ship "falls down to" in the sense of "falls downstream to [with the
tide]."

[_]

7. Part of the passage on Martin was omitted in the Generall Historie, 54.

[_]

8. Todkill was evidently the author of the foregoing; see the Biographical Directory.

[_]

9. Causey's first name was Nathaniel; cf. the Generall Historie, 55, and elsewhere.

[_]

10. Variant spelling of "jeweller."

[_]

1. William Spence is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55.

[_]

2. Francis Perkins was a gentleman (see ibid.); the second Francis was his son (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 160).

[_]

3. Bentley is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55, perhaps mistakenly.

[_]

4. Probably the same person as the Richard Milmer in the Generall Historie, 55.

[_]

5. Of these four "unclassified" colonists, only Richard Fetherstone appears to have
been a gentleman; the other three were laborers.

[_]

6. The names of only 60% of the colonists are listed here.


224

Chapter 5.
The accidents that happened in the
Discoverie of the bay.

THE prodigality of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store
that Smith and Scrivener had a while tyed both Martin

[_]
7
and
him to the rules of proportion, but now Smith being to depart, the
Presidents authoritie so overswayed Master Scriveners discretion as
our store, our time, our strength and labours was idlely consumed to
fulfill his phantasies. The second of June 1608. Smith left the fort to
performe his discoverie; with this company.

  • Walter Russell Doctour of Physicke.
    [_]
    8

    Gentlemen.

  • Ralph Morton.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • William Cantrill.
  • Richard Fetherstone.
    [_]
    9
  • James Bourne.
  • Michael Sicklemore.

    Souldiers.

  • || Anas Todkill.
  • Robert Small.
  • James Watkins.
  • John Powell.
  • James Read blackesmith.
  • Richard Keale fishmonger.
  • Jonas Profit fisher.

These being in an open barge of two tunnes burthen leaving the
Phenix at Cape-Henry

[_]
1
we crossed the bay to the Easterne shore and
fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles. The first people we saw were
2 grimme and stout Salvages upon Cape-Charles with long poles like
Javelings, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were,
and what we would, but after many circumstances,
[_]
2
they in time
seemed very kinde, and directed us to Acawmacke the habitation of
the Werowans where we were kindly intreated;
[_]
3
this king was the

225

comliest proper civill Salvage wee incountred: his country is a
pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hee tolde us of a straunge accident lately
happened him, and it was. Two dead children by the extreame
passions of their parents, or some dreaming visions, phantasie, or
affection moved them againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose
benummed bodies reflected to the eies of the beholders such pleasant
delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vital
spirits.
[_]
4
This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which,
(being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one
escaped.
[_]
5
They spake the language of Powhatan wherein they made
such descriptions of the bay, Iles, and rivers that often did us exceeding
pleasure. Passing || along the coast, searching every inlet, and
bay fit for harbours and habitations seeing many Iles in the midst of
the bay, we bore up for them, but ere wee could attaine them, such
an extreame gust of wind, raine, thunder, and lightning happened,
that with great daunger we escaped the unmercifull raging of that
ocean-like water. The next day searching those inhabitable
[_]
6
Iles
(which we called Russels Iles) to provide fresh water, the defect
whereof forced us to follow the next Easterne channell, which brought
us to the river Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great furie,
seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs, daunces, and much mirth,
became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water,
wee could fill but 3,
[_]
7
and that such puddle
[_]
8
that never til then, wee
ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many
places but ere the end of two daies wee would have refused two
barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco.
Being past these Iles, falling with a high land upon the maine wee
found a great pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot, that we supposed
it some bath: that place we called Point Ployer.
[_]
9
Being thus
refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Iles, the wind and
waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and raine, that
our fore-mast blew overbord and such mightie waves overwrought
us in that smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from sinking
by freeing out the water, 2 daies we were inforced to inhabit these
uninhabited Iles, which (for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine,
stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo.
[_]
10
Repairing our fore saile

226

with || our shirts, we set saile for the maine
[_]
1
and fel with a faire river
on the East called Kuskarawaocke, by it inhabit the people of
Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake that much extolled a
great nation called Massawomekes,
[_]
2
in search of whome wee returned
by Limbo, but finding this easterne shore shallow broken Iles,
and the maine for most part without fresh water, we passed by the
straights of Limbo for the weasterne shore. So broad is the bay here,
that we could scarse perceive the great high Cliffes on the other side;
[_]
3

by them wee ancored that night, and called them Richards Cliffes.
30 leagues we sailed more Northwards, not finding any inhabitants,
yet the coast well watred, the mountaines very barren, the vallies
very fertil, but the woods extreame thicke, full of Woolves, Beares,
Deare, and other wild beasts. The first inlet we found, wee called
Bolus, for that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke:
[_]
4

when we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted
nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast home;
but having lien not above 12 daies in this smal Barge, oft tired at their
oares, their bread spoiled with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet
so good were their stomacks that they could digest it) did with continuall
complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him
bespeake them in this manner.
[_]
Cape Charles.

[_]
Acawmacke.

[_]
A strange
mortalitie of
Salvages.

[_]
An extreame
gust.

[_]
Russels Iles.

[_]
Wighco-
comoco.

[_]
An extreame
want of fresh
water.

[_]
The barge
neere sunk in
a gust.

[_]
The first notice
of the Massawomecks.

[_]
Bolus river.

Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable historie of Sir
Ralfe Lane,

[_]
5
how his company importuned him to proceed in the
discoverie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a dog, that being
boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their returnes;
what a shame would it be for you || (that have beene so
suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne with a months provision
scarce able to say where we have bin, nor yet heard of that wee
were sent to seeke; you cannot say but I have shared with you of the
worst is past;
[_]
6
and for what is to come of lodging, diet, or whatsoever,
I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe; as for your feares,
that I will lose my selfe in these unknowne large waters, or be swallowed

227

up in some stormie gust, abandon those childish feares, for
worse then is past cannot happen, and there is as much danger to
returne, as to proceed forward. Regaine therefore your old spirits;
for return I wil not, (if God assist me) til I have seene the Massawomekes,
found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water you
conceit to be endlesse.
[_]
Smiths speech
to his souldiers.

3 or 4 daies wee expected

[_]
7
wind and weather, whose adverse extreamities
added such discouragements to our discontents as 3 or 4
fel extreame sicke, whose pittiful complaints caused us to returne,
leaving the bay some 10 miles broad at 9 or 10 fadome water.

The 16 of June we fel with the river of Patawomeck: feare being
gon, and our men recovered, wee were all contented to take some
paines to knowe the name of this 9 mile broad river,

[_]
8
we could see no
inhabitants for 30 myles saile; then we were conducted by 2 Salvages
up a little bayed creeke toward Onawmament where all the woods
were laid with Ambuscadoes to the number of 3 or 400 Salvages, but
so strangely painted, grimed, and disguised, showting, yelling, and
crying, as we rather supposed them so many divels. They made many
bravadoes, but to appease || their furie, our Captaine prepared with
a seeming willingnesse (as they) to encounter them, the grazing of
the bullets upon the river, with the ecco of the woods so amazed
them, as down went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage)
James Watkins was sent 6 myles up the woods to their kings
habitation: wee were kindly used by these Salvages, of whome wee
understood, they were commaunded to betray us, by Powhatans
direction, and hee so directed from the discontents of James towne.
The like incounters we found at Patawomeck, Cecocawone and
divers other places, but at Moyaones, Nacothtant and Taux,
[_]
1
the
people did their best to content us. The cause of this discovery, was
to search a glistering mettal, the Salvages told us they had from
Patawomeck, (the which Newport assured that he had tryed to hold
halfe silver) also to search what furres, metals, rivers, Rockes, nations,

228

woods, fishings, fruits, victuals and other commodities the land afforded,
and whether the bay were endlesse, or how farre it extended.
The mine we found 9 or 10 myles up in the country from the river,
but it proved of no value: Some Otters, Beavers, Martins, Luswarts,
[_]
2

and sables we found, and in diverse places that abundance of fish
lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of nets
(our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with
a frying pan, but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with.
Neither better fish more plenty or variety had any of us ever seene,
in any place swimming in the water, then in the bay of Chesapeack,
but they are not to be caught with frying-pans.
[_]
3
To expresse al our
|| quarrels, treacheries and incounters amongst those Salvages, I
should be too tedious; but in briefe at al times we so incountred them
and curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents to purchase
peace, yet wee lost not a man, at our first meeting our captaine
ever observed this order to demaunde their bowes and arrowes
swords mantles or furres, with some childe for hostage, wherby he
could quickly perceive when they intended any villany. Having
finished this discovery (though our victuall was neare spent) he intended
to have seene his imprisonment-acquaintances upon the river
of Toppahannock.
[_]
4
But our boate (by reason of the ebbe) chansing
to ground upon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many
fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the sands, our captaine sporting
himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his
sword, set us all a fishing in that manner, by this devise, we tooke
more in an houre then we all could eat; but it chanced, the captaine
taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much
of the fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer taile, whereon is a
most poysoned sting of 2. or 3. inches long, which shee strooke an
inch and halfe into the wrist of his arme the which in 4. houres had
so extreamly swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body,
as we al with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his
grave in an Ile hard by (as himselfe appointed) which then wee
called Stingeray Ile after the name of the fish.
[_]
5
Yet by the helpe of a
precious oile Doctour Russell applyed, ere night his tormenting
paine was so wel asswaged that he eate the fish to his supper, which

229

|| gave no lesse joy and content to us, then ease to himselfe. Having
neither Surgeon nor surgerie but that preservative oile, we presently
set saile for James Towne; passing the mouth of Pyankatanck, and
Pamaunke rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The
simple Salvages, seeing our captaine hurt, and another bloudy
(which came by breaking his shin) our number of bowes, arrowes,
swords, targets, mantles and furs; would needs imagine we had bin
at warres, (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but
impaciently they importuned us to know with whom wee fought.
Finding their aptnes to beleeve, we failed not (as a great secret) to
tel them any thing that might affright them, what spoile wee had got
and made of the Masawomeckes. This rumor went faster up the river
then our barge; that arrived at Weraskoyack the 20. of Julie, where
trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises we made the
fort jealous of a Spanish frigot; where we all safely arrived the 21. of
July. There wee found the last supply, al sicke, the rest, some lame,
some bruised, al unable to do any thing, but complain of the pride
and unreasonable needlesse cruelty of their sillie President,
[_]
6
that had
riotously consumed the store, and to fulfill his follies about building
him an unnecessarie pallace in the woods had brought them all to
that miserie; That had not we arrived, they had as strangely tormented
him with revenge. But the good newes of our discovery, and
the good hope we had (by the Salvages relation) our Bay had
stretched to the South-sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally
that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that captaine Smith would take
|| upon him the government; their request being effected, hee Substituted
Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidencie, equally
distributing those private provisions the other had ingrossed; appointing
more honest officers to assist Scrivener, (who then lay
extreamelie tormented with a callenture) and in regard of the
weaknes of the company, and heat of the yeare they being unable to
worke; he left them to live at ease, but imbarked himselfe to finish
his discovery.
[_]
The discovery
of Patawomeck.

[_]
Ambuscados
of Salvages.

[_]
A treacherous
project.

[_]
Antimony
An abundant
plentie of fish.

[_]
How to deale
with the
Salvages.

[_]
A Stingray
very hurtfull.

[_]
The Salvages
affrighted with
their owne
suspition.

[_]
A needlesse
miserie.

[_]
The company
left to live at
ease.

Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill.

[_]

7. The mention of Martin here seems to have been in error; see the Generall Historie,
55.

[_]

8. Doctors of "physicke," or physicians, "were men who had some university training,
at least a B.A. degree, had read the classic authors in medicine, such as Hippocrates,
Aristotle, and Galen, and were trained to treat disease empirically" (John H. Raach,
A Directory of English Country Physicians, 1603-1643 [London, 1962], 11). Since surviving
records are far from complete, the editor has been unable to identify Walter Russell,
despite the help of the Royal College of Physicians. A William Russell was practicing
c. 1624 (ibid., 79).

[_]

9. Fetherstone died within a few months; see p. 40, below.

[_]

1. On this occasion Smith delivered to Capt. Francis Nelson his famous letter, which
was soon to be published as the True Relation.

[_]

2. Much ado.

[_]

3. Treated.

[_]

4. The curious phrasing seems to have been William Symonds's. Smith tried to
improve on it in the Generall Historie, 56, without much success. See the Textual Annotation.

[_]

5. The editor has not chanced on any sound explanation of this phenomenon. Note
that it occurred before the first known landing of the Jamestown settlers on Cape Charles.

[_]

6. "Inhabitable" means "not habitable," hence "uninhabited" (OED).

[_]

7. Sc., "barricoes" or "kegs" (see the Generall Historie, 56).

[_]

8. Foul or dirty water such as is found in puddles.

[_]

9. The Generall Historie, 56, gives an incomplete explanation of the name; Amaury
II Goyon (or Gouyon), comte de Plouër, had befriended Smith during the winter of
1600/1601 in Brittany (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 21, 202).

[_]

10. Here probably "Hell," "Hades." Note in the Smith/Hole map of Virginia the
angry fish in the bay, off Limbo.

[_]

1. The mainland, the Eastern Shore.

[_]

2. Smith seems to have been inspired to seek out the Massawomekes by Ralph
Lane's account of his encounters with hostile tribes in North Carolina (Generall Historie,
6-9).

[_]

3. If the identification of the Kuskarawaocke with the modern Nanticoke River is
correct, Chesapeake Bay would be about 25 km. (or better than 15 mi.) wide at its
mouth. The cliffs are a bit farther to the N. They were named for Smith's mother (see
the True Travels, 1). As for the 30 leagues (90 mi., or 145 km.), from Cove Point, just to
the S of the cliffs in question, to the mouth of the Patapsco River (see n. 4, below) is
about 20 leagues (60 mi., or 96 km.) by modern channels and direct sailing, and only
16 leagues according to the Smith/Hole map.

[_]

4. See the Map of Va., 3n and 7. The Bolus must have been the Patapsco River, since
the alternatives suggested by some writers do not allow for the 25 mi. (40 km.) or so of
waterway shown on the Smith/Hole map.

[_]

5. See n. 2, above.

[_]

6. The Generall Historie, 57, has "in the worst which is past."

[_]

7. Waited for a change in.

[_]

8. From Smith Point, NW across the mouth of the Potomac, to Point Lookout is
over 10 mi., and from Smith Point to Nomini Bay (Onawmanient was somewhere there)
is nearly 30 mi. Smith's rough estimates, however, were probably made at some point a
few miles upstream; hence they are somewhat exaggerated, as probably also is the
number of Indians waiting in ambush.

[_]

1. The Moyaones and Nacotchtank tribes are shown on the Smith/Hole map, the
former at Anacostia, Maryland, the latter a few miles below, at the mouth of Piscataway
Creek, Maryland. They were not subject to Powhatan. The Taux clearly lived in the
same neighborhood, and their name seems to survive in Doag's Neck, on or near Piscataway
Creek (see Hamill Thomas Kenny, The Origin and Meaning of the Indian Place Names
of Maryland
[Baltimore, 1961], 150). All three were evidently subdivisions of the Conoy
tribe, and this was "probably intermediate between the Nanticoke and the Powhatan
Indians" (John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America, Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 145 [Washington, D.C., 1952], 57).

[_]

2. Lynx.

[_]

3. Note that Jonas Profit, fisher, and Richard Keale, fishmonger, formed part of
Smith's company (p. 29, above).

[_]

4. See the True Relation, sig. C1r.

[_]

5. Cf. the Map of Va., 15, with the spelling "stingraies." Here the word should
probably read "Stingray." Samuel Purchas has a pertinent marginal note on the subject:
"A Stingray very hurtfull, one in Foulenes [presumably Foulness Island, E of Southend]
was so swolne with the sting of a Ray thorow his thicke fishermans-boots, that he therof
died. An. 1613. and was so swolne that they could not bring his coffin out of the dore
but brake the wall (as they told me) for that purpose" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1714). For an
expanded version of Smith's accident, see the Generall Historie, 59, 63, where Bagnall is
erroneously credited with the cure.

[_]

6. Ratcliffe.


230

Chapter 6.
What happened the second voyage
to discover the Bay.

THE 20.

[_]
7
of July Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery
with 12. men their names were

    Gentlemen.

  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • Richard Fetherstone.
  • Michaell Sicklemore.
  • James Bourne.

    Souldiers.

  • Anas Todkill.
  • Edward Pysing.
  • Richard Keale.
  • Anthony Bagnall.
    [_]
    8
  • James Watkins.
  • William Ward.
  • Jonas Profit.

