University of Virginia Library

The Sixth Booke.
THE
GENERALL
HISTORIE
OF
NEW-ENGLAND.

[_]

1

CONCERNING this History you are to
understand the Letters-Patents granted
by his Majesty in 1606. for the limitation
of Virginia, did extend from 34.
to 44.

which was divided in two parts;
namely, the first Colony and the second:
the first was to the honourable City of
London, and such as would adventure
with them to discover and take their
choice where they would, betwixt the
degrees of 34. and 41. The second was appropriated to the Cities of
Bristol, Exeter and Plimoth, etc. and the West parts of England, and
all those that would adventure and joine with them, and they might
make their choise any where betwixt the degrees of 38. and 44.
provided there should bee at least 100. miles distance betwixt these
2. Colonies, each of which had lawes, privileges and authoritie, for
the government and advancing their severall Plantations alike.
Now this part of America hath formerly beene called Norumbega,
Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other names
as those that ranged the Coast pleased. But because it was so
mountainous, rocky and full of Iles, few have adventured much to
trouble it, but as is formerly related. Notwithstanding, that honourable
Patron of vertue, Sir John Popham, Lord chiefe Justice of
England, in the yeere 1606. procured meanes and men to possesse
it, and sent Captaine George Popham for President, Captaine
Rawley Gilbert for Admirall, Captaine Edward Harlow master of
the Ordnance, Captaine Robert Davis, Sargeant-Major, Captaine
Elis Best, Marshall, Master Seaman, Secretary, Captaine James
Davis to be Captaine of the Fort, Master Gome Carew, chiefe
Searcher: all those were of the Councell, who with some hundred
more were to stay in the Country: they set saile from Plimoth the
last of May, and fell with Monahigan the eleventh of August.
At Sagadahock 9. or 10. leagues southward, they planted themselves
at the mouth of a faire navigable River, but the coast all thereabouts
most extreme stony and rocky: that extreme frozen Winter was so
cold they could not range nor search the Country, and their provision
so small, they were glad to send all but 45. of their company backe
againe: their noble President Captaine Popham died, and not long
after arrived two ships well provided of all necessaries to supply
them, and some small time after another, by whom understanding
of the || death of the Lord chiefe Justice, and also of Sir John Gilbert,
whose lands there the President Rawley Gilbert was to possesse
according to the adventurers directions, finding nothing but extreme
extremities, they all returned for England in the yeere 1608. and
thus this Plantation was begunne and ended in one yeere, and the
Country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desart.

Notwithstanding, the right Honourable Henry Earle of South-hampton
and those of the Ile of Wight, imploied Captaine Edward
Harlow to discover an Ile supposed about Cape Cod, but they found
their plots had much abused them,

for falling with Monahigan,
they found onely Cape Cod no Ile but the maine. There they
detained three Salvages aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and
Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt over board, and got away; and not
long after with his consorts cut their Boat from their sterne, got her
on shore, and so filled her with sand, and guarded her with Bowes
and Arrowes the English lost her: not farre from thence they had
three men sorely wounded with Arrowes. Anchoring at the Ile of
Nohono, the Salvages in their Canowes assaulted the Ship till the
English Guns made them retire, yet here they tooke Sakaweston,
that after he had lived many yeeres in England went a Souldier to
the warres of Bohemia. At Capawe they tooke Coneconam and
Epenow, but the people at Agawom used them kindly, so with five
Salvages they returned for England, yet Sir Francis Popham sent
divers times one Captaine Williams to Monahigan onely to trade
and make core fish, but for any Plantations there was no more
speeches. For all this, as I liked Virginia well, though not their
proceedings, so I desired also to see this country, and spend some
time in trying what I could finde for all those ill rumors and disasters.

From the relations of Captaine Edward Harlow and divers others.

In the month of Aprill 1614. at the charge of Captaine Marmaduke
Roydon, Captaine George Langman, Master John Buley
and Master William Skelton, with two ships from London,

I
chanced to arrive at Monahigan an Ile of America, in 43 1/2 of
Northerly latitude: our plot was there to take Whales, for which
we had one Samuel Cramton and divers others expert in that
faculty, and also to make trialls of a Mine of gold and copper; if
those failed, Fish and Furs were then our refuge to make our selves
savers howsoever: we found this Whale-fishing a costly conclusion,
we saw many and spent much time in chasing them, but could not
kill any. They being a kinde of Jubartes, and not the Whale that
yeelds Fins and Oile as we expected; for our gold it was rather the
Masters device to get a voyage that projected it, then any knowledge
he had at all of any such matter; Fish and Furs were now our guard,
and by our late arrivall and long lingring about the Whale, the
prime of both those seasons were past erewee perceived it, wee
thinking that their seasons served at all times, but we found it
otherwise, for by the middest of June the fishing failed, yet in July
and August some were taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a
charge as our stay required: of dry fish we made about forty thousand,
of Cor-fish about seven thousand. Whilest the Sailers fished, my
selfe with eight others of them might best bee spared, ranging the
Coast in a small Boat, we got for trifles neere eleven thousand
Bever skinnes, one hundred Martins, as many Otters, and the most
of them within the distance of twenty leagues: we ranged the Coast
both East and West much further, but Eastward our commodities
were not esteemed, they were so neere the French who afforded
them better, with whom the Salvages had such commerce
that only by trade they made exceeding great voyages, though
they were without the limits of our precincts; during the time
we tried those conclusions, not knowing the coast, nor Salvages
habitations: with these Furres, the traine Oile and Cor-fish, I
returned for England in the Barke, where within six moneths after
our departure from the Downes, wee safely arrived backe; the best of
this fish was sold for 5. li. the hundred, the rest by ill usage betwixt
three pounds and 50. shillings. The other ship stayed to fit her selfe
for Spaine with the dry fish which was sold at Maligo at forty Rialls
the Quintall, each hundred weighing two quintals and a halfe. But
one Thomas Hunt || the Master of this ship (when I was gone)
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a Plantation,
thereby to keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that
onely he and some few Merchants more might enjoy wholly the
benefit of the Trade, and profit of this Countrey, betraied foure and
twenty of those poore Salvages aboord his ship, and most dishonestly
and inhumanely for their kinde usage of me and all our men,
caried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little private gaine
sold those silly Salvages for Rials of eight; but this vilde act kept
him ever after from any more imploiment to those parts. Now
because at this time I had taken a draught of the Coast, and called
it New England, yet so long he and his Consorts drowned that name
with the Eccho of Cannaday, and some other ships from other parts
also, that upon this good returne the next yeere went thither, that
at last I presented this Discourse with the Map, to our most gracious
Prince Charles, humbly intreating his Highnesse hee would please
to change their barbarous names for such English, as posteritie
might say Prince Charles was their God-father, which for your
better understanding both of this Discourse and the Map, peruse
this Schedule, which will plainly shew you the correspondency of
the old names to the new, as his Highnesse named them.