The winde beeing contrary caused our stay 2. or 3. || daies at
Kecoughtan the werowans feasting us with much mirth, his people
were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeckes.
In the evening we firing 2. or 3. rackets, so terrified the
poore Salvages, they supposed nothing impossible wee attempted,
and desired to assist us. The first night we ancored at Stingeray Ile,
the nexte day crossed Patawomecks river, and hasted for the river
Bolus, wee went not much farther before wee might perceive the Bay
to devide in 2. heads, and arriving there we founde it devided in 4,
all which we searched so far as we could saile them; 2. of them wee
found uninhabited, but in crossing the bay to the other, wee incountered
7. or 8. Canowes-full of Massawomecks.

[_]
9
We seeing them prepare
to assault us, left our oares and made way with our saile to
incounter them, yet were we but five (with our captaine) could stand;
for within 2. daies after wee left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of
the last supply) were sicke almost to death, (untill they were seasoned
to the country) having shut them under our tarpawling, we put their
hats upon stickes by the barge side to make us seeme many, and so
we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled

231

with all possible speed to the shoare, and there stayed, staring at the
sailing of our barge, till we anchored right against them. Long it was
ere we could drawe them to come unto us, at last they sent 2 of their
company unarmed in a Canowe, the rest all followed to second them
if need required; These 2. being but each presented with a bell,
brought aborde all their fellowes, presenting the captain with venison,
beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, || clubs, targets, and beare-skins;
wee understood them nothing at all but by signes, whereby
they signified unto us they had been at warres with the Tockwoghs
the which they confirmed by shewing their green wounds; but the
night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to
meete, but after that we never saw them.
[_]
The Salvages
admire fire-workes.

[_]
The head of
the Bay.

[_]
An incounter
with the Massawomecks.

Entring the River of Tockwogh the Salvages all armed in a
fleete of Boates round invironed us; it chanced one of them could
speake the language of Powhatan who perswaded the rest to a
friendly parly: but when they see us furnished with the Massawomeckes
weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan to
have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed
towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like mounts,
brested about with Barks very formally,

[_]
1
their men, women, and
children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, furres, and what they had
kindly entertained us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their
best abilities to expresse their loves.
[_]
An incounter
with the Tockwoghs.

Many hatchets, knives, and peeces of yron, and brasse, we see,
which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanockes

[_]
2
a mighty
people, and mortall enimies with the Massawomeckes; the Sasquesahanocks,
inhabit upon the chiefe spring of these 4.
[_]
3
two daies journey
higher then our Barge could passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with
the interpreter to take with him an other interpreter to perswade the
Sasquesahanocks to come to visit us, for their language are different:
3. or 4. daies we expected their returne then 60. of these giantlike-people
came downe with presents of venison, Tobacco || pipes,
Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrows. 5 of their Werowances came
boldly abord us, to crosse the bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men
and Canowes, the winde being so violent that they durst not passe.
[_]
Hatchets from
Sasquesahanock.

Our order was, dayly to have prayer, with a psalm, at which


232

solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondered: our prayers being
done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived
their businesse; then they began in most passionate manner to hold
up their hands to the sunne
[_]
4
with a most feareful song, then imbracing
the Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner, though
he rebuked them, yet they proceeded til their song was finished,
which don with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice
began an oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted
beares skin they covered our Captaine, then one ready with a chaine
of white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about his
necke, the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed
together, all these with many other toyes, they laid at his feet, stroking
their ceremonious handes about his necke for his creation to be
their governour, promising their aids, victuals, or what they had to
bee his, if he would stay with them to defend and revenge them of the
Massawomecks; But wee left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing
for our departure, yet wee promised the next yeare againe to
visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made us of Atquanahucke,
[_]
5

Massawomecke, and other people, signifying they
inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to have their
hatchets, and such like tooles by trade, || these knowe no more of the
territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them.
[_]
The Sasquesahanocks
offer
to the English.

[_]
Cannida.

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we
returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt, these people we found
very tractable, and more civill then any. Wee promised them, as also
the Patawomecks, the next yeare to revenge them of the Massawomecks.
Our purposes were crossed in the discoverie of the river of
Toppahannock, for wee had much wrangling with that peevish
nation; but at last they became as tractable as the rest. It is an excellent,
pleasant, well inhabited, fertill, and a goodly navigable river,
toward the head thereof; it pleased God to take one of our sicke
(called Master Fetherstone) where in Fetherstons bay we buried him
in the night with a volly of shot; the rest (notwithstanding their ill
diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a barge in so many
dangers, never resting, but alwaies tossed to and againe) al well
recovered their healthes; then we discovered the river of Payankatank,
and set saile for James Towne; but in crossing the bay in a faire
calme, such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with thunder
and raine, as wee were halfe imployed in freeing out water, never


233

thinking to escape drowning. Yet running before the winde, at last
we made land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only
we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that black
darknes to preserve us by that light to find Point Comfort, and arived
safe at James Towne, the 7 of September, 1608.
[_]
6
where wee found
Master Skrivener and diverse others well recovered, many dead,
some sicke. The late President prisoner for || muteny, by the honest
diligence of Master Skrivener the harvest gathered, but the stores,
provision, much spoiled with raine. Thus was that yeare (when nothing
wanted) consumed and spent and nothing done; (such was the
government of Captain Ratliffe) but only this discoverie, wherein to
expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number
passed in that small barge, with such watrie diet in these great waters
and barbarous Countries (til then to any Christian utterly unknowne)
I rather referre their merit to the censure
[_]
7
of the courteous
and experienced reader, then I would be tedious, or partiall, being
a partie;
[_]
Pawtuxunt
River.

[_]
Toppahanock
River.

[_]
Fetherstone
buried.

[_]
Payankatanke
discovered.

[_]
Their proceedings
at James
Towne.

By Nathaniell Powell, and Anas Todkill.

[_]

7. Read: "The 24 of July" (Generall Historie, 59). They did not return to Jamestown
until July 21, as stated on p. 35, above.

[_]

8. Bagnall was a chirurgeon, or surgeon (Generall Historie, 60). "The chirurgeons
did strictly 'cutting' and as a result learned their trade by an apprenticeship to an older
chirurgeon" (Raach, Directory of Physicians, 10-11; and p. 28n, above).

[_]

9. Apparently the English learned that the Indians were Massawomekes after they
crossed the bay to the Tockwough River (see p. 38, below). This tribe spoke an Iroquoian
language.

[_]

1. This early 17th-century military jargon means, "they conducted us to their town,
which had a palisade around it covered with barks of trees, with wooden scaffolds like
defensive earthworks, those also protected by barks, according to the principles of
military science."

[_]

2. The "Sasquesahanocks" were also an Iroquoian-speaking people, whose nearest
important post was in Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania. Communication must have been
uncertain, since Smith needed a Tockwough interpreter who spoke Powhatan and
another interpreter to make sense in Tockwough of what the Susquehannas said. On
the other hand, Smith had faced a similar problem in the Ottoman Empire (see the True
Travels, 24n; and Introduction to Fragment J, in Vol. III).

[_]

3. They were situated at the head of the chief spring of the four leading into the bay.

[_]

4. There are hints of sun worship among the Iroquois, and possibly also the Tockwough
(see the brief mention in John R. Swanton, "Sun Worship in the Southeast,"
American Anthropologist, N.S., XXX [1928], 212-213).

[_]

5. According to the Smith/Hole map, the Atquanachukes lived to the NE of the
head of Chesapeake Bay. They were shown as living in central to central-eastern New
Jersey on Dutch maps, beginning with Adriaen Block's manuscript map of 1614 (see
W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America [New
York, 1972], 264-265).

[_]

6. This is the first mention of (Old) Point Comfort in Smith's works, although it
had been named (probably by Gabriel Archer, who had a penchant for such names) on
Apr. 28, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 135; modern New Point Comfort is about
25 km. [over 15 mi.] to the N, at the mouth of Mobjack Bay). Although there is an
interesting study in "Tales of Old Fort Monroe," No. 10 (Fort Monroe Casemate Museum,
Fort Monroe, Va., 1962), the fact that Point Comfort was an island in 1607 seems
to have been stated only by the Irish sailor Francis Magnel (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 151). It is perhaps worth noting here that in his reprint of the Proceedings, Samuel
Purchas omitted all the material added to this passage in the Generall Historie, 64-65,
explaining, "For feare of tediousnesse I have left out the most" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1716).

[_]

7. Judgment, expressed opinion, estimation.

Chapter 7.
The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith,
the arrivall and returne of the second supply:
and what happened.

THE 10. of September 1608. by the election of the Councel, and
request of the company Captaine Smith received the letters
patents, and tooke upon him the place of President, which till then
by no meanes he would accept though hee were often importuned
thereunto. Now the building of Ratcliffes pallas staide as a thing
needlesse; The church was repaired, the storehouse recovered;

[_]
8

buildings prepared for the supply we expected. The fort reduced to
the forme of this figure,
[_]
9
the order of watch renued, the squadrons

234

(each setting of the watch) trained. The || whole company every
Satturday exercised in a fielde prepared for that purpose; the boates
trimmed for trade which in their Journey encountred the second
supply,
[_]
10
that brought them back to discover the country of Monacan.
How, or why, Captaine Newport obtained such a private commission
as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certainty of the
south sea or one of the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley I know
not,
[_]
1
nor why he brought such a 5 pieced barge, not to beare us to
that south sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines: which how
farre they extend is yet unknowne. As for the coronation of Powhatan
[_]
2

and his presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes, and such costly
novelties, they had bin much better well spared, then so ill spent. For
we had his favour much better, onlie for a poore peece of Copper,
till this stately kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe,
that he respected us as much as nothing at all; as for the hiring
of the Poles and Dutch to make pitch and tarre, glasse milles,
[_]
3
and
sope-ashes, was most necessarie and well. But to send them and
seaventy more without victuall to worke, was not so well considered;
yet this could not have hurt us, had they bin 200. (though then we
were 130 that wanted for our selves.) For we had the Salvages in that
Decorum, (their harvest beeing newly gathered) that we feared not
to get victuall sufficient had we bin 500. Now was there no way to
make us miserable but to neglect that time to make our provision,
whilst it was to be had; the which was done to perfourme this strange
discovery, but more strange coronation; to loose that time, spend
that vi- || ctuall we had, tire and starve our men, having no means to
carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, but their owne backs.
How or by whom they were invented I know not; But Captaine

235

Newport we only accounted the author, who to effect these projects
had so gilded all our hopes, with great promises, that both company
and Councel concluded
[_]
4
his resolution. I confesse we little understood
then our estates, to conclude his conclusion, against al the inconveniences
the foreseeing President alleadged. There was added
to the councell one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne two
ancient souldiers and valiant gentlemen, but ignorant of the busines
(being newly arrived). Ratcliffe was also permitted to have his voice,
and Master Scrivener desirous to see strange countries, so that although
Smith was President, yet the Councell had the authoritie,
and ruled it as they listed; as for cleering Smiths objections, how
pitch, and tarre, wanscot, clapbord, glasse, and sope ashes, could be
provided to relade the ship; or provision got to live withal, when
none was in the Country and that which we had, spent before the
ships departed; The answer was, Captaine Newport undertook to
fraught the Pinnace with corne, in going and returning in his discoverie,
and to refraught her againe from Werawocomoco; also
promising a great proportion of victuall from his ship, inferring that
Smiths propositions were only devises to hinder his journey, to effect
it himselfe; and that the crueltie Smith had used to the Salvages, in
his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designes;
[_]
5
For which,
al workes were left; and 120 chosen men were appointed for his
guard, || and Smith, to make cleere these seeming suspicions, that the
Salvages were not so desperat, as was pretended by Captaine Newport,
and how willing he was to further them to effect their projects,
(because the coronation would consume much time) undertooke
their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to James Towne
to receive his presents. Accompanied only with Captaine Waldo,
Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuell Collier;
with these 4 hee went over land, against Werawocomoco, there
passed the river of Pamaunke in the Salvages Canowes, Powhatan
being 30 myles of, who, presently was sent for, in the meane time his
women entertained Smith in this manner.
[_]
QUERE, 8.

[_]
Powhatans
scorne when
his curtesie
was most
deserved.

[_]
No way but
one to overthrowe
the
busines.

[_]
Captaine Smith
with 4 goeth to
Powhatan.

In a faire plaine field they made a fire, before which he sitting
uppon a mat; suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hideous
noise and shriking, that they betooke them to their armes, supposing
Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them;

[_]
6
but the beholders
which were many, men, women, and children, satisfied the
Captaine there was no such matter, being presently presented with
this anticke, 30 young women came naked out of the woods (only

236

covered behind and before with a few greene leaves) their bodies al
painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie colour, but
every one different; their leader had a faire paire of stagges hornes
on her head, and an otter skinne at her girdle, another at her arme,
a quiver of arrowes at her backe, and bow and arrowes in her hand,
the next in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-stick, all
hornd alike, the rest every one with their severall devises. These
feindes with most hellish || cries, and shouts rushing from amongst
the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing, and dauncing
with excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions,
and then solemnely againe to sing, and daunce. Having spent neere
an houre, in this maskarado; as they entered; in like manner departed;
having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnely invited
Smith to their lodging, but no sooner was hee within the house, but
all these Nimphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding,
and pressing, and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, love you
not mee? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit
in baskets, fish, and flesh in wooden platters, beans and pease there
wanted not (for 20 hogges) nor any Salvage daintie their invention
could devise; some attending, others singing and dancing about
them; this mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands (instead
of torches) they conducted him to his lodging.
[_]
The womens
entertainement
at Werawocomoco.

The next day came Powhatan; Smith delivered his message of
the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack,

[_]
7
desiring
him come to his Father Newport to accept those presents, and conclude
their revenge against the Monacans, whereunto the subtile
Salvage thus replied.
[_]
Captain Smiths
message.

If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this
my land, 8 daies I will stay to receave them. Your father is to come
to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort, neither will I bite at such a
baite: as for the Monacans, I can revenge my owne injuries, and as
for Atquanuchuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary
way from those parts you suppose it.

[_]
8
|| But for any salt water
beyond the mountaines, the relations you have had from my people
are false.
[_]
Powhatans
answer.

Wherupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to
his discourse) of all those regions; many other discourses they had
(yet both desirous to give each other content in Complementall
courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this answer.


237

Upon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, which
is neare 100 miles;

[_]
9
with 50 of the best shot, himselfe went by land
which is but 12 miles, where he met with our 3 barges to transport
him over. All things being fit for the day of his coronation, the
presents were brought, his bason, ewer, bed and furniture set up, his
scarlet cloake and apparel (with much adoe) put on him (being
perswaded by Namontacke they would doe him no hurt.) But a
fowle trouble there was to make him kneele to receave his crowne,
he neither knowing the majestie, nor meaning of a Crowne, nor
bending of the knee, indured so many perswasions, examples, and
instructions, as tired them all. At last by leaning hard on his shoulders,
he a little stooped, and Newport put the Crowne on his head. When
by the warning of a pistoll, the boates were prepared with such a
volly of shot, that the king start
[_]
1
up in a horrible feare, till he see all
was well, then remembring himselfe, to congratulate
[_]
2
their kindnesse,
he gave his old shoes and his mantle to Captain Newport. But
perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, hee laboured to
divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men, or guids, more
then Namontack, and so (after some complementall
[_]
3
kindnesse || on
both sides) in requitall of his presents, he presented Newport with a
heape of wheat eares, that might contain some 7 or 8 bushels, and as
much more we bought ready dressed in the towne, wherewith we
returned to the fort.
[_]
Powhatans
Coronation.

The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the


238

first gentlewoman, and woman servant that arrived in our Colony;
Captaine Newport with al the Councell, and 120 chosen men, set
forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the
fort with 80. (such as they were) to relade the shippe. Arriving at the
falles, we
[_]
4
marched by land some forty myles in 2 daies and a halfe,
and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes wee discovered
of the Monacans, the people neither using us well nor ill, yet
for our securitie wee tooke one of their pettie Werowances, and lead
him bound, to conduct us the way. And in our returne searched
many places wee supposed mynes, about which we spent some time
in refining, having one William Callicut a refiner, fitted for that
purpose. From that crust of earth wee digged hee perswaded us to
beleeve he extracted some smal quantitie of silver (and not unlikely
better stuffe might bee had for the digging) with this poore trial
being contented to leave this faire, fertill, well watred countrie. Comming
to the Falles, the Salvages fained there were diverse ships come
into the Bay to kill them at James Towne. Trade they would not,
and find their corn we could not, for they had hid it in the woods, and
being thus deluded we arrived at James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining,
and tired with toile, famine, and dis- || content, to have
only but discovered our gilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certaineties,
as the President foretold us.
[_]
The discovery
of Monacan.