                                                                     

The old names.	The new names.
Cape Cod. [_] 1	Cape James.
The Harbor at Cape Cod. [_] 2	Milforth haven.
Chawum.	Barwick.
Accomack.	Plimoth.
Sagoquas.	Oxford.
Massachusets Mount.	Chevit hills.
Massachusits River.	Charles River. [_] 3
Totan.	Famouth.
A great Bay by Cape Anne. [_] 4	Bristow.
Cape Tragabigsanda.	Cape Anne.
Naemkeck.	Bastable.
Aggawom.	Southampton.
Smiths Iles.	Smiths Iles.
Passataquack.	Hull.
Accominticus.	Boston.
Sassanows Mount.	Snowdon hill.
Sowocatuck.	Ipswich.
The old names.	The new names.
Bahanna.	Dartmouth.
A good Harbor within that Bay. [_] 5	Sandwich.
Aucociscos Mount.	Shuters hill.
Aucocisco.	The Base.
Aumoughcawgen.	Cambridge.
Kenebecka.	Edenborow.
Sagadahock.	Leth.
Pemmayquid.	Saint Johns towne.
Segocket.	Norwich.
Mecadacut.	Dunbarton.
Pennobscot.	Aberden.
Nusket.	Low mounds.
Those being omitted I named my selfe.
Monahigan.	Barties Iles. [_] 6
Matinack.	Willowbies Iles.
Metinacus.	Haughtons Iles. [_] 7

The rest of the names in the Map, are places that had no names
we did know.

But to continue the History succeedingly as neere with the day
and yeere as may bee. Returning in the Barke as is said;

it was my
ill chance to put in at Plimoth, where imparting those my purposes
to divers I thought my friends, whom as I supposed were interested
in the dead Patent of this unregarded Countrey, I was so encouraged
and assured to have the managing their authoritie in those parts
during my life, and such large promises, that I ingaged my selfe to
undertake it for them. Arriving at London, though some malicious
persons suggested there was no such matter to be had in that so bad
abandoned Countrey, for if there had, other could have found it so
well as I; therefore it was to be suspected I had robbed the French
men in New France or Cannada, and the Merchants set me forth
seemed not to regard it, yet I found so many promised me such
assistance, that I entertained Michael Cooper the Master of the
Barke, that returned with me and others of the Company: how he
dealt with others, or others with him, I know not; but my publike
proceeding gave such encouragement, that it became so well
apprehended by some few of the Virginia Company, as those
projects || for fishing onely was so well liked, they furnished Couper
with foure good ships to Sea, before they at Plimoth had made any
provision at all for me; but onely a small Barke set out by them of
the Ile of Wight. Some of Plimoth, and divers Gentlemen of the
West Countrey, a little before I returned from New England, in
search for a Mine of Gold about an Ile called Capawuck, South-wards
from the Shoules of Cape James, as they were informed by a
Salvage called Epenew; that having deluded them as it seems thus
to get home, seeing they kept him as a prisoner in his owne Countrey,
and before his friends, being a man of so great a stature, he was
shewed up and downe London for money as a wonder, and it seemes
of no lesse courage and authoritie, then of wit, strength, and proportion:
for so well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported
he intended to have surprised the ship; but seeing it could not be
effected to his liking, before them all he leaped over-boord. Many
shot they made at him, thinking they had slaine him, but so resolute
they were to recover his body, the master of the ship was wounded,
and many of his company; And thus they lost him, and not knowing
more what to do, returned againe to England with nothing, which so
had discouraged all your West Countrey men, they neither regarded
much their promises, and as little either me or the Countrey, till
they saw the London ships gone and me in Plimoth according to my
promise, as hereafter shall be related.

I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of the foure
ships that went with Couper, in that they offered me that imploiment
if I would accept it; and I finde still my refusall incurred some of
their displeasures, whose love and favour I exceedingly desired; and

though they doe censure me opposite to their proceedings, they
shall yet still in all my words and deeds finde, it is their error, not
my fault that occasions their dislike: for having ingaged my selfe in
this businesse to the West Countrey, I had beene very dishonest to
have broke my promise, nor will I spend more time in discovery or
fishing, till I may goe with a Company for a Plantation; for I know
my grounds, yet every one to whom I tell them, or that reads this
Booke, cannot put it in practise, though it may helpe any that hath
seene or not seene to know much of those parts: And though they
endevour to worke me out of my owne designes, I will not much
envy their fortunes: but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance
should by their defailments bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse.
So that the businesse prosper I have my desire, be it by whomsoever
that are true subjects to our King and Countrey: the good of my
Countrey is that I seeke, and there is more then enough for all, if
they could be contented.

New England

is that part of America in the Ocean Sea,
opposite to Nova Albion in the South Sea, discovered by the most
memorable Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the world, in
regard whereof this is stiled New England, being in the same
latitude. New France of it is Northwards, Southwards is Virginia,
and all the adjoyning continent with new Granado, new Spaine,
new Andolosia, and the West-Indies. Now because I have beene so
oft asked such strange questions of the goodnesse and greatnesse of
those spatious Tracts of Land, how they can be thus long unknowne,
or not possessed by the Spaniards, and many such like demands;
I intreat your pardons if I chance to be too plaine or tedious in
relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction.

Florida is the next adjoyning to the Indies, which unprosperously
was attempted to be planted by the French, a Countrey farre bigger
then England, Scotland, France and Ireland,

yet little knowne to
any Christian, but by the wonderfull endevours of Ferdinando de
Soto, a valiant Spaniard, whose writings in this age is the best guide
knowne to search those parts.