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed many as
were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, tarre and sope ashes,
leaving them, (with the fort) to the Councels oversight. But 30 of us
he conducted 5. myles from the fort to learn to make clapbord, cut
downe trees, and ly in woods; amongst the rest he had chosen
Gabriell Beadell, and John Russell the only two gallants of this last
supply, and both proper gentlemen: strange were these pleasures to
their conditions, yet lodging eating, drinking, working, or playing
they doing but as the President, all these things were carried so
pleasantly, as within a weeke they became Masters, making it their
delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell, but the axes so oft
blistered there tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had
a lowd oath to drowne the eccho; for remedy of which sin the President
devised howe to have everie mans oathes numbred, and at
night, for every oath to have a can of water powred downe his sleeve,
with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a
man should scarse heare an oath in a weeke.

[_]
A punishment
for swearing.

By this, let no man think that the President, or these gentlemen
spent their times as common wood-hackers at felling of trees, or such
like other labours, or that they were pressed to any thing as hirelings
or common slaves, for what they did (being but once a little inured)


239

it seemed, and they conceited it only as a pleasure and a recreation.
[_]
5

Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary || Gentlemen would doe more in a day
then 100 of the rest that must bee prest to it by compulsion. Master
Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the fort, every
one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President
returning from amongst the woodes, seeing the time consumed, and
no provision gotten, (and the ship lay Idle, and would do nothing)
presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to
the Councell, to send Master Persey after him with the next barge
that arrived at the fort; 2. barges, he had himselfe, and 20. men, but
arriving at Chickahamina, that dogged nation was too wel acquainted
with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and
insolencie as they could expresse. The President perceiving it was
Powhatans policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for
their corne, as to revenge his imprisonment,
[_]
6
and the death of his
men murdered by them, and so landing his men, and ready to charge
them, they immediatly fled; but then they sent their imbassadours,
with corne, fish, fowl, or what they had to make their peace, (their
corne being that year bad) they complained extreamly of their owne
wants, yet fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of corne, and in like
manner Master Persies, that not long after us arrived; they having
done the best they could to content us, within 4. or 5. daies we
returned to James Towne.
[_]
One gentleman
better
then 20
lubbers.

[_]
The Chickahamines
forced to
contribution.

Though this much contented the company (that then feared
nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they
rather desired to starve, then his paines should prove so much more
effectuall then || theirs; some projects there was, not only to have
deposed him but to have kept him out of the fort, for that being
President, he would leave his place, and the fort without their consents;
but their hornes were so much too short to effect it,

[_]
7
as they
themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.
[_]
A bad reward
for well doing.

All this time our old taverne made as much of all them that had
either mony or ware as could bee desired; and by this time they were
become so perfect on all sides (I meane Souldiers, Sailers, and Salvages,)
as there was ten-times more care to maintaine their damnable
and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were
necessary. Neither was it a small pollicy in the mariners, to report in
England wee had such plenty and bring us so many men without
victuall, when they had so many private factors in the fort, that


240

within 6. or 7. weekes after the ships returne,
[_]
8
of 2. or 300. hatchets,
chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes scarce 20 could be found, and for
pike-heads, knives, shot, powder, or any thing (they could steale
from their fellowes) was vendible; They knew as well (and as secretly)
how to convay them to trade with the Salvages, for furres, baskets,
mussaneekes,
[_]
9
young beastes or such like commodities, as exchange
them with the sailers, for butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavitæ,
beere, bisket, and oatmeale; and then faine, all was sent them from
their friends. And though Virginia afford
[_]
10
no furs for the store, yet
one mariner in one voyage hath got so many, as hee hath confessed
to have solde in England for 30
[_]
1
.
[_]
A good taverne
in Virginia.

[_]
A bad trade of
masters and
sailers.

Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia, || that have
notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay, but now they begin
to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none
hath bin in Virginia (that hath observed any thing) which knowes
not this to be true, and yet the scorne, and shame was the poore
souldiers, gentlemen and carelesse governours, who were all thus
bought and solde, the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne
by their false excuses, informations, and directions, by this
let all the world Judge, how this businesse coulde prosper, being thus
abused by such pilfering occasions.

[_]

8. This work had been begun before Nelson arrived, in Apr., but apparently little
was done during Smith's 14 weeks of exploration.

[_]

9. As mentioned in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 410n, "quere, 8" is evidently
one of several printer's queries, here not deleted: "Where is the figure?" Purchas noted
that "The figure is left out" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717), and the Generall Historie makes amends
by stating that it was in "a five-square forme" (p. 66). Archaeological evidence can
prove nothing, for the undoubted site has been washed into the James River, but it seems
to be generally agreed that the fort was triangular, and not pentagonal (see John L.
Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia National Park Service, Archeological
Research Series, No. 4 [Washington, D.C., 1958], 11-17).

[_]

10. Alexander Brown estimated that Smith was president for 19 days before Newport
arrived with the second supply (The First Republic in America: An Account of the Origin
of This Nation
[Boston, 1898], 69).

[_]

1. Here Smith's protests against company policy begin in earnest.

[_]

2. Purchas's marginal comments here bear quoting: "Civility is not the way to win
Savages, nor magnificence and bounty to reclaime Barbarians. Children are pleased
with toyes and awed with rods; and this course of toies and feares hath always best prospered
with wilde Indians either to doe them, or to make them good to us or themselves.
This vanity of ours made Powhatan overvalue himselfe, his Corne, etc." (Pilgrimes, IV,
1717).

[_]

3. See J. C. Harrington's illuminating monograph, Glassmaking at Jamestown:
America's First Industry
(Richmond, Va., 1952), and J. Paul Hudson's well-illustrated
Glassmaking at Jamestown: One of the First Industries in America, Jamestown Foundation
(Jamestown, Va., n.d.). See also Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 411n, which mentions
the production of pitch, tar, and soap ashes as a colonial objective since 1584; only the
glassmills were a new idea. For the Poles and Dutch, see p. 53, below.

[_]

4. A rare use of "conclude" in the sense of "decided (in favor of)."

[_]

5. Newport was not the type not to retaliate.

[_]

6. The Generall Historie, 67, inserts here: "But presently [quickly, immediately]
Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended. ..." The entertainment,
which is described below, was not without parallel in North Carolina years later,
when 30-odd women and girls danced for John Lawson (John Lawson, A New Voyage to
Carolina
, ed. Hugh Talmage Lefler [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1967], 44-45).

[_]

7. Newport had taken Namontack to England in Apr. (see p. 19, above) and had
just brought him back.

[_]

8. Smith, misunderstanding what he heard, had thought it was near the head of the
Chickahominy River, where he was captured (see p. 39n, above; and the True Relation,
sig. C2r).

[_]

9. Purchas begins a long marginal notation at this point (Pilgrimes, IV, 1718). It is
worth reproducing as illustrative of pious thinking in England in 1625:
"So much was done to buy repentance with more cost then worship. If we seeke
Savages we loose them, if wee force them to seeke us, wee shal finde these shadowes of men
close at our feet. I have read more stories of them then perhaps any man, and finde that
a cruell mercy in awing Savages to feare us is better then that mercifull cruelty, which
by too much kindenes hath made us feare them, or else by too much confidence to loose
our selves. [This was written after the massacre. Ed.] Smith and Newport may by their
examples teach the just course to be taken with such: the one breeding awe and dread,
without Spanish or Panike terror, the other disgraced in seeking to grace with offices of
humanity, those which are gracelesse. Neither doth it become us to use Savages with
savagenesse, nor yet with too humaine usage, but in a middle path (medio tutissimus
ibis) to goe and doe so that they may admire and feare us, as those whom God, Religion,
Civility, and Art, have made so farre superior; yet to abuse them (unprovoked) as hostile
slaves, or as meere beasts, with cruell and beastly severity, whom nature hath equally
made men. This breedes desperate depopulations, as in the Spanish Indies hath been
seene; that gentlenesse and unequall equity makes them proud and treacherous, as
wofull experience hath taught in the late massacre. Our temperance and justice should
be qualified with prudence and fortitude. Neither must wee make them beasts, nor yet
value them as Christians, till we have made them such; and the way to make them
Christian men, is first to make them civill men, to file off the rust of their humanity,
which as children (the like in taming wilde Beasts) must be done with severe gentlenesse,
and gentle severity, which may breede in them a loving awe, or awfull love, at least a
just dread toward us, that feare may make them know us, and then the fault is ours if
they see no cause to love us."

[_]

1. "Start" is a strong past tense that survived in English well into the 1600s.

[_]

2. "To express his pleasure at. ..."

[_]

3. Additional and ceremonial.

[_]

4. Obviously not written by Smith. Chaps. 7-9 are signed by Richard Wiffin,
William Phettiplace, and Anas Todkill, so that it is impossible to know which of the
three (if any) wrote this account.

[_]

5. An interesting sidelight on the English gentleman of the day. Smith could only
succeed in getting the gentlemen to work by diversionary tactics of this sort.

[_]

6. Smith seems to have understood that Powhatan was at the root of the Chickahominy
embargo on trade with the English. For the Indians, as well as for the English,
revenge was "a sort of wild justice" (Francis Bacon, "Of Revenge," in The Essays, or
Counsels, civil and moral
...). They would understand it.

[_]

7. Read: "their horns were much too short to effect it"; that is, the grumbling
minority was too weak. See p. 21, above, for a similar reference.

[_]

8. I.e., return to Virginia.

[_]

9. Possibly gray squirrels, which looked very different from the English red variety
(see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 38).

[_]

10. The Generall Historie, 70, has "afforded."

The proceedings and accidents,
with the second supply.

Master Scrivener was sent with the barges and Pinas to Werawocomoco,
where he found the Salvages more ready to fight then trade,
but his vigilancy was such, as prevented their projectes, and by the
meanes of Namontack got 3. or 4. hogshead of corne, and as much
Red paint which (then) was esteemed an excellent die.

[_]
Skriveners
voiage to
Werawocomoco.

Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals of pitch,
tarre, glasse, frankincense, and sope ashes, with that clapbord and
wainscot could bee provided met with Master Scrivener at point
Comfort, and so returned for England, leaving us in all 200. with
those hee brought us.

[_]
1

The names of those in this supply are these.

    were appointed to bee of the Councell.

  • Captaine Peter Winne.
  • Captaine Richard Waldo.

241

    Gentlemen.

  • || Master Francis West.
  • Thomas Graves.
  • Rawley Chroshaw.
  • Gabriell Bedle.
  • John Russell.
  • John Bedle.
  • William Russell.
  • John Gudderington.
  • William Sambage.
  • Henry Collings.
  • Henry Ley.
  • Harmon Haryson.
  • Daniell Tucker.
  • Hugh Wollystone.
  • John Hoult.
  • Thomas Norton.
  • George Yarington.
  • George Burton.
  • Henry Philpot.
  • Thomas Maxes.
  • Michaell Lowicke.
  • Master Hunt.
    [_]
    2
  • Thomas Forest.
  • William Dowman.
  • John Dauxe.
  • Thomas Abbay.

    Tradesmen.

  • Thomas Phelps.
  • John Prat.
  • John Clarke.
  • Jefry Shortridge.
  • || Dionis Oconor.
  • Hugh Wynne.
  • David ap Hugh.
  • Thomas Bradley.
  • John Burras.
  • Thomas Lavander.
  • Henry Bell.
  • Master Powell.
    [_]
    3
  • David Ellys.
  • Thomas Gipson.

242

    Laborers.

  • Thomas Dowse.
  • Thomas Mallard.
  • William Taler.
  • Thomas Fox.
  • Nicholas Hancock.
  • Walker.
  • Williams.
  • Morrell.
  • Rose.
  • Scot.
  • Hardwin.

    Boyes.

  • Milman.
  • Hellyard.

Mistresse Forest and Anne Buras her maide, 8. Dutchmen, and
Poles

[_]
4
with divers to the number of 70. persons.

Those poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine; that
the President provided for Nansamund, tooke with him Captaine
Winne and Master Scrivener (then returning from Captaine Newport).
These people also || long denied him trade, (excusing themselves
to bee so commanded by Powhatan) til we were constrained
to begin with them perforce, and then they would rather sell us some,
then wee should take all; so loading our boats, with 100. bushels we
parted friends, and came to James Towne, at which time, there was
a marriage betweene John Laydon and Anna Burrowes, being the
first marriage we had in Virginia.

[_]
Nansamund
forced to contribution.

Long he staied not, but fitting himselfe and captaine Waldo
with 2. barges, from Chawopo, Weanocke and all parts there, was
found neither corne nor Salvage, but all fled (being Jealous of our
intents) till we discovered the river and people of Appametuck,
where we founde little that they had, we equally devided, betwixt
the Salvages and us (but gave them copper in consideration). Master
Persie and Master Scrivener went also abroad but could finde
nothing.

[_]
Appamatucke
discovered.

The President seeing this procrastinating of time, was no course
to live, resolved with Captaine Waldo, (whom he knew to be sure in
time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and al his provision, but the unwillingnes
of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some
private respects) did their best to hinder their project: But the President
whom no perswasions could perswade to starve, being invited
by Powhatan to come unto him, and if he would send him but men
to build him a house, bring him a grinstone, 50. swords, some peeces,
a cock and a hen, with copper and beads, he would loade his shippe
with corne. The President not ignoraunt of his devises, yet unwilling


243

to neglect any opportunity, presently sent 3. Dutch-men and 2.
English (having no vi- || ctuals to imploy them, all for want therof
being idle) knowing there needed no better castel,
[_]
5
then that house
to surprize Powhatan, to effect this project he took order with Captaine
Waldo to second him if need required; Scrivener he left his
substitute; and set forth with the Pinnas 2. barges and six and forty
men which only were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his
journy, the which (by reason of Master Scriveners ill successe) was
censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne
empty howsoever, caused many of those that he had appointed, to
finde excuses to stay behinde.

[_]

1. Smith's letter to the treasurer, sent to London with Newport but omitted here,
appears in the Generall Historie, 70-72. Both the letter and the list of names that follows
were omitted by Purchas (Pilgrimes, IV, 1719-1720).

[_]

2. The identity of Master Hunt is uncertain. He may have been the Thomas Hunt
who was listed as an adventurer in the 1609 charter.

[_]

3. This appears to have been the artisan Henry Powell, listed on p. 56, below.

[_]

4. Regarding the Poles, see p. 81, below.

[_]

5. Here in the sense of "visionary project or scheme."

Chapter 8.
Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunke.

THE 29 of December hee set forward for Werawocomoco, his
company were these.

    In the Discovery barge, himselfe.

      Gentlemen.

    • Robert Behethland.
    • Nathaniell Powell.
      [_]
      6
    • John Russell.
    • Rawly Crashaw.
    • Michaell Sicklemore.
    • Richard Worlie.

      Souldiers.

    • Anas Todkill.
    • William Love.
    • William Bentley.
    • Geoffery Shortridge.
    • Edward Pising.
    • William Warde.

    In the Pinnace.

  • Master George Persie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland,
  • Master Frauncis West, brother to the Lord De-la- Ware.
  • William Phetiplace Captaine of the Pinnas.
  • Jonas Profit Master.
  • Robert Ford clarcke of the councell.

  • 244

      Gentlemen.

    • Michaell Phetiplace.
    • Geoffery Abbot Sergeant.
    • William Tankard.
    • George Yarington.
    • James Bourne.
      [_]
      7
    • George Burton.
    • Thomas Coe.

      Souldiers.

    • John Dods.
    • Edward Brinton.
    • Nathaniel Peacocke.
    • Henry Powell.
    • David Ellis.
    • Thomas Gipson.
    • John Prat.
    • George Acrigge.
    • James Reade.
    • Nicholas Hancocke.
    • James Watkins.
    • Anthony Baggly Serg.
      [_]
      8
    • Thomas Lambert.
    • Edward Pising Sergeant.
      [_]
      9

4. Dutchmen and Richard Salvage were sent by land, to build the
house for Powhatan against our arrivall.

This company being victualled but for 3. or 4. daies || lodged
the first night at Weraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient
provision. This kind Salvage did his best to divert him from seeing
Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this
maner.

Captaine Smith, you shall finde Powhatan to use you kindly, but
trust him not, and bee sure hee hath no opportunitie to seaze on your
armes, for hee hath sent for you only to cut your throats.

[_]
The good
counsell of
Weraskoyack.

The Captaine thanked him for his good counsell, yet the better to try
his love, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would send a present
to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this journey, was
sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and painefull
souldier, with him two guids, and directions howe to search for the
lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, and silke grasse:

[_]
1
then wee departed

245

thence, the President assuring the king his perpetuall love,
and left with him Samuell Collier his page to learne the language.

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan 6 or 7 daies, the
extreame wind, raine, frost, and snowe, caused us to keepe Christmas

[_]
2

amongst the Salvages, where wee were never more merrie, nor
fedde on more plentie of good oysters, fish, flesh, wild foule, and good
bread, nor never had better fires in England then in the drie warme
smokie houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found
no houses, we were not curious
[_]
3
in any weather, to lie 3 or 4 nights
together upon any shore under the trees by a good fire. 148 fowles
the President, Anthony Bagly,
[_]
4
and Edward Pising, did kill at 3
shoots. At Kiskiack the frost forced us 3 or 4 daies also to suppresse
the insolencie of those || proud Salvages; to quarter in their houses,
and guard our barge, and cause them give us what wee wanted, yet
were we but 12 with the President, and yet we never wanted harbour
where we found any houses. The 12 of Januarie
[_]
5
we arrived at
Werawocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a mile from
the shore; but to neglect no time, the President with his barge, so
farre had approached by breaking the Ice as the eb left him amongst
those oozie shoules, yet rather then to lie there frozen to death, by
his owne example hee taught them to march middle deepe, more
then a flight shot through this muddie frore
[_]
6
ooze; when the barge
floted he appointed 2 or 3 to returne her abord the Pinnace, where
for want of water in melting the salt Ice
[_]
7
they made fresh water, but
in this march Master Russell (whome none could perswade to stay
behind) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavie, so overtoiled
him selfe, as the rest had much adoe (ere he got a shore) to regaine
life, into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next
[_]
8
houses
we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plentie of
bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day
[_]
9
having feasted us after
his ordinarie manner, he began to aske, when we would bee gon,
faining hee sent not for us, neither had hee any corne, and his people
much lesse, yet for 40 swords he would procure us 40 bushels. The

246

President shewing him the men there present, that brought him the
message and conditions, asked him how it chaunced he became so
forgetful, thereat the king concluded the matter with a merry
laughter, asking for our commodities, but none he liked without
gunnes and swords, || valuing a basket of corne more pretious then a
basket of copper, saying he could eate his corne, but not his copper.
[_]
Plentie of
victuall.

[_]
148 Fowles
killed at 3
shoots.

[_]
An ill march.

[_]
Powhatans
subteltie.

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtil Salvage began
to deale with him after this manner,

[_]
Captaine
Smithes discourse
to
Powhatan.

Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision,
yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all, to
satisfie your desire, and to testifie my love, I sent you my men for
your building, neglecting my owne: what your people had you have
engrossed, forbidding them our trade, and nowe you thinke by consuming
the time, wee shall consume for want, not having to fulfill
your strange demandes. As for swords, and gunnes, I told you long
agoe, I had none to spare. And you shall knowe, those I have, can
keepe me from want, yet steale, or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve
that friendship, wee have mutually promised, except you constraine
mee by your bad usage.

The king having attentively listned to this discourse; promised,
that both hee and his Country would spare him what they could, the
which within 2 daies, they should receave.

[_]
Powhatans
reply and
flattery.

Yet Captaine Smith, (saith the king) some doubt I have of your
comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieve you as
I would; for many do informe me, your comming is not for trade,
but to invade my people and possesse my Country, who dare not
come to bring you corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To
cleere us of this feare, leave abord your weapons, for here they are
needlesse we being all friends and for ever Powhatans.

With many such discourses they spent the day, quartring that
night in the kings houses. The next day he reviewed

[_]
1
his building,
which hee little intended should proceed; for the Dutchmen finding
his plenty, and knowing our want, and perceived
[_]
2
his preparation to
surprise us, little thinking wee could escape both him and famine, (to
obtaine his favour) revealed to him as much as they knew of our
estates and projects, and how to prevent them; one of them being of
so good a judgement, spirit, and resolution, and a hireling that was
certaine of wages for his labour, and ever well used, both he and his
countrimen, that the President knewe not whome better to trust, and

247

not knowing any fitter for that imploiment, had sent him as a spie to
discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie, nor
could ever be certaine of his villany, till neare halfe a yeare after.

Whilst we expected the comming in of the countrie, we wrangled
out of the king 10 quarters of corne for a copper kettle, the which the
President perceived him much to affect, valued it at a much greater
rate, but (in regard of his scarcety) hee would accept of

[_]
3
as much
more the next yeare, or else the country of Monacan, the king exceeding
liberall of that hee had not yeelded him Monacan. Wherewith
each seeming well contented; Powhatan began to expostulate
the difference betwixt peace and war, after this manner.

Captaine Smith you may understand, that I, having scene the
death of all my people thrice,

[_]
4
and not one living of those 3 generations,
but my selfe, I knowe the difference of peace and warre, better
then any in my || Countrie. But now I am old, and ere long must die,
my brethren, namely Opichapam, Opechankanough, and Kekataugh,
my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each
others successours, I wish their experiences no lesse then mine, and
your love to them, no lesse then mine to you; but this brute from
Nansamund
[_]
5
that you are come to destroy my Countrie, so much
affrighteth all my people, as they dare not visit you; what will it
availe you, to take that perforce, you may quietly have with love, or
to destroy them that provide you food? what can you get by war,
when we can hide our provision and flie to the woodes, whereby you
must famish by wronging us your friends; and whie are you thus
jealous of our loves, seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are willing
still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours?
think you I am so simple not to knowe, it is better to eate good meate,
lie well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and
be merrie with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I want, being
your friend; then bee forced to flie from al, to lie cold in the woods,
feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and be so hunted by you,
that I can neither rest, eat, nor sleepe; but my tired men must watch,
and if a twig but breake, everie one crie there comes Captaine Smith,
then must I flie I knowe not whether, and thus with miserable feare
end my miserable life; leaving my pleasures to such youths as you,
which through your rash unadvisednesse, may quickly as miserably

248

ende, for want of that you never knowe how to find? Let this therefore
assure you of our loves and everie yeare our friendly trade shall
furnish you || with corne, and now also if you would come in friendly
manner to see us, and not thus with your gunnes and swords, as to
invade your foes.
[_]
Powhatans discourse
of peace
and warre.

To this subtil discourse the President thus replied.

Seeing you will not rightly conceave of our words, wee strive to
make you knowe our thoughts by our deeds. The vow I made you of
my love, both my selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise
I finde it everie daie violated, by some of your subjects, yet wee finding
your love and kindnesse (our custome is so far from being ungratefull)
that for your sake only, wee have curbed our thirsting
desire of revenge, else had they knowne as wel the crueltie we use to
our enimies as our true love and curtesie to our friendes. And I thinke
your judgement sufficient to conceive as well by the adventures we
have undertaken, as by the advantage we have by our armes of
yours: that had wee intended you anie hurt, long ere this wee coulde
have effected it; your people comming to me at James towne, are
entertained with their bowes and arrowes without exception; we
esteeming it with you, as it is with us, to weare our armes as our
apparell. As for the dangers of our enimies, in such warres consist our
chiefest pleasure, for your riches we have no use, as for the hiding
your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall so unadvisedly
starve as you conclude,

[_]
6
your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse;
for we have a rule to finde beyond your knowledge.
[_]
Captaine
Smiths reply.

Manie other discourses they had, til at last they began to trade,
but the king seing his will would not bee admitted as a lawe, our
gard dispersed, nor our men || disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his
mind, once more in this manner.

Captaine Smith, I never used anie of

[_]
7
Werowances, so kindlie
as your selfe; yet from you I receave the least kindnesse of anie. Captaine
Newport gave me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tooles, or what
I desired, ever taking what I offered him, and would send awaie his
gunnes when I intreated him: none doth denie to laie at my feet (or
do) what I desire, but onelie you, of whom I can have nothing, but
what you regard not, and yet you wil have whatsoever you demand.
Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me, but I see for all

249

us both, you will doe what you list, and wee must both seeke to
content you: but if you intend so friendlie as you saie, sende hence
your armes that I may beleeve you, for you see the love I beare you,
doth cause mee thus nakedlie forget my selfe.
[_]
Powhatans
importunitie
for to have
them unarmed,
to betray them.

Smith seeing this Salvage but trifled the time to cut his throat:
procured the Salvages to breake the ice, (that his boat might come
to fetch both him and his corne) and gave order for his men to come
ashore, to have surprised

[_]
8
the king, with whom also he but trifled the
time till his men landed, and to keepe him from suspition, entertained
the time with this reply.

Powhatan, you must knowe as I have but one God, I honour
but one king; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend,
to pleasure you with what I can: by the gifts you bestowe on me, you
gaine more then by trade; yet would you visite mee as I doe you,
you should knowe it is not our customes to sell our curtesie as a
vendible commoditie. Bring all your Country || with you for your
gard, I will not dislike of it as being over jealous. But to content you,
to morrow I will leave my armes, and trust to your promise. I call
you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you, but
the smal care you had of such a child, caused my men perswade me
to shift for my selfe.

[_]
Captaine
Smiths discourse
to delay
time, that hee
might surprise
Powhatan.

By this time Powhatan having knowledge, his men were readie:
whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage

[_]
9
women, and children fledde,
and to avoid suspition, left 2 or 3 of his women talking with the
Captaine, whilst he secretly fled, and his men as secretlie beset the
house, which being at the instant discovered to Captaine Smith, with
his Pistol, Sword and Target, he made such a passage amongst those
naked divels, that they fled before him some one waie some another,
so that without hurt he obtained the Corps du-guard; when they
perceived him so well escaped, and with his 8 men (for he had no
more with him), to the uttermost of their skill, they sought by excuses
to dissemble the matter, and Powhatan to excuse his flight, and
the suddaine comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a greate
bracelet, and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Orator that bespoke
us to this purpose, (perceiving them from our Pinnace, a barge and
men departing and comming unto us.)
[_]
Powhatans
plot to have
murdered
Smith.

[_]
A chain of
perle for a
present.

Captaine Smith, our Werowans is fled, fearing your guns, and knowing
when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent those
of his to guard his corne from the pilfrie,

[_]
1
that might happen without

250

your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet
he is your friend, and so wil continue: and since the ice is open hee
would have you send a- || waie your corne; and if you would have his
companie send also your armes, which so affrighteth his people, that
they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should.
[_]
His excuse.

Nowe having provided baskets for our men to carrie the corne, they
kindlie offered their service to gard our armes, that none should
to steale them. A great manie they were, of goodlie well appointed fellowes
as grim as divels; yet the verie sight of cocking our matches
against them, and a few words, caused them to leave their bowes and
arrowes to our gard, and beare downe our corne on their own backes;
wee needed not importune them to make quick dispatch. But our
own barge being left by the ebb, caused us to staie, till the midnight
tide carried us safe abord, having spent that halfe night with such
mirth, as though we never had suspected or intended any thing, we
left the Dutchmen to build, Brinton to kil fowle for Powhatan (as by
his messengers he importunately desired) and left directions with our
men to give Powhatan all the content they could, that we might
injoy his company at our returne from Pamaunke.

[_]
Pretending
kill our men
loded with
baskets we
forced the
Salvages carrie
them.

[_]

6. The Generall Historie, 74, curiously, has "Nathanael Graves" by mistake; Powell
is confirmed below (p. 66).

[_]

7. Bourne is erroneously listed as Browne in the Generall Historie, 74.

[_]

8. Anthony Baggly, Serg[eant], is an error for Anthony Bagnall, Surgeon, as shown
in various references.

[_]

9. Edward Pising was in the barge (see p. 55, above).

[_]

1. Thomas Harriot and others had discovered fibrous plants on the small islands
around Roanoke Island, North Carolina, before or about Sept. 1585. These were said
to yield "silk grass" -- a potentially valuable commodity. See David Beers Quinn, ed.,
The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV [London, 1955]),
I, 325n, for suggestions as to the plants concerned. The Indians are known to have used
ramie fiber from stingless nettles and fibers from milkweed and yucca for making textiles
(see A. C. Whitford, "Textile Fibers Used in Eastern Aboriginal North America," Anthro-
pological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History
, XXXVIII, Pt. I [New York,
1941], 9-13).

[_]

2. The Christmas season lasted until Twelfth Night. Six or seven days beginning
Dec. 30 would include most of the period.

[_]

3. Eager.

[_]

4. Again an error for Bagnall; see p. 56n, above.

[_]

5. 1609.

[_]

6. Intensely cold, frozen.

[_]

7. The Generall Historie, 75, clarifies this: "in melting the ice, they made fresh water,
for the river there was salt."

[_]

8. Nearest.

[_]

9. Jan. 13, 1609; Smith seldom supplies dates.

[_]

1. The Generall Historie, 75, has "renewed."

[_]

2. Ibid., "perceiving."

[_]

3. Ibid., "he would accept it, provided we should have as much more the next
yeare. ..."

[_]

4. Powhatan is apparently referring to drastic reverses or epidemics in his lifetime
of which we have now little or no record.

[_]

5. The bruit, or rumor, from Nansemond "that from the Chesapeack Bay a Nation
should arise, which should dissolve and give end to his Empier" was confirmed by
William Strachey (The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and
Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 104).

[_]

6. Read: "we shall not so unadvisedly starve. ..." Smith was retorting to Powhatan's
insinuation that the English "never knowe how to find" sustenance (p. 61), with his own
insinuation that he had some tricks up his sleeve, too.

[_]

7. Both the Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimes omit "of"; perhaps the original
had "of my" or "of the."

[_]

8. The Generall Historie, 76, has "to surprise."

[_]

9. Ibid., 77, "with his luggage."

[_]

1. "Pilfering"; obsolete. Above, read: "knowing that when the ice was broken. ..."

Chapter 9.
How we escaped surprising at Pamaunke.

WEE had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan returned, and sent
Adam and Francis (2. stout Dutch men) to the fort, who faining
to Captaine Winne that al things were well, and that Captaine
Smith had use for their armes, wherefore they requested newe || (the
which were given them) they told him their comming was for some
extraordinary tooles and shift of apparell; by this colourable excuse,
they obtained 6. or 7. more to their confederacie, such expert theefes,
that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads,
peeces, shot, powder and such like. They had Salvages at hand ready
to carry it away, the next

[_]
2
day they returned unsuspected, leaving
their confederates to follow, and in the interim, to convay them a
competencie of all things they could, for which service they should
live with Powhatan as his chiefe affected: free from those miseries
that would happen the Colony. Samuell their other consort, Powhatan
kept for their pledge, whose diligence had provided them, 300.
of their kinde of hatchets, the rest, 50. swords, 8. peeces, and 8. pikes:
Brinton, and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so strangly diligent
to accommodate the Salvages these weapons
[_]
3
attempted to have

251

got to James Towne, but they were apprehended; within 2. or 3.
daies we arrived at Pamaunke: the king as many daies, entertained
us with feasting and much mirth: and the day he appointed to begin
our trade, the President, with Master Persie, Master West, Master
Russell, Master Beheathland, Master Powell, Master Crashaw,
Master Ford, and some others to the number of 15. went up to
Opechancanougs house (near a quarter of a mile from the river,)
where we founde nothing, but a lame fellow and a boy, and all the
houses about, of all things abandoned; not long we staide ere the
king arrived, and after him came divers of his people loaded with
bowes and arrowes, but such pinching commodities, and those
esteemed at such a va- || lue, as our Captaine beganne with him in
this manner.
[_]
The dutchmen
deceave Captaine
Smith.

[_]
Opechanca-
noughs
abandoned.

Opechancanough the great love you professe with your tongue,
seemes meere deceipt by your actions; last yeare you kindly fraughted
our ship, but now you have invited me to starve with hunger. You
know my want, and I your plenty, of which by some meanes I must
have part, remember it is fit for kings to keepe their promise. Here
are my commodities, wherof take your choice; the rest I will proportion,
fit bargaines for your people.

[_]
Smiths speech
to Opechancanough.

The king seemed kindly to accept his offer; and the better to
colour his project, sold us what they had to our own content; promising
the next day, more company, better provided; (the barges, and
Pinnas being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace) the
President with his old 15 marched up to the kings house, where we
found 4 or 5 men newly come with great baskets, not long after came
the king, who with a strained cheerefulnes held us with discourse,
what paines he had taken to keepe his promise; til Master Russell
brought us in news that we were all betraied: for at least 6. or 700.
of well appointed Indians had invironed the house and beset the
fields. The king conjecturing what Russell related, we could wel perceive
how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent: whereat
some of our companie seeming dismaide with the thought of such a
multitude; the Captaine incouraged us after this manner.

[_]
700 Salvages
beset the
English being
but 16.

Worthy countrymen were the mischiefes of my seeming friends,
no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared, were they as
many more, if you || dare do, but as I. But this is my torment, that
if I escape them, our malicious councell with their open mouthed
minions, will make mee such a peace-breaker (in their opinions) in
England, as wil break my neck; I could wish those here, that make
these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all,
wherin I pray aide me with your opinions; should wee begin with
them and surprize this king, we cannot keep him and defend well our
selves. If we should each kill our man and so proceede with al in this


252

house; the rest will all fly, then shall we get no more, then the bodies
that are slaine, and then starve for victuall: as for their fury it is the
least danger; for well you know, (being alone assaulted with 2 or 300
of them) I made them compound to save my life, and we are now
16 and they but 700. at the most, and assure your selves God wil so
assist us, that if you dare but to stande to discharge your peeces, the
very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them; yet howsoever (if
there be occasion) let us fight like men, and not die like sheep; but
first I will deale with them, to bring it to passe, we may fight for some
thing and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion,
promise me youle
[_]
4
be valiant.
[_]
Smiths speech
to his company.