Virginia is no Ile as many doe imagine, but part of the Continent
adjoyning to Florida, whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude
thereof, without offence to any Christian Inhabitant, for from
the degrees of thirtie to forty eight,

his Majesty hath now enlarged
his Letters Patents. The Coast extending South-|| west and North-east
about sixteene or seventeene hundred miles, but to follow it
aboord the shore may well be three thousand miles at the least: of
which twentie miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay of
Chisapeacke, where is the London Plantation, within which is a
Countrey, as you may perceive by the Map, of that little I discovered,
may well suffice three hundred thousand people to inhabit: but of it,
and the discoveries of Sir Ralph Laine and Master Heriot, Captaine
Gosnold, and Captaine Waymouth, they have writ so largely,
that posteritie may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for
divers others that have ranged those parts since, especially this
Countrey now called New England, within a kenning sometimes of
the shore; some touching in one place, some in another; I must
intreat them pardon me for omitting them, or if I offend in saying,
that their true descriptions were concealed, or never were well
observed, or died with the Authors, so that the Coast is yet still but
even as a Coast unknowne and undiscovered. I have had six or
seven severall plots of those Northerne parts, so unlike each to other,
or resemblance of the Country, as they did me no more good then
so much waste paper, though they cost me more, it may bee it was
not my chance to see the best; but lest others may be deceived as I
was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did,
I have drawne a Map from point to point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour
to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-markes,
as I passed close aboord the shore in a little Boat; although there
bee many things to bee observed, which the haste of other affaires
did cause me to omit: for being sent more to get present Commodities,
then knowledge of any discoveries for any future good, I had not
power to search as I would; yet it will serve to direct any shall goe
that waies to safe Harbours and the Salvages habitations: what
Merchandize and Commodities for their labours they may finde,
this following discourse shall plainly demonstrate.

Thus you may see of these three thousand

miles, more then
halfe is yet unknowne to any purpose, no not so much as the borders
of the Sea are yet certainly discovered: as for the goodnesse and
true substance of the Land, we are for most part yet altogether
ignorant of them, unlesse it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack
and Sagadahock, but onely here and there where we have touched
or seene a little, the edges of those large Dominions which doe
stretch themselves into the maine, God doth know how many
thousand miles, whereof we can yet no more judge, then a stranger
that saileth betwixt England and France, can describe the harbours
and dangers by landing here or there in some River or Bay, tell
thereby the goodnesse and substance of Spaine, Italy, Germany,
Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest; nay, there are many have lived
fortie yeeres in London, and yet have scarce beene ten miles out of
the Citie: so are there many have beene in Virginia many yeeres,
and in New England many times, that doe know little more then
the place they doe inhabit, or the Port where they fished, and when
they come home, they will undertake they know all Virginia and
New England, as if they were but two Parishes or little Ilands. By
this you may perceive how much they erre, that thinke every one
that hath beene in Virginia or New England, understandeth or
knoweth what either of them are; Or that the Spaniards know one
halfe quarter of those large Territories they possesse, no not so
much as the true circumference of Terra incognita, whose large
Dominions may equalize the goodnesse and greatnesse of America
for any thing yet knowne. It is strange with what small power he
doth range in the East-Indies, and few will understand the truth of
his strength in America: where having so much to keepe with such
a pampered force, they need not greatly feare his fury in Sommer
Iles, Virginia, or New England, beyond whose bounds America doth
stretch many thousand miles. Into the frozen parts whereof, one
Master Hutson an English Mariner, did make the greatest discoverie
of any Christian I know, where hee unfortunately was left by his
cowardly Company, for his exceeding deserts, to end and die a
most miserable death.

For Affrica, had not the industrious Portugals ranged her unknowne
parts, who would have sought for wealth amongst those
fried Regions of blacke brutish Negars, where notwithstanding all
their wealth and admirable adventures and endevours more then
one hundred and fortie yeeres, they know not one third part of those
blacke habitations. But it is not a worke for every one to manage
such an affaire, as make a discovery and plant a Colony, it requires
all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy,
diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well; some are more
proper for one thing then another, and therein best to be imploied:
and nothing breeds more confusion then misplacing and misimploying
men in their undertakings. Columbus, Courtes, Pitzara,
Zoto, Magilanus,

and the rest served more then a Prentiship, to
learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West-Indies,
which to the wonder of all ages successefully they effected,
when many hundreds of others farre above them in the worlds
opinion, being instructed but by relation, came to shame and
confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other
matters were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I say not
this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to
answer those questionlesse questions, that keepe us backe from
imitating the worthinesse of their brave spirits, that advanced
themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity
to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on
earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest power, glory, and
renowne.

The Description of New England.

[_]

1

THAT part we call New England, is betwixt the degrees of fortie
one and fortie five, the very meane betwixt the North pole and
the line; but that part this Discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from
Penobscot to Cape Cod, some seventie five leagues by a right line
distant each from other; within which bounds I have seene at least
fortie severall habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about
five and twentie excellent good Harbours, in many whereof there is
anchorage for five hundred saile of ships of any burden; in some of
them for one thousand,

and more then two hundred Iles over-growne
with good Timber of divers sorts of wood, which doe make
so many Harbours, as required a longer time then I had to be well
observed.

The principall habitation Northward we were at, was Pennobscot:
Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers, we found
Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Aumoughcowgen,
and Kenebeke; and to those Countries belong
the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet,
Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck,
Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pasharanack, etc. To these are alied in
confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accomynticus, Passataquack,
Aggawom, and Naemkeck: All these for any thing I could
perceive, differ little in language, fashion, or government, though
most of them be Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of
Penobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them.

The next I can remember by name, are Mattahunts, two
pleasant Iles of Groves, Gardens, and Corne fields a league in the
Sea from the maine: Then Totant, Massachuset, Topent, Secassaw,
Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum, Patuxet, Massasoyts,

Pakanokick: then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the Ile
Nawset, of the language and aliance of them of Chawum; the others
are called Massachusets, and differ somewhat in language, custome,
and condition: for their Trade and Merchandize, to each of their
principall families or habitations, they have divers Townes and
people belonging, and by their relations and descriptions, more then
twentie severall habitations and rivers that stretch themselves farre
into the Countrey, even to the Borders of divers great Lakes, where
they kill and take most of their Otters. From Pennobscot to
Sagadahoc, this Coast || is mountainous, and Iles of huge Rockes,
but over-growne for most part, with most sorts of excellent good
woods, for building Houses, Boats, Barks or Ships, with an incredible
abundance of most sorts of Fish, much Fowle, and sundry sorts of
good Fruits for mans use.

betwixt Sagadahock, and Sowocatuck, there is but two or three
Sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape James

very many:
especially the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed
with high Clay or Sandy clifts in one place, and the tracts of large
long ledges of divers sorts, and Quaries of stones in other places, so
strangely divided with tinctured veines of divers colours: as Free-stone
for building, Slate for tyling, smooth stone to make Furnasses
and Forges for Glasse and Iron, and Iron Ore sufficient conveniently
to melt in them; but the most part so resembleth the Coast of
Devonshire, I thinke most of the clifts would make such Lime-stone:
if they bee not of these qualities, they are so like they may deceive
a better judgement then mine: all which are so neere adjoyning to
those other advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore
prove as good Iron and Steele in those parts as I know it is within
the bounds of the Countrey, I dare ingage my head (having but
men skilfull to worke the Simples there growing) to have all things
belonging to the building and rigging of ships of any proportion and
good Merchandise for their fraught, within a square of ten or
foureteene leagues, and it were no hard matter to prove it within a
lesse limitation.