The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever
he attempted, or die; whereupon the captaine, approaching
the king bespoke him in this manner.

I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it
not, as yet your men and mine, have done no harme, but by our
directions. Take therefore your arms; you see mine; my body shalbe
as naked as yours; || the Ile in your river is a fit place, if you be contented:
and the conqueror (of us two) shalbe Lord and Master over
all our men; otherwaies drawe all your men into the field; if you
have not enough take time to fetch more, and bring what number
you will, so everie one bring a basket of corne, against all which I
will stake the value in copper; you see I have but 15 men, and our
game shalbe the conquerer take all.

[_]
Smiths offer
to Opechancanough.

The king, being guarded with 50 or 60 of his chiefe men, seemed
kindly to appease Smiths suspition of unkindnesse, by a great present
at the dore, they intreated him to receive. This was to draw him
without the dore where the present was garded with at the least 200
men and 30 lying under a greate tree (that lay thwart as a Barricado)
each his arrow nocked ready to shoot; some the President commanded
to go and see what kinde of deceit this was, and to receive
the present, but they refused to do it, yet divers offered whom he
would not permit; but commanding Master Persie and Master West
to make good the house, tooke Master Powell and Master Beheathland
to guard the dore, and in such a rage snatched the king by his
vambrace

[_]
5
in the midst of his men, with his pistoll ready bent against
his brest: thus he led the trembling king, (neare dead with feare)
amongst all his people,
[_]
6
who delivering the Captaine his bow and

253

arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their armes,
little dreaming anie durst in that manner have used their king; who
then to escape himselfe, bestowed his presents in goodsadnesse.
[_]
7
And
having caused all his multitude to approach disarmed; the President
argued with them to this effect.
[_]
Opechanca-
noughs devise
to betray
Smith.

I see you Pamaunkies the great desire you have to cut my throat;
and my long suffering your injuries, have inboldened you to this presumption.
The cause I have forborne your insolencies, is the promise
I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give
me just cause to bee your enimie. If I keepe this vow, my God will
keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake it he will destroie me. But
if you shoot but one arrow, to shed one drop of blood of any of my
men, or steale the least of these beades, or copper, (I spurne before
me with my foot) you shall see, I wil not cease revenge, (if once I
begin) so long as I can heare where to find one of your nation that
will not deny the name of Pamaunke; I am not now at Rasseweac

[_]
8

(halfe drownd with mire) where you tooke me prisoner, yet then for
keeping your promise, and your good usage, and saving my life, I
so affect you, that your denials of your treacherie, doth half perswade
me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you aime at, here
I stand, shoote hee that dare. You promised to fraught my ship ere
I departed, and so you shall, or I meane to load her with your dead
carkases; yet if as friends you wil come and trade, I once more
promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion.
[_]
Smiths discourse
to the
Pamaunkies.

Upon this awaie went their bowes and arrowes, and men, women,
and children brought in their commodities, but 2 or three houres
they so thronged about the President, and so overwearied him, as
he retired himself to rest, leaving Master Beheathland and Master
Powel to accept their presents; but some Salvage perceiving him fast
asleepe, and the guard carelesly dispersed, 40 or 50 of their choice
men || each with an English sword in his hand, began to enter the
house, with 2 or 300 others that pressed to second them. The noise
and hast they made in, did so shake the house, as they awoke him
from his sleep, and being halfe amazed

[_]
9
with this suddaine sight,
betooke him straight to his sword and target,
[_]
10
Master Crashaw and
some other charging in like manner, they thronged faster backe, then
before forward. The house thus clensed, the king and his ancients,

254

with a long oration came to excuse this intrusion. The rest of the day
was spent with much kindnesse, the company againe renuing their
presents of their best provision. And what soever we gave them, they
seemed well contented with it.
[_]
The Salvages
dissemble their
intent.

[_]
Their excuse
and reconcilement.


Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at the
fort, Master Scrivener willing to crosse

[_]
1
the surprizing of Powhatan;
9 daies after the Presidents departure, would needs visit the Ile of
hogges, and took with him Captaine Waldo (though the President
had appointed him to bee readie to second his occasions)
[_]
2
with
Master Anthony Gosnoll
[_]
3
and eight others; but so violent was the
wind (that extreame frozen time) that the boat sunke, but where or
how, none doth knowe, for they were all drowned; onlie this was
knowne, that the Skiffe was much overloaded, and would scarse have
lived in that extreame tempest, had she beene emptie; but by no
perswasion hee could bee diverted, though both Waldo and 100
others doubted as it hapned.
[_]
4
The Salvages were the first that found
their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect
their projects. To advertise the President of this heavie || newes, none
could bee found would undertake it, but the journey was often refused
of all in the fort, untill Master Wiffin undertooke alone the
performance thereof; wherein he was encountred with many dangers
and difficulties, and in all parts as hee passed (as also that night he
lodged with Powhatan) perceived such preparation for warre, that
assured him, some mischiefe was intended, but with extraordinarie
bribes, and much trouble, in three daies travell
[_]
5
at length hee found
us in the midst of these turmoiles. This unhappie newes, the President
swore him to conceale from the rest, and so dissembling his sorrow,
with the best countenance he could, when the night approached,
went safely abord with all his companie.
[_]
The losse of
Master
Skrivener and
others with a
Skiffe.

[_]
Master Wiffin
his journey to
the President.

Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his
men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith, that the
next day they appointed the Countrie should come to trade unarmed:
yet unwilling to be treacherous, but that they were constrained,
hating fighting almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had
of bad successe. The next morning the sunne had not long appeared,
but the fieldes appeared covered with people, and baskets to tempt
us ashore. The President determined to keepe abord, but nothing
was to bee had without his presence, nor they would not indure

[_]
6
the
sight of a gun; then the President seeing many depart, and being unwilling

255

to lose such a booty, so well contrived the Pinnace, and his
barges with Ambuscadoes, as only with Master Persie, Master West,
and Master Russell armed, he went ashore, others unarmed he appointed
to receive what was brought; the Salvages floc- || ked before
him in heapes, and (the bancke serving as a trench for retreat) hee
drewe them faire open to his ambuscadoes, for he not being to be
perswaded to go to visit their king, the King came to visit him with
2 or 300 men, in the forme of two halfe moons, with some 20 men,
and many women loaded with great painted baskets; but when they
approached somewhat neare us, their women and children fled; for
when they had environed and beset the fieldes in this manner, they
thought their purpose sure; yet so trembled with fear as they were
scarse able to nock their arrowes; Smith standing with his 3 men
readie bent beholding them, till they were within danger of our ambuscado,
who, upon the word discovered themselves, and he retiring
to the banke;
[_]
7
which the Salvages no sooner perceived but away they
fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage.
[_]
Powhatan constraineth
his
men to be
trecherous.

[_]
Their third
attempt to
betray us.

That night we sent to the fort Master Crashaw and Master
Foard, who (in the mid-way betweene Werawocomoco and the fort)
met 4 or 5. of the Dutch mens confederates going to Powhatan, the
which (to excuse

[_]
8
those gentlemens Suspition of their running to the
Salvages) returned to the fort and there continued.

The Salvages hearing our barge depart in the night were so
terriblie affraide, that we sent for more men,

[_]
9
(we having so much
threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and
canowes) that the next day the king sent our Captaine a chaine of
pearle to alter his purpose; and stay his men, promising (though they
wanted themselves) to fraught our ship, and bring it abord to avoid
suspition, so that 5 or 6 daies after, || from al parts of the countrie
within 10 or 12 miles, in the extreame cold frost, and snow, they
brought us provision on their naked backes.
[_]
A chaine of
pearle sent to
obtaine peace.

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade; had their art and
poison bin sufficient, the President with Master West and some
others had been poysoned;

[_]
1
it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe;
Wecuttanow a stout yong fellow, knowing hee was suspected for
bringing this present of poison, with 40 or 50. of his choice companions
(seeing the President but with a few men at Potauncac) so

256

prowdlie braved it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge;
which the President perceiving in the midst of his companie did not
onlie beat, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him anie
worse mischiefe; whereupon all of them fled into the woods, thinking
they had done a great matter, to have so well escaped; and the
townsmen remaining, presentlie fraughted our barge, to bee rid of
our companies, framing manie excuses to excuse Wecuttanow (being
son to their chiefe king but Powhatan
[_]
2
) and told us if we would shew
them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to us to
punish as wee pleased.
[_]
The President
Poysoned.
The offender
punished.

Men maie thinke it strange there should be this stir for a little
corne, but had it been gold with more ease we might have got it; and
had it wanted, the whole collonie had starved. We maie be thought
verie patient, to indure all those injuries; yet onlie with fearing them,
we got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by
their losse we should have lost our selvs.

[_]
3
We searched also the countries
of Youghtanund and || Mattapamient, where the people imparted
that little they had, with such complaints and tears from
women and children; as he had bin too cruell to be a Christian that
would not have bin satisfied, and moved with compassion. But had
this happened in October, November, and December, when that unhappie
discoverie of Monacan was made,
[_]
4
we might have fraughted
a ship of 40 tuns, and twice as much might have bin had from the
rivers of Toppahannock, Patawomeck, and Pawtuxunt. The maine
occasion of our temporizing with the Salvages was to part friends,
(as we did) to give the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly; by
whom we now returned, with a purpose, to have surprised him and
his provision. For effecting whereof, (when we came against the
towne) the President sent Master Wiffin and Master Coe ashore to
discover and make waie for his intended project. But they found that
those damned Dutch-men had caused Powhatan to abandon his new
house, and Werawocomoco, and to carrie awaie all his corne and
provision; and the people, they found (by their means so ill affected),
that had they not stood well upon their guard, they had hardlie
escaped with their lives. So the President finding his intention thus
frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore
an unfit time to revenge their abuses,
[_]
5
helde on his course for James

257

Towne; we having in this Jornie (for 25l of copper 50l of Iron and
beads) kept 40 men 6. weekes,
[_]
6
and dailie feasted with bread, corne,
flesh, fish, and fowle, everie man having for his reward (and in consideration
of his commodities) a months provision; (no trade being
allowed but for the store,) and we || delivered at James Towne to the
Cape-Marchant 279 bushels of corne.
[_]
The Salvage
want and
poverty.

[_]
The Dutchmen
did much hurt.

Those temporall proceedings to some maie seeme too charitable;
to such a dailie daring trecherous people: to others unpleasant
that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such
strange inventions, in mangling, murdering, ransaking, and destroying,
(as did the Spaniards) the simple bodies of those ignorant soules;
nor delightful because not stuffed with relations of heaps, and mines
of gold and silver, nor such rare commodities as the Portugals and
Spaniards found in the East and West Indies. The want wherof hath
begot us (that were the first undertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt,
then their noble conquests and valiant adventures (beautified
with it) praise and honor. Too much I confesse the world cannot
attribute to their ever memorable merit. And to cleare us from the
worlds blind ignorant censure, these fewe words may suffise to any
reasonable understanding.

It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts, where
were infinite numbers of people, whoe had manured the ground with
that providence, that it afforded victuall at all times: and time had
brought them to that perfection, they had the use of gold and silver,
and the most of such commodities, as their countries afforded, so
that what the Spaniard got, was only the spoile and pillage of those
countrie people, and not the labours of their owne hands. But had
those fruitfull Countries, beene as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill
peopled, as little planted, laboured and manured as Virginia, their
proper labours (it is likely) would have || produced as small profit as
ours. But had Virginia bin peopled, planted, manured, and adorned,
with such store of pretious Jewels, and rich commodities, as was the
Indies: then, had we not gotten, and done as much as by their examples
might bee expected from us, the world might then have
traduced us and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our
recompence and reward.

But we chanced in a lande, even as God made it. Where we
found only an idle, improvident, scattered people; ignorant of the
knowledge of gold, or silver, or any commodities; and carelesse of
any thing but from hand to mouth, but for bables of no worth;
nothing to encourage us, but what accidentally wee found nature
afforded. Which ere wee could bring to recompence our paines, defray
our charges, and satisfie our adventurers, we were to discover
the country, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable, civil, and


258

industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of their labours
might make us recompence, or plant such colonies of our owne that
must first make provision how to live of themselves, ere they can
bring to perfection the commodities of the countrie, which doubtles
will be as commodious for England, as the west Indies for Spaine, if
it be rightly managed; notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions,
that will argue the contrarie, as formerly such like have done against
the Spaniards and Portugals. But to conclude, against all rumor of
opinion, I only say this, for those that the three first yeares began this
plantation, notwithstanding al their factions, mutenies, and miseries,
so gently corrected, || and well prevented: peruse the Spanish Decades,
the relations of Master Hacklut,
[_]
7
and tell mee how many ever
with such smal meanes, as a barge of 2 Tunnes; sometimes with
7. 8. 9, or but at most 15 men did ever discover so many faire and
navigable rivers; subject so many severall kings, people, and nations,
to obedience, and contribution with so little bloud shed.

And if in the search of those Countries, wee had hapned where
wealth had beene, we had as surely had it, as obedience and contribution,
but if wee have overskipped it, we will not envy them that
shall chance to finde it. Yet can wee not but lament, it was our ill
fortunes to end, when wee had but only learned how to begin, and
found the right course how to proceed.

By Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace, and
Anas Todkill
.

[_]
8

[_]

2. The Generall Historie, 78, has "and the next. ..."

[_]

3. Ibid., "with weapons ..." Below, the "king" at "Pamaunke" was Opechancanough.

[_]

4. An obsolete form of "you'll."

[_]

5. Forearm armor; see the Generall Historie, 79.

[_]

6. Here again Purchas unburdens himself in an interesting marginal note (Pil-
grimes
, IV, 1724): "Opechancanough taken prisoner amids his men. If this course had bin
taken by others Virginia by this had bin out of her cradle, and able to goe alone, yea to
trade or fight. But names of peace have bred worse then wars, and our confidence hatched
the miserable massacre by this perfidious Savage. And would God a Dale or Smith, or
some such spirit were yet there [in 1625] to take this, that is the onely right course with
those which know not to doe right, further for feare of suffering it enforceth. ..."

[_]

7. Soberly or with dignity, and evidently sadly (usually written as two words).

[_]

8. See the True Relation, sigs. B4r, C1r.

[_]

9. Stupefied.

[_]

10. Buckler.

[_]

1. Probably "to thwart"; certainly somehow to get in Smith's way.

[_]

2. "To second his needs; to back him up."

[_]

3. Bartholomew's brother.

[_]

4. "Feared that was what would happen."

[_]

5. Three days may be considered remarkably little; under the best of circumstances
it would have taken him a day and a half.

[_]

6. Here, though the usage seems odd, the "not" is far from pleonastic; this is a case
of outright double negative for emphasis.

[_]

7. The Generall Historie, 81, has "Barge."

[_]

8. "To seek to remove. ..."

[_]

9. Read: "that we had sent for more men." Below, the Generall Historie, 81, has
"wires," i.e., "weirs," instead of "canowes"; the "king" is Opechancanough.

[_]

1. Archer's "Relatyon" mentions a "Roote wherewith they [the Powhatan Indians]
poisen their Arrowes" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 90), but this seems not to have
been identified; neither does the "poisonous substance" said to have been invented by
the Nanticoke Indians on the Eastern Shore, Smith's Nantaquacks (see Frederick Webb
Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, II [Washington, D.C., 1910], 125).

[_]

2. Powhatan's successor (presumably a "brother") was Opichapam (p. 61, above),
also known as Itoyatin, Taughaiten, etc. (see Strachey, Historie, 69; and John Pory in
Smith's Generall Historie, 143). Otherwise, the "chiefe king but Powhatan" might have
been Opechancanough or Katataugh, Powhatan's other "brothers."

[_]

3. "Fearing" was often used in the causative sense of "frightening, causing to fear."
As to revenge, again, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 437n: "Smith was one of the
few colonists who realized that trade or barter with the Indians was a sine qua non of
survival. Therefore, they must neither be exterminated nor driven away."

[_]

4. The "unhappie discoverie" was the disastrous expedition to explore the Monacan
territory.

[_]

5. Smith's forays were designed to benefit the colony, not merely to vent his rage
on the Indians.

[_]

6. Six weeks from Dec. 29, 1608 (p. 55, above), would have been Feb. 9, 1609.
Above, read: "copper and 50l of Iron and beads."

[_]

7. The "Spanish Decades" probably refers to Peter Martyr d'Anghiera's Decades,
trans. Richard Eden (1555) and augmented by Richard Willes (1577); the "relations of
Master Hacklut" were of course the Principal Navigations.

[_]

8. The Generall Historie, 83, adds the name of Jeffrey Abbot.

Chapter 10.
How the Salvages became subject
to the English.