And surely by reason of those sandy clifts, and clifts of rocks,
both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and
so well inhabited with a goodly, strong, and well proportioned
people, besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the
greatnesse of the Fish, and the moderate temper of the aire (for of
five and forty not a man was sicke, but two that were many yeares

diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and
accidentall diet) who can but approve this a most excellent place,
both for health and fertilitie: and of all the foure parts of the world
I have yet seene not inhabited, could I have but means to transport
a Colony, I would rather live here then any where, and if it did not
maintaine it selfe, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let us
starve.

The maine staple from hence to bee extracted for the present,
to produce the rest, is Fish, which howbeit may seeme a meane and
a base Commoditie; yet who will but truly take the paines and
consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour.
It is strange to see, what great adventures the hopes of setting forth
men of warre to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or such
massie promises in grosse, though more are choaked then well fed
with such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore
Hollanders chiefely by fishing at a great charge and labour in all
weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious,
and by the venting this poore Commoditie to the Easterlings for as
meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rozen, Cordage, and
such like; which they exchange againe to the French, Spaniards,
Portugals, and English, etc. for what they want, are made so mighty,
strong, and rich, as no state but Venice of twice their magnitude is
so well furnished, with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong
Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping, and all sorts of Merchandize,
as well of Gold, Silver, Pearles, Diamonds, pretious Stones,
Silkes, Velvets, and Cloth of Gold; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such
grosse Commodities? What voiages and discoveries, East and West,
North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an
Army by Sea and Land have they long maintained, in despight of
one of the greatest Princes of the world, and never could the Spaniard
with all his Mines of Gold and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and
Army, halfe so truly as the Hollanders still have done by this
contemptible Trade of Fish. Divers (I know) may alleage many
other assistances; but this is the chiefest Mine, and || the Sea the
source of those silver streames of all their vertue, which hath made
them now the very miracle of industry, the onely paterne of perfection
for these affaires: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum
Mobile that turnes all their spheares to this height, of plentie,
strength, honor, and exceeding great admiration.

Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie, that makes their
wealth and shippings multiplicitie such as it is: and from which
(few would thinke it) they should draw so many millions yeerely
as they doe,

as more in particular in the trials of New England you
may see; and such an incredible number of ships, that breeds them
so many Sailers, Mariners, Souldiers, and Merchants, never to be
wrought out of that Trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but
others may gaine as well as they that will use it, though not so
certainly, nor so much in quantitie, for want of experience: and this
Herring they take upon the Coast of England and Scotland, their
Cod and Ling upon the Coast of Izeland, and in the North seas.

If wee consider

what gaines the Hamburgans, the Biskinners,
and French make by fishing; nay, but how many thousands this
fiftie or sixty yeeres have beene maintained by New found land,
where they take nothing but small Cod, where of the greatest they
make Cor-fish, and the rest is hard dried, which we call Poore-John,
would amaze a man with wonder. If then from all those parts such
paines is taken for this poore gaines of Fish, especially by the
Hollanders, that hath but little of their owne, for building of ships
and setting them to sea; but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand,
drawne from so many parts of the world erethey come together to
be used in those voiages: If these (I say) can gaine, why should we
more doubt then they; but doe much better, that may have most of
all those things at our doores for taking and making, and here are
no hard Landlords to racke us with high rents, or extorting fines,
nor tedious pleas in Law to consume us with their many yeeres
disputation for Justice; no multitudes to occasion such impediments
to good orders as in popular States: so freely hath God and his
Majestie bestowed those blessings on them will attempt to obtaine
them, as here every man may be master of his owne labour and land,
or the greatest part (if his Majesties royall meaning be not abused)
and if he have nothing but his hands, he may set up his Trade; and
by industry quickly grow rich, spending but halfe that time well,
which in England we abuse in idlenesse, worse, or as ill. Here is
ground as good as any lieth in the height of forty one, forty two,
forty three, etc. which is as temperate, and as fruitfull as any other
parallel in the world.

As for example,

on this side the line, West of it in the South
Sea, is Nova Albion, discovered as is said by Sir Francis Drake:
East from it is the most temperate part of Portugall, the ancient
Kingdomes of Galizia, Bisky, Navarre, Aragon, Cattilonia, Castillia
the old, and the most moderatest of Castillia the new, and Valentia,
which is the greatest part of Spaine; which if the Histories be true,
in the Romans time abounded no lesse with gold and silver Mines,
then now the West-Indies, the Romans then using the Spaniards to
worke in those Mines, as now the Spaniards doe the Indians. In
France the Provinces of Gascony, Langadocke, Avignon, Province,
Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same parallel, which
are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy the Provinces of
Genua, Lumbardy, and Verona, with a great part of the most
famous state of Venice, the Dukedomes of Bononia, Mantua,
Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine,
Ancona, and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great
part of the Kingdome of Naples. In Slavonia, Istria, and Dalmatia,
with the Kingdomes of Albania. In Grecia those famous Kingdomes
of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is
seated the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in Europe, Constantinople.

In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Natolia,
Armenia, || Persia, and China; besides divers other large Countries
and Kingdomes in those most milde and temperate Regions of
Asia. Southward in the same height is the richest of Gold Mines,
Chily, and Baldivia, and the mouth of the great River of Plate,
etc. for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknowne.
Besides these reasons, mine owne eies that have seene a great part
of those Cities and their Kingdomes (as well as it) can finde no
advantage they have in Nature but this, they are beautified by the
long labour and diligence of industrious people and art; This is
onely as God made it when hee created the world: Therefore I
conclude, if the heart and intrailes of those Regions were sought, if
their Land were cultured, planted, and manured by men of industry,
judgement, and experience; what hope is there, or what need they
doubt, having the advantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any
of these famous Kingdomes in all commodities, pleasures, and
conditions, seeing even the very edges doe naturally affoord us such
plentie, as no ship need returne away emptie: and onely use but the
season of the Sea, Fish will returne an honest gaine, besides all
other advantages, her treasures having yet never beene opened, nor
her originals wasted, consumed, nor abused.

And whereas it is said the Hollanders serve the Easterlings themselves,
and other parts that want with Herring, Ling, and wet
Cod: The Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgion and
Caviare, as the Blacke Sea doth Grecia, Podolia, Sagovia, Natolia,
and the Hellespont.

Cape Blanke, Spaine, Portugall, and the
Levant, with Mulit and Puttargo. New found land, the most part
of the chiefe Southerne Ports in Europe, with a thin Poore-John,
which hath beene so long, so much over-laied with Fishers, as the
fishing decaieth, so that many oft times are constrained to returne
with a small fraught. Norway and Poland affoords Pitch and Tarre,
Masts and Yards. Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes. France
and Spaine, Canvase, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oile. Italy and
Greece, Silkes and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I have seene
naturally growing or breeding in those parts, the same materials that
all these are made of, they may as well bee had here, or the most
part of them within the distance of seventie leagues for some few
ages, as from all those parts, using but the same meanes to have them
that they doe; but surely in Virginia, their most tender and daintiest
fruits or commodities, would be as perfit as theirs, by reason of
the heat, if not in New England, and with all those advantages.

First, the ground is so fertill, that questionlesse it is capable of
producing any Graine, Fruits, or Seeds, you will sow or plant,
growing in the Regions aforenamed: But it may be not to that
perfection of delicacy, because the Summer is not so hot, and the
Winter is more cold in those parts we have yet tried neere the Sea
side, then wee finde in the same height in Europe or Asia: yet I
made a Garden upon the top of a Rocky Ile in three and forty
degrees and an halfe, foure leagues from the maine in May, that
grew so well, as it served us for Sallets in June and July. All sorts of
Cattle may here be bred and fed in the Iles or Peninsulaes securely
for nothing. In the Interim, till they increase (if need be) observing
the seasons, I durst undertake to have Corne enough from the
Salvages for three hundred men, for a few trifles; and if they should
be untowards, as it is most certaine they will, thirtie or fortie good
men will be sufficient to bring them all in subjection, and make this
provision, if they understand what to doe; two hundred whereof
may eight or nine moneths in the yeere be imploied in helping the
Fisher-men, till the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us
with other Commodities.

In March, Aprill, May, and halfe June, heere is Cod in
abundance; in May, June, July, and August, Mullit and Sturgion,
whose Roes doe make Caviare and Puttargo; Herring, if any desire
them: I have taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets;
but the Salvages compare the store in the Sea with the haires of
their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance upon this
Coast. || In the end of August, September, October, and November,
you may have Cod againe to make Core-fish or Poore-John: Hake
you may have when the Cod failes in Summer, if you will fish in the
night, which is better then Cod.

Now each hundred you take here,
is as good as two or three hundred in New found Land; so that halfe
the labour in hooking, splitting and turning, is saved: And you may
have your fish at what market you will, before they have any in
New found land, where their fishing is chiefely but in June and July,
where it is here in March, Aprill, May, September, October and
November, as is said; so that by reason of this Plantation, the
Merchants may have their fraught both out and home, which
yeelds an advantage worth consideration. Your Core-fish you may
in like manner transport as you see cause, to serve the Ports in
Portugall, as Lisbone, Avera, Port Aport, and divers others, (or what
market you please) before your Ilanders returne. They being tied to
the season in the open Sea, and you having a double season, and
fishing before your doores, may every night sleep quietly ashore with
good cheere, and what fires you will, or when you please with your
wives and family: they onely and their ships in the maine Ocean,
that must carie and containe all they use, besides their fraught.
The Mullits here are in that abundance, you may take them with
nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape Blanke they hooke
them; yet those are but a foot and a halfe in length; these two, three,
or foure, as oft I have measured, which makes me suspect they are
some other kinde of fish, though they seeme the same, both in
fashion and goodnesse. Much Salmon some have found up the
Rivers as they have passed, and here the aire is so temperate, as
all these at any time may be preserved. Now, young Boies and Girles
Salvages, or any other bee they never such idlers, may turne, carie
or returne a fish, without either shame or any great paine: He is
very idle that is past twelve yeeres of age and cannot doe so much,
and she is very old that cannot spin a threed to make Engins to
catch a fish.

For their transportation, the ships that goe there to fish may
transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of
double manning their ships, which they must do in New found land
to get their fraught; but one third part of that company are onely
proper to serve a stage, carie a Barrow, and turne Poore-John;
notwithstanding, they must have meat, drinke, clothes, and passage
so well as the rest. Now all I desire is but this, That those that
voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they
can, or accept such as shall bee presented them to serve them at that
rate: and their ships returning leave such with me, with the value
of that they should receive comming home, in such provisions and
necessarie tooles, armes, bedding, apparell, salt, nets, hookes, lines,
and such like, as they spare of the remainings; who till the next
returne may keepe their Boats, and doe them many other profitable

offices. Provided, I have men of abilitie to teach them their functions,
and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready upon any occasion,
because of the abuses that have beene offered the poore Salvages,
and the libertie that both French and English, or any that will, have
to deale with them as they please; whose disorders will be hard to
reforme, and the longer the worse: Now such order with facilitie
might be taken, with every Port, Towne, or Citie, with free power
to convert the benefit of their fraughts to what advantage they please,
and increase their numbers as they see occasion, who ever as they
are able to subsist of themselves, may begin the new Townes in
New England, in memory of their old: which freedome being
confined but to the necessitie of the generall good, the event (with
Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable
emulation.

Salt upon Salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first in
ponds, yet till they be provided this may be used: then the ships may
transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth, and such Commodities
as we want; by whose arrivall may be made that provision of fish
to fraught the ships that they stay not; and then if the Sailers goe for
wages it matters not, it is hard if this returne defray not the charge:
|| but care must be had they arrive in the Spring, or else that provision
be made for them against winter. Of certaine red berries called
Kermes,

which is worth ten shillings the pound, but of these have
beene sold for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yeerely be
gathered a good quantity. Of the Muskrat may be well raised gaines
worth their labour, that will endevour to make triall of their goodnesse.
Of Bevers, Otters and Martins, blacke Foxes, and Furres of
price, may yeerely be had six or seven thousand, and if the trade of
the French were prevented, many more: 25000. this yeere were
brought from those northerne parts into France, of which trade we
may have as good part as the French if we take good courses. Of
Mines of Gold and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead,
Crystall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good assurances;
it is true indeed, I made many trialls according to the
instructions I had, which doth perswade me I need not despaire but
that there are metals in the Country: but I am no Alcumist, nor
will promise more then I know: which is, who will undertake the
rectifying of an iron Forge, if those that buy meat and drinke, coles,
ore, and all necessaries at a deare rate, gaine, where all these things
are to be had for taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.

Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that
build ships and boats, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in
England, Spaine, France and Holland, and all other provisions for
the nourishment of mans life, live well by their trade; when labour
is all required to take these necessaries without any other tax, what
hazard will be here but to doe much better, and what commodity
in Europe doth more decay then wood? for the goodnesse of the
ground, let us take it fertill or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certaine
it beares fruits to nourish and feed man and beast as well as England,
and the Sea those severall sorts of fishes I have related: thus seeing
all good things for mans sustenance may with this facility be had
by a little extraordinary labour, till that transported be increased,
and all necessaries for shipping onely for labour, to which may
added the assistance of the Salvages which may easily be had, if
they be discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, planting,
and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were
followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses
dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and farre cheaper
then can the Iland

Fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-blanke, or
Newfound land, who must be at much more charge then you) may
easily be conjectured by this example.
.