WHEN the shippes departed,

[_]
9
al the provision of the store (but
that the President had gotten) was so rotten with the last somers
rain, and eaten with rats, and wormes, as the hogs would scarsely
eat it, yet it was the souldiers diet, till our returnes: so that wee found
|| nothing done, but victuall spent, and the most part of our tooles,
and a good part of our armes convayed to the Salvages. But now,
casting up the store, and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the
feare of starving was abandoned; and the company divided into
tennes, fifteenes, or as the businesse required, 4 houres each day was

259

spent in worke, the rest in pastimes and merry exercise; but the untowardnesse
of the greatest number, caused the President to make a
generall assembly, and then he advised them as followeth.

Countrimen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is
sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe;
and thinke not that either my pains, or the adventurers purses, will
ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloth; I speake not this to you
all, for diverse of you I know deserve both honor and reward, better
then is yet here to bee had: but the greater part must be more industrious,
or starve, howsoever you have bin heretofore tolerated by the
authoritie of the Councell from that I have often commanded you,
yet seeing nowe the authoritie resteth wholly in my selfe,

[_]
10
you must
obay this for a law, that he that will not worke shall not eate
[_]
1
(except
by sicknesse he be disabled) for the labours of 30 or 40 honest and
industrious men shall not bee consumed to maintaine 150 idle
varlets. Now though you presume the authoritie here is but a shaddow,
and that I dare not touch the lives of any, but my own must
answer it; the letters patents each week shall be read you, whose
contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore without
contempt seeke to observe these orders || set downe: for there are
nowe no more Councells
[_]
2
to protect you, nor curbe my indeavors.
Therefore hee that offendeth let him assuredly expect his due punishment.
[_]
The Presidents
advise to the
company.

Hee made also a table as a publike memoriall of every mans deserts,
to encourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to
amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by
severe punishment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked,
that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceive him, yet the Dutchmens
consorts so closely still convaid

[_]
3
powder, shot, swords, and
tooles, that though we could find the defect, we could not find by
whom it was occasioned, till it was too late.

All this time the Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan, received
them, instructing the Salvages their use. But their consorts not following
them as they expected, to knowe the cause, they sent Francis
their companion (a stout young fellow) disguised Salvage like to the
glasse-house, (a place in the woods neere a myle from James Towne)

[_]
4

where was the randavus for all their unsuspected villany. 40 men
they procured of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Captaine

260

Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutchman, but hee sent to apprehend
him, who found he was gon, yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan,
Captaine Smith presently dispatched 20 shot after him, and
then returning but from the glasse-house alone, hee incountred the
king of Paspaheigh, a most strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions
not being able to perswade him to his ambush, seeing him only armed
but with a fauchion, attempted to have shot him; but the President
prevented his shot || by grapling with him, and the Salvage as well
prevented him for drawing his fauchion, and perforce bore him into
the river to have drowned him; long they struggled in the water,
from whence the king perceiving two of the Poles
[_]
5
upon the sandes
would have fled; but the President held him by the haire and throat
til the Poles came in; then seeing howe pittifully the poore Salvage
begged his life, they conducted him prisoner to the fort. The Dutchman
ere long was also brought in, whose villany, though all this time
it was suspected, yet he fained such a formall excuse, that for want
of language, Win
[_]
6
had not rightly understood them, and for their
dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained
to accommodate
[_]
7
his armes, of whome he extreamely complained
to have detained them perforce; and that hee made this
escape with the hazard of his life. and meant not to have returned,
but only walked in the woods to gather walnuts: yet for all this faire
tale (there was so smal appearance of truth) hee went by the heeles;
[_]
8

the king also he put in fetters, purposing to regaine the Dutch-men,
by the saving his life; the poore Salvage did his best, by his daily
messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would
not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them, and bring them fiftie
myles on their backes they were not able; daily this kings wives
children, and people, came to visit him with presents, which hee
liberally bestowed to make his peace, much trust they had in the
Presidents promise, but the king finding his gard negligent (though
fettered) yet escaped. Captaine Win thinking to pur- || sue him,
found such troopes of Salvages to hinder his passages, as they exchanged
many volies of shot for flights of arrowes. Captaine Smith
hearing of this, in returning to the fort tooke two Salvages prisoners,

261

the one called Kemps, the other Kinsock,
[_]
9
the two most exact villaines
in the countrie; with those, Captaine Win, and 50 chosen men
attempted that night to have regained the king, and revenged his
injurie and so had done if he had followed his directions, or bin
advised by those two villaines, that would have betraied both their
king and kindred for a peece of copper, but hee trifling away the
night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the sunne,
braved him come a shore to fight, a good time both sides let flie at
other, but wee heard of no hurt, only they tooke two Canows, burnt
the kings house and so returned.
[_]
The Dutchmens
plot to
murder Captaine
Smith.

[_]
Smith taketh the king of Paspaheigh prisoner.

The President fearing those bravadoes would but incourage the
Salvages, begun himselfe to trie his conclusions; whereby 6 or 7
Salvages were slaine, as many made prisoners; burnt their houses,
tooke their boats with all their fishing weares, and planted them at
James Towne for his owne use; and nowe resolved not to cease till he
had revenged himselfe upon al that had injured him. But in his
journey passing by Paspaheigh towards Chickahamina, the Salvages
did their best to draw him to their ambuscadoes; but seeing him
regardlesly passe their Countrey, all shewed themselves in their
bravest manner, to trie their valours; he could not but let flie, and
ere he could land, the Salvages no sooner knewe him, but they threw
downe their armes and desired peace; their Orator was a stout young
man || called Ocanindge, whose worthie discourse deserveth to be
remembred; and this it was.

[_]
The Salvages desire peace.

Captaine Smith, my master is here present in this company
thinking it Captaine Win, and not you; and of him hee intended to
have beene revenged, having never offended him: if hee have
offended you in escaping your imprisonment; the fishes swim, the
fowles flie, and the very beastes strive to escape the snare and live;
then blame not him being a man, hee would entreat you remember,
your being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save your life;

[_]
10
if
since he hath injured you he was compelled to it, but howsoever, you
have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and well
knowe you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire
your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of
whose fruit you shall participate, otherwise you will have the worst
by our absence, for we can plant any where, though with more
labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and
that reliefe wee bring you; if you promise us peace we will beleeve

262

you, if you proceed in reveng, we will abandon the Countrie.
[_]
Ocanindge his Oration.

Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did
us injurie, upon condition they should bring in provision, so all departed
good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrie.

Ariving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President
that the Chickahaminos, who al this while continued trade, and
seemed our friendes, by colour thereof were the only theeves, and
amongst other things, a pistol being stolne, and the theefe fled, there
|| were apprehended 2 proper young fellows that were brothers,
knowne to be his confederats. Now to regain this pistoll, the one we
imprisoned, the other was sent to returne againe within 12 houres,
or his brother to be hanged, yet the President pittying the poore
naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some charcole
for fire;

[_]
1
ere midnight his brother returned with the pistoll, but the
poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoke he
had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead, the
other most lamentably bewailed his death, and broke forth in such
bitter agonies, that the President (to quiet him) told him that if
herafter they would not steal, he wold make him alive againe, but
little thought hee could be recovered, yet (we doing our best with
aquavitæ and vineger) it pleased God to restore him againe to life,
[_]
2

but so drunke and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, not understanding
any thing hee spoke or heard, the which as much grieved
and tormented the other, as before to see him dead; of which maladie
(upon promise of their good behaviour afterward) the President
promised to recover him and so caused him to be laid by a fire to
sleepe, who in the morning (having well slept) had recovered his perfect
senses; and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece
of copper given them, they went away so well contented, that this
was spread amongst all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine
Smith could make a man alive that is dead; these and many other
such pretty accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and
all his people that from all parts with presents they desired peace,
|| returning many stolne things which wee neither demaunded nor
thought of. And after that, those that were taken stealing (both Powhatan
and his people) have sent them backe to James Towne to
receive their punishment, and all the countrie became absolutely as
free for us, as for themselves.
[_]
A Salvage smothered at James Towne, and was recovered.

[_]

9. The date is not known; the editor has suggested the week of Nov. 27 to Dec. 3,
1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 440n).

[_]

10. Of the original councillors, Smith was the only one still surviving in Virginia.

[_]

1. The source of this is 2 Thess. 3:10.

[_]

2. The Generall Historie, 83, has "Counsellers."

[_]

3. Variant spelling of "conveyed."

[_]

4. Archaeological excavations started by the National Park Service in the fall of
1948 located the site just off the Old Road (and modern Colonial Parkway) about a mile
from Jamestown.

[_]

5. Although there may have been as many as four Poles in Jamestown at the time,
only these two have been mentioned in Smith's works. Ever since about 1927 Polish
Americans have been attempting to identify these first Polish immigrants, culminating
about the time of the 350th anniversary celebrations in Jamestown. A few years later,
and after thorough investigation on both sides of the Atlantic, the editor presented the
known facts of the case in "The Identity of the First Poles in America," WMQ, 3d Ser.,
XXI (1964), 77-92. It needs to be stated here only that their identity is still unknown;
not even their names have survived.

[_]

6. Capt. Peter Winne; see p. 89n, below.

[_]

7. Read: "to supply him with"; a rare and obsolete use of "accommodate."

[_]

8. I.e., was put in irons.

[_]

9. A mistake of some sort for "Tassore" (see p. 86, below; and various references in
the Generall Historie).

[_]

10. This is hardly substantiated in the True Relation, though there is a reference to
"the King of Paspahegh" (sig. B4v).

[_]

1. Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1727, has a marginal note: "Charcole-smoke [is] an unusual
murtherer by oversight, where no vent is left to it." He may have meant "usual,"
rather than "unusual."

[_]

2. A second Purchas comment appears a few lines below: "Perhaps the Jesuites wits
have (besides meere lies) hatched many of their Indian Miracles from as unlikely egs as
this by conjoyning industrie and opportunitie" (ibid.).


263

Chapter 11.
What was done in three monthes having victuall.
The store devoured by rats, how we lived 3 monthes
of such naturall fruits as the countrie afforded.

NOW wee so quietly followed our businesse, that in 3 monthes we
made 3 or 4 last

[_]
3
of pitch and tarre, and sope ashes, produced a
triall of glasse, made a well in the forte of excellent sweete water
(which till then was wanting) built some 20 houses, recovered our
Church, provided nets and weares for fishing (and to stop the disorders
of our disorderly theeves and the Salvages) built a blocke
house in the necke of our Ile, kept by a garrison, to entertaine the
Salvages trade, and none to passe nor repasse, Salvage, nor Christian,
without the Presidents order. 30 or 40 acres of ground we digged,
and planted; of 3 sowes in one yeare increased 60 and od pigges, and
neere 500 chickens brought up themselves (without having any
meate given them) but the hogges were transported to Hog Ile,
[_]
4

where al- || so we built a blocke house with a garrison, to give us
notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made clapbord,
wainscot, and cut downe trees against the ships comming. We built
also a fort for a retreat, neare a convenient river upon a high commanding
hill,
[_]
5
very hard to be assaulted, and easie to be defended;
but ere it was halfe finished this defect caused a stay; in searching
our casked corne, wee found it halfe rotten, the rest so consumed with
the many thousand rats (increased first from the ships) that we knewe
not how to keepe that little wee had. This did drive us all to our wits
ende, for there was nothing in the countrie but what nature afforded.
Untill this time Kemps and Tassore, were fettered prisoners, and
daily wrought, and taught us how to order and plant our fields.
Whome now (for want of victuall) we set at libertie, but so wel were
they used, that they little desired it; and to express their loves, for 16
daies continuance, the Countrie
[_]
6
brought us (when least) 100 a daie
of squirrils, Turkies, Deare, and other wild beastes; but this want of
corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it being worke sufficient
to provide victuall. 60 or 80 with Ensigne Laxon were sent downe
the river to live upon oysters, and 20 with leiftenant Percie to trie for
fishing at Point-Comfort, but in 6 weekes, they would not agree once
to cast out their net.
[_]
7
Master West with as many went up to the falles,

264

but nothing could bee found but a fewe berries and acornes; of that
in the store every one had their equall proportion. Till this present
(by the hazard and endeavour of some 30 or 40) this whole number
had ever been fed. Wee had more Sturgeon then || could be devoured
by dogge and man; of which the industrious, by drying and pownding,
mingled with caviare, sorrel, and other wholsome hearbs, would
make bread and good meate;
[_]
8
others would gather as much Tock-
wough
roots in a day, as would make them bread a weeke, so that of
those wilde fruites, fish and berries, these lived very well, (in regard
of such a diet). But such was the most strange condition of some 150,
that had they not beene forced nolens volens perforce to gather and
prepare their victuall they would all have starved, and have eaten
one another. Of those wild fruites the Salvages often brought us: and
for that the President would not fulfill the unreasonable desire of
those distracted lubberly gluttons, to sell, not only our kettles, howes,
tooles, and Iron, nay swords, peeces, and the very ordenance, and
houses, might they have prevailed but to have beene but idle, for
those salvage fruits they would have imparted all to the Salvages;
especially for one basket of corne they heard of, to bee at Powhatans,
50 myles from our fort, though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie
their humours, yet to have had the other halfe, they would have sold
their soules, (though not sufficient to have kept them a weeke).
Thousands were their exclamations, suggestions, and devises, to
force him to those base inventions, to have made it an occasion to
abandon the Countrie. Want perforce constrained him to indure
their exclaiming follies till he found out the author, one Dyer, a most
craftie knave, and his ancient maligner, whom he worthely punished,
and with the rest he argued the case in this manner.
[_]
More done in 3 monthes then 3 yeares.

[_]
The pains of 40 fed 150.

[_]
Their desire to destroy themselves.

Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so
many so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve you,
or that Powhatan (at this present) hath corne for himselfe, much
lesse for you; or that I would not have it, if I knewe where it were to
be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as nowe I see a great
many, yet it shall not so much passionate me, but I will doe my best
for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from
Powhatan; nor that I wil longer forbeare to force you from your
Idlenesse, and punish you if you raile. You cannot deny but that by
the hazard of my life, many a time I have saved yours, when, might
your owne wils have prevailed, you would have starved, and will doe
still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God that made me,
since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selvs
those fruits the earth doth yeeld, you shall not only gather for your


265

selves, but for those that are sicke: as yet I never had more from the
store then the worst of you; and all my English extraordinarie provision
that I have, you shall see mee devide among the sick. And this
Salvage trash, you so scornfully repine at, being put in your mouthes
your stomacks can digest it, and therefore I will take a course you
shall provide it. The sicke shal not starve, but equally share of all
our labours, and every one that gathereth not every day as much as
I doe, the next daie shall be set beyond the river, and for ever bee
banished from the fort, and live there or starve.
[_]
The Presidents speech to the drones.

This order many murmured, was very cruell, but it caused the
most part so well bestir themselves, that || of 200 men (except they
were drowned) there died not past 7 or 8. As for Captaine Win, and
Master Ley, they died ere this want happened,

[_]
9
and the rest died not
for want of such as preserved the rest. Many were billitted among
the Salvages, whereby we knewe all their passages, fieldes, and habitations,
howe to gather and use their fruits, as well as themselves.
[_]
But 7 of 200 died in 9 months.

So well those poore Salvages used us, (that were thus Billited)
as divers of the souldiers ran away, to search Kemps our old prisoner.
Glad was this Salvage to have such an occasion to testifie his love.
For insteed of entertaining them, and such things as they had stolne,
with all the great offers and promises they made them, to revenge
their injuries upon Captaine Smith, First he made himselfe sport, in
shewing his countrymen (by them) how he was used; feeding them
with this law who would not worke must not eat, till they were neere
starved, continuallie threatning to beate them to death, neither
could they get

[_]
1
from him, til perforce he brought them to our Captaine,
that so well contented him, and punished them: as manie
others that intended also to have followed them, were rather contented
to labour at home, then adventure to live Idle among the
Salvages, (of whom there was more hope to make better christians
and good subjects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited
themselves both.) For so afeard were all those kings and the better
sorte of their people, to displease us, that some of the baser sort that
we have extreamelie hurt and punished for their villanies, would
hire us, we should not tell it to their kings or countrymen, who would
also repunish || them, and yet returne them to James Towne to content
the President, by that testimonie of their loves.
[_]
The Salvages returne our fugitives.

Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found
little hope and lesse certainetie of them were left by Sir Walter
Rawley.