Two thousand

will fit out a ship of 200. tunnes, and one of
100. tuns, if of the dry fish they both make fraught, that of 200. and
goe for Spaine, sell it but at ten shillings a quintall, but commonly
it gives fifteene or twenty, especially when it commeth first, which
amounts to 3. or 4000. pound, but say but ten, which is the lowest,
allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate to 2000. which is
the whole charge of your two ships and the equipage, then the
returne of the mony and the fraught of the ship for the vintage or
any other voyage is cleere gaine, with your ship of one hundred
tunnes of traine Oile and Cor-fish, besides the Bevers and other
commodities, and that you may have at home within six moneths
if God please to send but an ordinary passage; then saving halfe
this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victuall, overplus
of men and wages, with her fraught thither with necessaries for the
Planters, the Salt being there made, as also may the nets and lines
within a short time; if nothing may be expected but this, it might in
time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceede them, having
their fraughts alwaies ready against the arrivall of the ships, this
would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so incourage and
imploy a great part of our Idlers and others that want imployment
fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they
would doe abroad, that could they but once taste the sweet fruits
of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be advised
by good discipline to take more pleasure in honest industry, then
in their humors of dissolute idlenesse.

But to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey,
which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, not being
so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate
of the Sea, the Aire, the Land, the Fruits, the Rocks, the People,
the Government, Religion, Territories, Limitations, Friends and
Foes: But as I gathered from their niggardly relations in a broken
language, during the time I ranged those Countries, etc. the most
Northerne part I was at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, which is East
and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were
my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in
the Bay, that the River ranne farre up into the Land, and was well
inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations,
either fishing amongst the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods for
Deere and Bevers: the Bay is full of great Iles of one, two, six or
eight miles in length, which divides it into many faire and excellent
good Harbours. On the East of it are the Tarrentines, their mortall
enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report, that live with
those people as one Nation or Family: And Northwest of Pennobscot
is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high Mountaine, a kinde of fortresse
against the Tarrentines, adjoyning to the high Mountaines of
Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea; but over all the
Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them foureteene
or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next, then
Nuskoncus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock: up this River, where was
the Westerne Plantation, are Aumoughcawgen, Kinnebeke, and
divers others, where are planted some Corne fields. Along this
River thirtie or fortie miles, I saw nothing but great high clifts of
barren Rocks overgrowne with Wood, but where the Salvages dwell
there the ground is excellent fat, and fertill. Westward of this River
is the Country of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay,
full of many great Iles, which divides it into many good Harbours.
Sawocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large Sandy Bay, which
hath many Rockes and Iles, but few good Harbours, but for Barkes
I yet know;

but all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre as I
could see Eastward of it is nothing, but such high craggy clifty
Rockes and stony Iles, that I wonder such great Trees could grow
upon so hard foundations. It is a Countrey rather to affright then
delight one, and how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation,
or more barren, I know not, yet are those rocky Iles so furnished
with good Woods, Springs, Fruits, Fish and Fowle, and the Sea the
strangest Fish-pond I ever saw, that it makes me thinke, though the
coast be rocky and thus affrightable, the Vallies and Plaines and
interior parts may well notwithstanding be very fertill. But there is
no Country so fertill hath not some part barren, and New-England
is great enough to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it
all inhabited. As you passe the coast still westward, Accominticus
and Passataquack are two convenient Harbours for small Barkes;
and a good Country within their craggy clifts. Augoan is the next:
this place might content a right curious judgement, but there are
many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is
imbayed too farre from the deepe Sea; here are many rising hils,
and on their tops and descents are many corne fields and delightfull
groves: On the East is an Ile of two or three leagues in length, the
one halfe plaine marish ground, fit for pasture or salt Ponds, with
many faire high groves of Mulbery trees and Gardens; there is also
Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood to make this place an excellent
habitation, being a good and safe Harbour.

Naiemkeck, though it be more rocky ground, for Augoan is
sandy, not much inferiour neither for the harbour, nor any thing I
could perceive but the multitude of people: from hence doth stretch
into the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, now called Cape
An,

fronted with the three Iles wee called the three Turkes heads;
to the north of this doth enter a great Bay, where we found some
habitations and Corne fields, they report a faire River and at least
30. habitati- || ons doth possesse this Country. But because the
French had got their trade, I had no leisure to discover it: the Iles
of Mattahunts are on the west side of this Bay, where are many
Iles and some Rocks that appeare a great height above the water
like the Pyramides in ægypt, and amongst them many good
Harbours, and then the country of the Massachusits, which is the
Paradice of all those parts, for here are many Iles planted with
Corne, Groves, Mulberies, salvage Gardens and good Harbours, the
Coast is for the most part high clayie sandy clifts, the sea Coast as
you passe shewes you all along large Corne fields, and great troupes
of well proportioned people: but the French having remained here
neere six weekes, left nothing for us to take occasion to examine the
Inhabitants relations, viz. if there be three thousand people upon
those Iles, and that the River doth pierce many daies journey the
entrailes of that Country: we found the people in those parts very
kinde, but in their fury no lesse valiant, for upon a quarrell we
fought with forty or fifty of them, till they had spent all their
Arrowes, and then we tooke six or seven of their Canowes, which
towards the evening they ransomed for Bever skinnes, and at
Quonahasit falling out there but with one of them, he with three
others crossed the Harbour in a Canow to certaine rockes whereby
wee must passe, and there let flie their Arrowes for our shot, till we
were out of danger, yet one of them was slaine, and another shot
through his thigh.

Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour, good
land, and no want of any thing but industrious people: after much
kindnesse, wee fought also with them, though some were hurt,
some slaine, yet within an houre after they became friends. Cape
Cod is the next presents it selfe, which is onely a headland of high
hils, over-growne with shrubby Pines, hurts and such trash, but an
excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine
Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a
Sickell, on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the bottome
of the Bay them of Chawum: towards the South and South-west of
this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand,
but so farre as I incercled it, I found thirty fathome water and a
strong currant, which makes mee thinke there is a chanell about
this Shoule, where is the best and greatest fish to be had winter and
summer in all the Country; but the Salvages say there is no Chanell,
but that the Shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet to the Ile
of Nawset, and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The
next to this is Capawucke, and those abounding Countries of
Copper, Corne, People and Mineralls, which I went to discover this
last yeere, but because I miscarried by the way I will leave them till
God please I have better acquaintance with them.