[_]
2
So that Nathaniell Powell and Anas Todkill, were also, by

266

the Quiyoughquohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search
them there. But nothing could we learne but they were all dead. This
honest, proper, good promis-keeping king,
[_]
3
of all the rest did ever
best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was yet very zealous,
yet he would confesse, our God as much exceeded his, as our guns
did his bowe and arrowes, often sending our President manie presents
to praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish, for his Gods
were angrie. All this time to reclaime the Dutchmen, and one
Bentley an other fugitive, we imploied one William Volda (a Switzer
by birth) with pardons and promises to regaine them. Litle we then
suspected this double villaine, of anie villanie, who plainlie taught
us, in the most trust was the greatest treason. For this wicked hypocrit,
by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed
countrimen, having this opportunitie by his imploiment to regaine
them, conveighed them everie thing they desired to effect their
project to destroie the colonie. With much devotion they expected
the Spanyard, to whom they intended to have done good service.
But to begin with the first oportunitie, they seeing necessitie thus inforced
us to disperse our selves; importuned Powhatan to lend them
but his forces, and they would not onlie destroie our hogs, fire our
towne, and be- || traie our Pinnas; but bring to his service and subjection
the most part of our companies.
[_]
4
With this plot they had
acquainted manie discontents and manie were agreed to their
divelish practise. But on Thomas Dowse and Thomas Mallard,
whose christian harts much relenting at such an unchristian act,
voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith: who did his best it might
be concealed, perswading Dowse and Malard to proceed in the confederacie:
onlie to bring the irreclamable Dutch men, and inconstant
Salvages in such a maner amongst his ambuscadoes as he had
prepared, as not manie of them shoulde ever have returned from out
our peninsula. But this brute comming to the ears of the impatient

267

multitude, they so importuned the President to cut of those Dutchmen,
as amongst manie that offered to cut their throates before the
face of Powhatan.
[_]
5
Master Wiffin and Jefra Abot were sent to stab
or shoot them; but these Dutch men made such excuses accusing
Volday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot
would not, yet Wiffin would, perceiving it but deceipt. The king
understanding of this their imploiment, sent presentlie his messengers
to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine
them, nor hinder his men from executing his command, nor did he
nor would he maintaine them, or anie to occasion his displeasure.
But ere this busines was brought to a point, God having scene our
misery sufficient, sent in Captaine Argall
[_]
6
to fish for Sturgion with a
ship well furnished with wine and bisket, which though it was not
sent us, such were our occasions we tooke it at a price, but left him
sufficient to || returne for England, still dissembling Valdo his villany,
[_]
7

but certainlie hee had not escaped had the President continued.
[_]
Search for them sent by Sir Walter Rawley.

[_]
The Dutchmens projects.

[_]
Two gentlemen sent to kill them.

By this you may see, for all those crosses, treacheries, and dissentions,
howe he wrastled and overcame (without bloud shed) all
that hapned. Also what good was done, how few died, what food the
country naturally affordeth, what small cause there is men shoulde
starve, or be murdered by the Salvages, that have discretion to
manage this

[_]
8
courage and industry. The 2. first years though by his
adventures he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet
you see how the envious authority ever crossed him, and frustrated
his best endeavours. Yet this wrought in him that experience and
estimation among the Salvages, as otherwaies it had bin impossible
he had ever effected that he did; though the many miserable yet
generous
[_]
9
and worthy adventures he had long and oft indured as wel
in some parts of Africa, and America, as in the most partes of Europe
and Asia
[_]
10
by land or sea had taught him much, yet in this case he

268

was againe to learne his Lecture by experience. Which with thus
much a doe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when hee
had but onlie learned how to begin. And though hee left these unknowne
difficulties, (made easie and familiar) to his unlawfull successors,
whoe onlie by living in James Towne, presumed to know
more then al the world could direct them; though they had all his
souldiers with their triple power, and twise triple better meanes, by
what they have done in his absence, the world doth see: and what
they would have done in his || presence, had he not prevented their
indiscretions:
[_]
11
it doth justlie approve what cause he had to send
them for England. But they have made it more plaine since their
returne, having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all
the advantages, and opportunity that his labours had effected. As I
am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to
say what reason doth compell me to make apparant the truth, least
I should seeme partial, reasonlesse, or malitious.
[_]
Note these inconveniences.

[_]

3. A last of pitch was 12 or sometimes 14 barrels (OED).

[_]

4. Across the river and slightly downstream from Jamestown.

[_]

5. The reference is apparently to Smith's "New Fort," across the James River and
just E of Gray's Creek.

[_]

6. The Generall Historie, 86, has "Countrie people."

[_]

7. The Generall Historie, 86, adds "he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder."

[_]

8. "Meat," as here, in Smith's day usually referred to solid food in general, not just
animal flesh. On Tockwough roots, see the Map of Va., 13n.

[_]

9. What appears to be Peter Winne's last letter to London was dated Nov. 26, 1608
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 245-246); he died early in 1609.

[_]

1. I.e., "get away from. ..."

[_]

2. Purchas adds a comment of his own to Smith's account: "Powhatan confessed
that hee had bin at the murther of that Colonie: and shewed to Captain Smith a Musket
barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine peeces of Iron which had bin theirs" (Pil-
grimes
, IV, 1728). Long before Smith could have passed this information on to Purchas,
however, Newport had brought word to London not only about Powhatan and the
Roanoke colony, but also about survivors. In the instructions given to Sir Thomas Gates
by the Virginia Council in May 1609, there is a long paragraph about a desirable seat at
Oconahoen, in the neighborhood of which is Peccarecamicke, "where you shall finde
foure of the englishe alive, left by Sir Walter Rawely which escaped from the slaughter
of Powhaton of Roanocke" (Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia
Company of London
[Washington, D.C., 1906-1935], III, 17). A summary of the whole
subject is available in Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic
Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the
Seventh Algonquian Conference
(Ottawa, 1976), 2-17.

[_]

3. Possibly the same "Choapock" who is mentioned in a marginal manuscript note
to the True Relation, sig. B1r.

[_]

4. The Generall Historie, 88, has "company." The sense of the preceding passage is
that the conspirators were hoping for help from Spanish ships, but seeing the company
temporarily vulnerable, they hoped to get Powhatan's assistance for an immediate
attack.

[_]

5. The sentence is completed in the Generall Historie, 88: "the first was Lieutenant
Percy, and Master John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could
possibly be found."

[_]

6. There is a fairly comprehensive account of Samuel Argall in Philip L. Barbour,
Pocahontas and Her World (Boston, 1970), especially pp. 66-76, 215-224, but consult the
index. Argall was commissioned on Apr. 2, 1609, by the London Council for Virginia
"to sett forward," as captain of the Mary and John, on "a fishing voiage to Virginia," on
which he was "to shape his Course Sowthewest or neere thereunto and therby to beat it
up the straytest way he can, accordinge to his offer made unto us, unto James Towne in
Virgynya ..." (see Dorothy S. Eaton, "A Voyage of 'ffishinge and Discovery,'" The
Library of Congress, Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions, X [1953], 181-184). For
further details, see the Generall Historie, 88n.

[_]

7. The Generall Historie, 88, clarifies the text somewhat: "The villany of Volday we
still dissembled." Yet the true cause of so much infighting, as it is called today, still
obscures what really happened -- or was on the verge of happening. Smith's, or his
associates', next paragraph reflects contemporary bewilderment.

[_]

8. The Generall Historie, 89, has "mannage them with courage and industrie."

[_]

9. Here, "gallant, courageous."

[_]

10. See the True Travels, chaps. 1-20.

[_]

11. In other words, "though his successors have better means for achieving success,
by what they have done in his absence the world doth see what they would have done in
his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions."

Chapter 12.
The Arivall of the third supply.

To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Councell in England
altered the governement and devolved the authoritie to
the Lord De-la-ware.

[_]
12
Who for his deputie, sent Sir Thomas Gates,
and Sir George Somers, with 9 ships and 500 persons, they set saile
from England in May 1609. A smal catch perished at sea in a
Herycano. The Admirall,
[_]
13
with 150 men, with the two knights, and
their new commission, their bils of loading with al manner of directions,
and the most part of their provision arived not. With the other
7 (as Captaines) arived Ratliffe, whose right name was Sickelmore,
Martin, and Archer. Who as they had been troublesome at sea, beganne
againe to marre all ashore. For though, as is said, they were
formerly deposed and sent for England: yet now || returning againe,
graced by the title of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the admirall
wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthned themselves
with those newe companies, so railing and exclaiming against Captaine

269

Smith, that they mortally hated him, ere ever they see him.
Who understanding by his scouts the arivall of such a fleet (little
dreaming of any such supply) supposing them Spaniards, hee so
determined and ordered his affaires, as wee little feared their arivall,
nor the successe of our incounter, nor were the Salvages any way
negligent or unwilling, to aide and assist us with their best power.
Had it so beene, wee had beene happy. For we would not have
trusted them but as our foes, whereas receiving those as our countriemen
and friends, they did their best to murder our President, to
surprise the store, the fort, and our lodgings, to usurp the governement,
and make us all their servants, and slaves to our owne merit.
To 1000 mischiefes those lewd
[_]
1
Captaines led this lewd company,
wherein were many unruly gallants packed thether by their friends
to escape il destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the
governement, sometimes one,
[_]
2
the next day another, to day the old
commission, to morrow the new, the next day by neither. In fine,
they would rule all or ruine all; yet in charitie we must endure them
thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the
worlds censure upon us to have beene guiltie of their bloods. Happy
had we bin had they never arrived; and we for ever abandoned, and
(as we were) left to our fortunes, for on earth was never more confusion,
or miserie, then their factions occasioned.
[_]
The alteration of the governement.

[_]
The losse of Virginia.

[_]
The Salvages offer to fight under our colours.

[_]
Mutinie.

The President seeing the desire those braves had to rule, seeing
how his authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have
left all and have returned for England, but seeing there was smal
hope this newe commission would arive, longer hee would not suffer
those factious spirits to proceed. It would bee too tedious, too strange,
and almost incredible, should I particularly relate the infinite
dangers, plots, and practises, hee daily escaped amongst this factious
crue, the chiefe whereof he quickly laid by the heeles, til his leasure
better served to doe them justice; and to take away al occasions of
further mischiefe, Master Persie had his request granted to returne
for England, and Master West with 120 went to plant at the falles.
Martin with neare as many to Nansamund, with their due proportions,
of all provisions, according to their numbers.

[_]
The planting Nansamund.

[_]
A plantation of the falles.

Now the Presidents yeare being neere expired,

[_]
3
he made Martin
President, who knowing his own insufficiencie, and the companies
scorne, and conceit of his unworthinesse, within 3 houres resigned it
againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nansamund thus proceeded. The
people being contributers
[_]
4
used him kindly: yet such was his jealous

270

feare, and cowardize, in the midst of his mirth, hee did surprize this
poore naked king, with his monuments,
[_]
5
houses, and the Ile he inhabited;
and there fortified himselfe, but so apparantly distracted
with fear, as imboldned the Salvages to assalt him, kill his men,
redeeme their king, gather and carrie away more then 1000 bushels
of corne, hee not once daring to intercept them. But sent to the President
then at the Falles for 30 good shotte, which from James || towne
immediatly were sent him, but hee so well imploid them, as they did
just nothing, but returned, complaining of his childishnesse, that
with them fled from his company, and so left them to their fortunes.
[_]
The breach of peace with the Salvages.

Master West having seated his men at the Falles, presently
returned to revisit James Towne, the President met him by the way
as he followed him to the falles: where he found this company so
inconsiderately seated, in a place not only subject to the rivers inundation,
but round invironed with many intollerable inconveniences.
For remedy whereof, he sent presently to Powhatan to sell
him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the
Monacans, and these should be his conditions (with his people) to
resigne him the fort and houses and all that countrie for a proportion
of copper: that all stealing offenders should bee sent him, there to
receive their punishment: that every house as a custome should pay
him a bushell of corne for an inch square of copper, and a proportion
of Pocones as a yearely tribute to King James, for their protection as
a dutie: what else they could spare to barter at their best discreation.

[_]
Powhatan sold for copper.

But both this excellent place and those good conditions did
those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kind care and authoritie.
The worst they could to shew their spite, they did. I doe more
then wonder to thinke how only with 5 men, he either durst, or would
adventure as he did, (knowing how greedy they were of his blood) to
land amongst them and commit to imprisonment the greatest spirits
amongst them, till by their multitudes being 120. they forced him to
retire; || yet in that retreate hee surprised one of the boates, wherewith
hee returned to their shippe, wherein was their provisions,
which also hee tooke. And well it chaunced hee found the marriners
so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibility he had
ever escaped. Notwithstanding there were many of the best, I meane
of the most worthy in Judgement, reason or experience, that from
their first landing hearing the generall good report of his old souldiers,
and seeing with their eies his actions so wel managed with
discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Web, Captaine Mone,
Captaine Phitz-James, Master Partridge, Master White, Master
Powell and divers others.

[_]
6
When they perceived the malice and condition

271

of Ratliffe, Martin, and Archer, left their factions; and ever
rested his faithfull friends: But the worst was, the poore Salvages that
dailie brought in their contribution to the President. That disorderlie
company so tormented those poore naked soules, by stealing
their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their
houses, and keeping some prisoners; that they dailie complained to
Captaine Smith he had brought them for protectors worse enimies
then the Monocans themselves; which though till then, (for his love)
they had indured: they desired pardon, if hereafter they defended
themselves, since he would not correct them, as they had long expected
he would: so much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanores,
as they offered (if hee would conduct them) to fight for
him against them. But having spent 9. daies in seeking to reclaime
them, shewing them how much they did abuse themselves || with
their great guilded hopes of seas, mines, commodities, or victories
they so madly conceived. Then (seeing nothing would prevaile with
them) he set saile for James Towne: now no sooner was the ship under
saile but the Salvages assaulted those 120 in their fort, finding some
stragling abroad in the woods they slew manie, and so affrighted the
rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they scarse retired, with the
swords and cloaks of these they had slaine. But ere we had sailed a
league our shippe grounding, gave us once more libertie to summon
them to a parlie. Where we found them all so stranglie amazed with
this poore simple assault, as they submitted themselves upon anie
tearmes to the Presidents mercie. Who presentlie put by the heeles
6 or 7 of the chiefe offenders, the rest he seated gallantlie at Powhatan,
in their Salvage fort they built
[_]
7
and pretilie fortified with
poles and barkes of trees sufficient to have defended them from all
the Salvages in Virginia, drie houses for lodgings 300 acres of grounde
readie to plant, and no place so strong, so pleasant and delightful in
Virginia, for which we called it Nonsuch.
[_]
8
The Salvages also he
presentlie appeased; redelivering to every one their former losses.
Thus al were friends, new officers appointed to command, and the
President againe readie to depart. But at that Instant arrived Master
West, whose good nature with the perswasions and compassion of
those mutinous prisoners was so much abused, that to regaine their
old hopes new turboiles
[_]
9
arose. For the rest being possessed of al their
victuall munition and everie thing, they grew to that height in their
former factions, as there the President || left them to their fortunes,
they returning againe to the open aire at West Fort, abandoning

272

Nonsuch, and he to James Towne with his best expedition, but this
hapned him in that Journie.
[_]
Mutinies.

[_]
5 suppresse 120.

[_]
The breach of peace with the Salvages at the Falles.

[_]
An assault by the Salvages.

[_]
The planting of Nonsuch.

[_]
New peace concluded.

Sleeping in his boat, (for the ship was returned 2 daies before,)
accidentallie, one fired his powder bag, which tore his flesh from his
bodie and thighes, 9. or 10. inches square in a most pittifull manner;
but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped
over bord into the deepe river, where ere they could recover him he
was neere drownd. In this estat, without either Chirurgion, or
chirurgery he was to go neare 100. miles.