The Massachusets they report sometimes have warres with the
Bashabes of Pennobscot, and are not alwaies friends with them of
Chawum and their alliance; but now they are all friends, and have
each trade with other so farre as they have society on each others
frontiers, for they make no such voyages as from Pennobscot to
Cape Cod, seldome to Massachuset. In the North as I have said
they have begun to plant Corne, whereof the south part hath such
plenty as they have what they will from them of the North, and in
the Winter much more plenty of fish and fowle, but both Winter

and Summer hath it in one part or other all the yeere, being the
meane and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold, of all
the Regions betwixt the Line and the Pole, but the Furs Northward
are much better, and in much more plenty then Southward.

The remarkablest Iles and Mountaines for land Markes are
these: the highest Ile is Sorico in the Bay of Pennobscot, but the
three Iles, and the Iles of Matinack are much further in the Sea:
Metynacus is also three plaine Iles, but many great Rocks: Monahigan
is a round high Ile, and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is
a small Harbour where we rid; in Damerils Iles is such another,
Sagadahocke is knowne by Satquin, and foure or five Iles in their
mouth. Smiths Iles are a heape || together, none neere them against
Accomintycus: the three Turkes heads, are three Iles, seene farre to
Sea-ward in regard of the Head-land. The chiefe Head-lands, are
onely Cape Tragabigzanda, and Cape Cod, now called Cape James,
and Cape Anne.

The chiefe Mountaines, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling
Mountaine of Acocisco, the great Mountaine of Sassanow, and the
high Mountaine of Massachuset. Each of which you shall finde in
the Map, their places, forme, and altitudes. The waters are most
pure, proceeding from the intrailes of rocky Mountaines: the Herbs
and Fruits are of many sorts and kinds, as Alkermes, Currans,
Mulberies, Vines, Respises, Gooseberies, Plums, Wall-nuts, Chesse-nuts,
Small-nuts, Pumpions, Gourds, Strawberies, Beanes, Pease,
and Maize; a kinde or two of Flax, wherewith they make Nets,
Lines, and Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their
quantities.

Oake is the chiefe wood, of which there is great difference, in
regard of the soyle where it groweth, Firre, Pine, Wall-nut, Chesse-nut,
Birtch, Ash, Elme, Cipris, Cedar, Mulbery, Plum tree, Hazell,
Saxefras, and many other sorts.

Eagles, Grips,

divers sorts of Hawkes, Craines, Geese, Brants,
Cormorants, Ducks, Cranes, Swannes, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes,
Gulls, Turkies, Dive-doppers, and many other sorts whose names
I know not.

Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, Hake,
Haddocke, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Sharke, Mackarell, Herring,
Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eeles, Crabs, Lobsters,
Mustels, Wilks, Oisters, Clamps, Periwinkels,

and divers others, etc.

Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Deare red and fallow, Bevers,
Wolves, Foxes both blacke and other, Aroughcunds, wilde Cats,
Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and divers other sorts

of Vermin whose names I know not: all these and divers other good
things doe here for want of use still increase and decrease with little
diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance, you shall scarce
finde any bay, shallow shore or Cove of sand, where you may not
take many clamps or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in
many places load your Boat if you please, nor Iles where you finde
not Fruits, Birds, Crabs, and Mustels, or all of them; for taking at a
low water. Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scate, Turbut, Mackarell, or
such like are taken plentifully in divers sandy Bayes, store of Mullit,
Bases, and divers other sorts of such excellent fish as many as their
Net can hold: no River where there is not plenty of Sturgion, or
Salmon, or both, all which are to be had in abundance observing
but their seasons: but if a man will goe at Christmas to gather
Cherries in Kent, though there be plenty in Summer, he may be
deceived; so here these plenties have each their seasons, as I have
expressed; we for the most part had little but bread and Vinegar,
and though the most part of July when the fishing decayed, they
wrought all day, lay abroad in the Iles all night, and lived on what
they found, yet were not sicke: But I would wish none long put
himselfe to such plunges, except necessity constraine it: yet worthy
is that person to starve that here cannot live if he have sense,
strength and health, for there is no such penury of these blessings
in any place but that one hundred men may in two or three houres
make their provisions for a day, and he that hath experience to
manage these affaires, with forty or thirty honest industrious men,
might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subject the
Salvages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good
Corne, Fish, and Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make
that labour but their pleasure: provided that they have Engines
that be proper for their purposes. Who can desire more content
that hath small meanes, or but onely his merit to advance his
fortunes, then to tread and plant that ground he hath purchased by
the hazard of his life; if hee have but the taste of vertue and magnanimity,
what to such a minde can bee more pleasant then planting
and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the rude earth
by Gods blessing and his || owne industry without prejudice to any,
if hee have any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can he doe
lesse hurtfull to any, or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to
convert those poore Salvages to know Christ and humanity, whose
labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paine;
what so truly sutes with honour and honesty, as the discovering
things unknowne, erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing
the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching vertue and gaine to
our native mother Country; a Kingdome to attend her, finde
imploiment for those that are idle, because they know not what to
doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember
thee, and remembring thee, ever honour that remembrance with
praise. Consider what were the beginnings and endings of the
Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians and Romans,
but this one rule; what was it they would not doe for the good of
their common weale, or their mother City? For example: Rome,
what made her such a Monarchesse, but onely the adventures of
her youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad, and the
justice and judgement out of their experiences when they grew
aged; what was their ruine and hurt but this, the excesse of idlenesse,
the fondnesse of parents, the want of experience in Majestrates, the
admiration of their undeserved honours, the contempt of true merit,
their unjust jealousies, their politike incredulities, their hypocriticall
seeming goodnesse and their deeds of secret lewdnesse; finally in
fine, growing onely formall temporists, all that their Predecessors
got in many yeeres they lost in a few daies: those by their paines and
vertues became Lords of the world, they by their ease and vices
became slaves to their servants; this is the difference betwixt the
use of armes in the field, and on the monuments of stones, the golden
age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, justice and corruption,
substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and
imagination, making common weales, and marring common weales,
the fruits of vertue, and the conclusions of vice.

Then who would live at home idly, or thinke in himselfe any
worth to live, onely to eat, drinke and sleepe, and so die; or by
consuming that carelesly, his friends got worthily, or by using that
miserably that maintained vertue honestly, or for being descended
nobly, and pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred in penury, or
to maintaine a silly shew of bravery, toile out thy heart, soule and
time basely; by shifts, tricks, Cards and Dice, or by relating newes
of other mens actions, sharke here and there for a dinner or supper,
deceive thy friends by faire promises and dissimulation, in borrowing
where thou never meanest to pay, offend the Lawes, surfet with
excesse, burthen thy Countrie, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want,
and then cousen thy Kindred, yea even thy owne brother, and wish
thy Parents death (I will not say damnation) to have their estates,
though thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath for
them, that will seeke them and worthily deserve them.