[_]
10
Ariving at James Towne
causing all things to bee prepared for peace or warres to obtain provision,
whilest those things were providing, Martin, Ratliffe, and
Archer, being to have their trials, their guiltie consciences fearing a
just reward for their deserts, seeing the President unable to stand,
and neare bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had
plotted to have murdered him in his bed. But his hart did faile him
that should have given fire to that mercilesse pistol. So, not finding
that course to be the best they joined togither to usurp the government,
thereby to escape their punishment, and excuse themselves by
accusing him. The President, had notice of their projects: the which
to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but permit
them to take of their heads that would resist his commaund, yet he
would not permit them, But sent for the masters of the ships and
tooke order with them for his returne for England. Seeing there was
neither chirurgion, nor chirur- || gery in the fort to cure his hurt, and
the ships to depart the next daie, his commission to be suppressed
[_]
1

he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded he knew not
how, and a new commission graunted they knew not to whom, the
which so disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so
oft to those mutinies and factions as they did. Besides so grievous
were his wounds, and so cruell his torment, few expected he could
live, nor was hee able to follow his businesse to regaine what they had
lost, suppresse those factions and range the countries for provision as
he intended, and well he knew in those affaires his owne actions and
presence was as requisit as his experience, and directions, which now
could not be; he went presently abord, resolving there to appoint
them governours, and to take order
[_]
2
for the mutiners and their confederates.
Who seeing him gone, perswaded Master Persie (to stay)
and be their President, and within lesse then an howre was this
mutation begun and concluded. For when the company understood
Smith would leave them, and see the rest in Armes called Presidents
and councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders,

273

that now bent all their wits to get him resigne them his commission,
who after many salt and bitter repulses, that their confusion should
not be attributed to him for leaving the country without government
and authority; having taken order to bee free from danger of their
malice; he was not unwilling they should steale it from him, but
never consented to deliver it to any. But had that unhappy blast not
hapned, he would quickly have quallified the heate of || those
humors and factions, had the ships but once left them and us to our
fortunes, and have made that provision from among the Salvages, as
we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine: nor would have
left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as we
had bought it, and paid for it. What shall I say? but thus we lost
him, that in all his proceedings, made Justice his first guid, and experience
his second; ever hating basenesse, sloth, pride, and indignitie,
more then any dangers; that never allowed more for himselfe,
then his souldiers with him; that upon no danger would send them
where he would not lead them himselfe; that would never see us
want what he either had, or could by any meanes get us; that would
rather want then borrow, or starve then not pay; that loved actions
more then wordes, and hated falshood and cousnage
[_]
3
worse then
death: whose adventures were our lives, and whose losse our deathes.
Leaving us thus with 3 ships, 7 boates, commodities ready to trade,
the harvest newly gathered, 10 weekes provision in the store, 490 and
odde persons, 24 peeces of ordinances, 300 muskets, snaphances and
fire lockes, shot, powder, and match sufficient, curats,
[_]
4
pikes, swords,
and moryons
[_]
5
more then men: the Salvages their language and habitations
wel knowne to 100 well trained and expert souldiers; nets for
fishing, tooles of all sortes to worke, apparell to supply our wants,
6 mares and a horse, 5 or 600 swine, as many hens and chickens;
some goates, some sheep; what was brought or bread there remained,
but they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to consume that
we had, tooke care for no- || thing but to perfit
[_]
6
some colourable complaints
against Captaine Smith, for effecting whereof, 3 weekes
longer they stayed the 6 ships
[_]
7
til they could produce them. That
time and charge might much better have beene spent, but it suted
well with the rest of their discreations.
[_]
Captaine Smith blowne up with powder.

[_]
A bloody intent.

[_]
The governement usurped.

[_]
The causes why Smith left the countrie and his commission.

Now all those Smith had either whipped, punished, or any way
disgraced, had free power and liberty to say or sweare any thing, and
from a whole armefull of their examinations this was concluded.

[_]
Their complaints and proofe against him.


274

The mutiners at the Falles, complained hee caused the Salvages
assalt them, for that hee would not revenge their losse, they being but
120, and he 5 men and himselfe, and this they proved by the oath of
one hee had oft whipped for perjurie and pilfering. The dutch-men
that he had appointed to bee stabd for their treacheries, swore he
sent to poison them with rats baine. The prudent Councel, that he
would not submit himselfe to their stolne authoritie. Coe and Dyer,
that should have murdered him, were highly preferred

[_]
8
for swearing,
they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, that he heard a man
say: if the king would not send that corne he had, he should not long
enjoy his copper crowne, nor those robes he had sent him: yet those
also swore hee might have had corne for tooles but would not. The
truth was, Smith had no such ingins as the king demanded, nor Powhatan
any corne. Yet this argued he would starve them. Others complained
hee would not let them rest in the fort (to starve) but forced
them to the oyster bankes, to live or starve, as he lived himselfe. For
though hee had of his owne private provisi- || ons sent from England,
sufficient; yet hee gave it all away to the weake and sicke, causing
the most untoward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from the
unknowne parts of the rivers and woods, that they lived (though
hardly) that otherwaies would have starved, ere they would have
left their beds, or at most the sight of James Towne to have got their
own victuall. Some propheticall spirit calculated hee had the Salvages
in such subjection, hee would have made himselfe a king, by
marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. It is true she was the
very nomparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares
of age.
[_]
9
Very oft shee came to our fort, with what shee could get for
Captaine Smith, that ever loved and used all the Countrie well, but
her especially he ever much respected: and she so well requited it,
that when her father intended to have surprized him, shee by stealth
in the darke night came through the wild woods and told him of it.
But her marriage could no way have intitled him by any right to the
kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought, or
more regarded her, or any of them, then in honest reason, and discreation
he might. If he would he might have married her, or have
done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindred
his determination. Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Councel
instructed, and advised what to sweare. So diligent they were in this
businesse, that what any could remember, hee had ever done, or said
in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall oath, it was applied to
their fittest use, yet not past 8 or 9 could say much and that nothing

275

but circumstances,
[_]
10
which || all men did knowe was most false and
untrue. Many got their passes by promising in England to say much
against him. I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe for that
I never heard such foule slaunders, so certainely beleeved, and urged
for truthes by many a hundred, that doe still not spare to spread
them, say them and sweare them, that I thinke doe scarse know him
though they meet him, nor have they ether cause or reason, but their
wills, or zeale to rumor or opinion. For the honorable and better sort
of our Virginian adventurers I think they understand it as I have
writ it. For instead of accusing him, I have never heard any give him
a better report, then many of those witnesses themselves that were
sent only home to testifie against him.
[_]
Pocahontas Powhatans daughter.

Richard Pots, W. P.
[_]
1

When the ships departed Captaine Davis

[_]
2
arived in a smal Pinnace
with some 16 proper men more, to those were added a company
from James Towne under the command of Captaine Ratliffe to
inhabit Point-Comfort. Martin and Master West having lost their
boates, and neere halfe their men amongst the Salvages, were returned
to James Towne, for the Salvages no sooner understood of
Captaine Smiths losse, but they all revolted, and did murder and
spoile all they could incounter. Now were we all constrained to live
only of that which Smith had only for his owne company, for the rest
had consumed their proportions. And now have we 20 Presidents
with all their appurtenances, for Master Persie was so sicke he could
not goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Master West and Ratliffe
each with a pinnace, and 30 or 40 men wel appointed, sought
abroad || to trade, how they carried the businesse I knowe not, but
Ratliffe and his men were most slaine by Powhatan, those that
escaped returned neare starved in the Pinnace. And Master West
finding little better successe, set saile for England. Now wee all found
the want of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then
curse his losse. Now for corne, provision, and contribution from the
Salvages; wee had nothing but mortall wounds with clubs and
arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, goats, sheep, horse, or what lived, our
commanders and officers did daily consume them, some small proportions
(sometimes) we tasted till all was devoured, then swords,
arrowes, peeces, or any thing we traded to the Salvages, whose
bloody fingers were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their
crueltie, our Governours indiscreation, and the losse of our ships; Of

276

500, within 6 monthes after there remained not many more then 60.
most miserable and poore creatures.
[_]
3
It were to vild
[_]
4
to say what we
endured; but the occasion
[_]
5
was only our owne, for want of providence,
industrie, and governement, and not the barrennesse and
defect of the countrie, as is generally supposed, for till then in 3 yeares
(for the numbers were landed us) we had never landed sufficient
provision for 6 months; such a glutton is the sea, and such good
fellowes the marriners, wee as little tasted of those great proportions
for their provisions, as they of our miseries, that notwithstanding
ever swaid and overruled the businesse: though we did live as is said,
3 yeares chiefly of what this good countrie naturally affordeth: yet
now had we beene in Paradice it selfe (with those gover- || nours) it
would not have beene much better with us, yet was there some
amongst us, who had they had the governement, would surely have
kept us from those extremities of miseries, that in 10 daies more would
have supplanted us all by death.
[_]
The planting at Point Comfort.

[_]
Ratliffe slain by Powhatan.

[_]
The fruits of improvidences.

But God that would not it should bee unplanted, sent Sir
Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers, with a 150 men, most
happily preserved by the Berondoes

[_]
6
to preserve us. Strange it is to
say how miraculously they were preserved, in a leaking ship, in those
extreame stormes and tempests in such overgrowne seas 3 daies and
3 nights by bayling out water. And having given themselvs to death,
how happily when least expected that worthy Captaine Sir George
Somers, having line all that time cuning
[_]
7
the ship before those
swalowing waves, discovered those broken Iles, where how plentifully
they lived with fish and flesh, what a paradice this is to inhabit,
what industrie they used to build their 2 ships, how happily they did
transport them to James Towne in Virginia, I refer you to their owne
printed relations.
[_]
The arivall of Sir Thomas Gates with 150.

But when those noble knights did see our miseries (being
strangers in the country) and could understand no more of the cause
but by their conjecture, of our clamors and complaints, of accusing
or excusing one an other, they imbarked us with themselves, with the
best means they could, and abandoning James Towne set saile for
England.

[_]
8

[_]
James Towne abandoned.

But yet God would not so have it, for ere wee left the river we
met the Lord de-la-ware, then governour for the countrie, with 3


277

ships exceeding well furnished || with al necessaries fitting, who
againe returned them to the abandoned James Towne, the 9. of
June, 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Wainman, and divers
other gentlemen of sort. Sir George Somers, and Captaine Argall he
presentlie dispatcheth to require the Bermondas to furnish them with
provision: Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their supplies:
himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the furtherance
of the busines and regaining what was lost. But even in the
beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such an incounter
with a scurvy sickenesse, that made him unable to weld
[_]
9
the state of
his body, much lesse the affaires of the colonie, so that after 8.
monthes sicknesse, he was forced to save his life by his returne for
England.
[_]
The arival of the Lord La-ware.

In this time Argall not finding the Bermondas, having lost Sir
George Somers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock,

[_]
10
where refreshing
himselfe, found a convenient fishing for Cod. With a tast
whereof hee returned to James towne, from whence the Lord De-la-ware
sent him to trade in the river of Patawomecke, where finding an
English boy those people had preserved from the furie of Powhatan,
by his acquaintance had such good usage of those kind Salvages, that
they fraughted his ship with corne, wherewith he returned to James
Towne, and so for England with the Lord governour; yet before his
returne, the adventurers had sent Sir Thomas Dale with 3 ships,
men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie for a yeare, all
which arived the 10 of May, 1611.
[_]
2 Ships sent to the Bermundas.

[_]
The arival of Sir Thomas Dale.

Againe, to second him with all possible expedition || there was
prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, 6 tall ships with 300 men, and 100
kyne, with other cattel, with munition and all manner of provision
could bee thought needfull, and they arived about the 1 of August
next after safely at James towne.

Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost: but thus it
hapned, missing the Bermondas, hee fell also as did Argall with
Sagadahock, where being refreshed, would not content himselfe with
that repulse, but returned againe in the search; and there safely
arived. But overtoiling himselfe on a surfeit died.

[_]
1
And in this Cedars
ship built by his owne directions, and partly with his owne hands,
that had not in her any iron but only one bolt in her keele, yet well
endured thus tossed to and againe in this mightie Ocean, til with his
dead body she arived in England at fine, and at Whitchurch in
Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was honourably buried, with

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many volies of shot, and the rights of a souldier. And upon his Tombe
was bestowed this Epitaph
[_]
Sir George Somers arivall at the Bermondas and dieth.

Hei mihi Virginia, quod tam cito præterit æftas,
Autumnus sequitur, sæviet inde & hyems.
At ver perpetuum nascetur, & Anglia læeta,
Decerpit flores, Floryda terra tuos.
Alas Virginia Somer so soone past
Autume succeeds and stormy winters blast,
Yet Englands joyfull spring with Aprill shewres,
[_]
2

O Floryda, shall bring thy sweetest flowers.
[_]
His Epitaph.

Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and 40 men,
and another since then with the like number and provision to stay in
the Countrie 12 months with Captaine Argall.

[_]
3

The Lord governour himselfe doth confidently determine to
goe with the next, or as presently as hee may in his owne person, with
sundry other knights and gentlemen, with ships and men so farre as
their meanes will extend to furnish: as for all their particular actions
since the returne of Captaine Smith, for that they have beene printed
from time to time, and published to the world, I cease farther to
trouble you with any repetition of things so well knowne, more then
are necessarie. To conclude the historie, leaving this assurance to all
posteritie, howe unprosperously things may succeed, by what
changes or chances soever. The action is honorable and worthie to
bee approved, the defect whereof hath only beene in the managing
the businesse; which I hope now experience hath taught them to
amend, or those examples may make others to beware, for the land
is as good as this booke doth report it.

FINIS.

Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, as Master
Croshaw

[_]
4
requested me, which I bestowed in reading the discourses,
and hearing the relations of such which have walked, and observed
the land of Virginia with you. The pains I took was great: yet did

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the nature of the argument, and hopes I conceaved of the expedition,
give me exceeding content. I cannot finde there is any thing, but
what they all affirme, or cannot contradict: the land is good: as there
is no citties, so no sonnes of Anak:
[_]
5
al is open for labor of a good and
wise inhabitant: and my prayer shall ever be, that so faire a land,
may bee inhabited by those that professe and love the Gospell.

Your friend

W. S.

[_]
6

[_]

12. For a succinct account of what happened, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II,
249-250. It only needs to be stated here that of the fleet of nine ships, the flagship with
Gates, Somers, and Newport aboard was wrecked on a Bermuda reef, and a small ketch
was lost at sea. The remaining seven ships straggled up the James River with three of
Smith's ancient antagonists among the personnel and without any authorized person in
command, or even a copy of any authoritative document.

[_]

13. I.e., the flagship.

[_]

1. Unprincipled, good-for-nothing.

[_]

2. Read: "sometimes one way. ..."

[_]

3. The president of the council took office annually on Sept. 10. Smith was evidently
trying to preserve some semblance of law and order.

[_]

4. Tribute payers.

[_]

5. Temples or ossuaries where the dried bodies of chiefs and other eminences were
preserved on raised platforms (see Henry Spelman's "Relation of Virginea," in Arber,
Smith, Works, cx).

[_]

6. Other than the notice in Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 13, of the appointment
of "Captaine Woode" to the council in Virginia, nothing is known about these mariners.

[_]

7. The Generall Historie, 92, has "in that Salvage Fort, readie built, and prettily
fortified. ..."

[_]

8. Henry Spelman left a badly written and distorted account of this in his "Relation"
(see Arber, Smith, Works, cii).

[_]

9. Possibly a misprint of "garboils" (brawls); if not, it could be a distortion of
"troubles" or "turmoils" (unrecorded in OED). The meaning at the beginning of the
sentence is that West's compassion and good nature led him to be persuaded by the
mutinous prisoners.

[_]

10. From Jamestown to Powhatan village is about 74 mi. (120 km.) by modern
charts (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 465).

[_]

1. This would imply that it was not yet Sept. 10; but in so much confusion that date
may have been overlooked.

[_]

2. Take measures, make arrangements.

[_]

3. Variant spelling of "cozenage."

[_]

4. "Cuirasses."

[_]

5. "Morions" were a kind of helmet without beaver or visor.

[_]

6. Obsolete spelling of "perfect." The meaning is: "they did nothing but to develop
their complaints against Smith and held up the departure of the ships an extra three
weeks for that purpose."

[_]

7. Three weeks from Sept. 10 would have been Oct. 1.

[_]

8. Probably "recommended" here.

[_]

9. I.e., in 1609; Pocahontas was probably born in 1595 or 1596 (see Barbour,
Pocahontas, xix).

[_]

10. Circumstantial evidence.

[_]

1. This is surely for William Phettiplace.

[_]

2. This seems to have been Capt. James Davies of the Sagadahoc colony in Maine,
later a resident of Virginia (see the Biographical Directory). The pinnace Virginia had
been built in Maine and was the first ship built by Englishmen on this side of the Atlantic
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 280).

[_]

3. This entire story is confirmed and embellished independently by George Percy
("Relacyon," MS copy in The Free Library of Philadelphia, printed with some slips in
Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine, III [1922], 259-282).

[_]

4. Base, disgusting; obsolete variant of "vile."

[_]

5. Cause; i.e., fault.

[_]

6. The Bermudas.

[_]

7. Also spelled "con"; "to direct the steering of a ship." Above, "line" should be
"lain."

[_]

8. Only Sir Thomas Gates had prevented the colonists from burning Jamestown to
the ground (Percy, "Relacyon," MS copy, p. 18, and Tyler's Qtly., III [1922], 269).

[_]

9. Control, manage; obsolete variant of "wield."

[_]

10. See "A briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England," in
James Phinney Baxter, ed., Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine (Boston, 1890),
207-208. The "English boy" mentioned below was Henry Spelman.

[_]

1. Apparently of overwork and overeating; cf. the Generall Historie, 176.

[_]

2. "Showers."

[_]

3. The opening of this paragraph should read: "Since the supply of August 1611,
another ship came freighted with provision and 40 men, and then still another. ..."
This paragraph and the peroration that follows seem to be by another hand or hands,
the peroration perhaps by William Symonds.

[_]

4. Despite Arber, Smith, Works, 174, the editor believes this refers to the Rev.
William Crashaw, who has very kind words for John Smith and the entire 1612 book in
his "Epistle Dedicatorie" addressed to Ralph, Lord Eure, lord president of Wales, in
Alexander Whitaker's Good Newes from Virginia (London, 1613), sig. C4v.

[_]

5. The sons of Anak were giants (Numbers 13: 27-28, 33).

[_]

6. William Symonds.


280