I would bee sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my
honest meaning; for I wish good to all, hurt to none: but rich men
for the most part are growne to that dotage through their pride in
their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it or their
life.

And what hellish care doe such take to make it their owne

misery and their Countries spoile, especially when there is most need
of their imploiment, drawing by all manner of inventions from the
Prince and his honest Subjects, even the vitall spirits of their powers
and estates: as if their baggs or brags were so powerfull a defence,
the malicious could not assault them, when they are the onely bait
to cause us not onely to bee assaulted, but betrayed and murthered
in our owne security erewee will perceive it.

May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their impregnable
walls, riches and pleasures last taken by the Turke, which
were then but a bit in comparison of their mightinesse now, remember
us of the effects of private covetousnesse, at which time the good
Emperour held himselfe rich enough, to have such rich subjects, so
formall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacy and prodigality:
his poverty when the Turke besieged the Citizens (whose merchandizing
thoughts were onely to get wealth) little conceiving the
desperat resolution of a valiant expert enemy, left the Emperour so
long to his conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his young
raw discontented Souldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City
were all a prey to the devouring Turke, and what they would not
spare for the maintenance of them who adventured their lives to
defend them, did serve onely their enemies to torment them, their
friends and Country, and all Christendome to this present day. Let
this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there
are such great theeves in the world to rob you) not grudge to lend
some proportion to breed them that have little, yet willing to learne
how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed is doing.

The Romans estate hath beene worse then this, for the meere
covetousnesse and extortion of a few of them so moved the rest, that
not having any imploiment but contemplation, their great judgements
grew to so great malice, as themselves were sufficient to
destroy themselves by faction; let this move you to imbrace imployment,
for those whose educations, spirits and judgements want but
your purses, not only to prevent such accustomed dangers, but also
to gaine more thereby then you have; and you fathers that are
either so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, or so wilfully
ignorant, or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine
your children in idle wantonnesse till they grow your masters,
or become so basely unkinde that they wish nothing but your deaths,
so that both sorts grow dissolute, and although you would wish
them any where to escape the Gallowes and ease your cares, though
they spend you here one, two or three hundred pound a yeere, you
would grudge to give halfe so much in adventure with them to
obtaine an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance
of your providence, might bee better then your owne; but if an
Angell should tell you any place yet unknowne can affoord such
fortunes, you would not beleeve it, no more then Columbus was

beleeved there was any such land, as is now the well knowne
abounding America, much lesse such large Regions as are yet
unknowne, as well in America, as in Africa and Asia, and Terra
incognita.

I have not beene so ill bred but I have tasted of plenty and
pleasure, as well as want and misery; nor doth necessity yet, or
occasion of discontent force me to these endevours, nor am I ignorant
what small thankes I shall have for my paines, or that many would
have the world imagine them to bee of great judgement, that can
but blemish these my designes, by their witty objections and detractions,
yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so prevaile with
some, that I shall not want imploiment in these affaires, to make the
most blinde see his owne senselesnesse and incredulity, hoping that
gaine will make them affect that which Religion, Charity and the
common good cannot. It were but a poore device in mee to deceive
my selfe, much more the King and State, my Friends and Country
with these inducements, which seeing his Majesty hath given
permission, I wish all sorts of worthy honest industrious spirits
would understand, and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will
doe my best to give it, not to perswade them to goe onely, but goe
with them; not leave them there, but live with them there: I will
not say but by ill providing and undue managing, such courses may
bee taken may make us miserable enough: but if I may have the
execution of what I have projected, if they || want to eat, let them
eat or never digest mee; If I performe what I say, I desire but that
reward out of the gaines may sute my paines, quality and condition,
and if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction.
If any dislike at the yeeres end, defraying their charge, by my
consent they should freely returne; I feare not want of company
sufficient, were it but knowne what I know of these Countries, and
by the proofe of that wealth I hope yeerely to returne, if God please
to blesse me from such accidents as are beyond my power in reason
to prevent; for I am not so simple to thinke that ever any other
motive then wealth will ever erect there a common wealth, or draw
company from their ease and humors at home, to stay in New-England
to effect my purposes.

And lest any should thinke the toile might be insupportable,
though these things may bee had by labour and diligence; I assure
my selfe there are who delight extremely in vaine pleasure, that take
much more paines in England to enjoy it, then I should doe here to
gaine wealth sufficient, and yet I thinke they should not have halfe
such sweet content: for our pleasure here is still gaines, in England
charges and losse; here nature and liberty affoords us that freely

which in England we want, or it costeth us deerely. What pleasure
can bee more then being tired with any occasion a shore, in planting
Vines, Fruits, or Herbes, in contriving their owne grounds to the
pleasure of their owne minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards,
Buildings, Ships, and other workes, etc. to recreate themselves
before their owne doores in their owne Boats upon the Sea, where
man, woman and childe, with a small hooke and line, by angling
may take divers sorts of excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not
pretty sport to pull up two pence, six pence, and twelve pence, as
fast as you can hale and vere a line; hee is a very bad Fisher cannot
kill in one day with his hooke and line one, two, or three hundred
Cods, which dressed and dryed, if they bee sold there for ten shillings
a hundred, though in England they will give more then twenty,
may not both servant, master and Merchant be well content with
this gaine? if a man worke but three daies in seven, hee may get
more then hee can spend unlesse hee will bee exceedingly excessive.
Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer,
Forger, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation,
though they fish but an houre in a day, to take more then they can
eat in a weeke, or if they will not eat it, because there is so much
better choise, yet sell it or change it with the Fisher-men or Merchants
for any thing you want, and what sport doth yeeld a more
pleasing content, and lesse hurt and charge then angling with a
hooke, and crossing the sweet aire from Ile to Ile, over the silent
streames of a calme Sea, wherein the most curious may finde profit,
pleasure and content.

Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever
may in other matters doe as well, for necessity doth in these cases so
rule a common wealth, and each in their severall functions, as their
labours in their qualities may be as profitable because there is a
necessary mutuall use of all.

For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them then
ranging daily these unknowne parts, using fowling and fishing for
hunting and hawking, and yet you shall see the wilde Hawkes give
you some pleasure in seeing them stoupe six or seven times after
one another an houre or two together, at the skulls

of Fish in the
faire Harbours, as those a shore at a fowle, and never trouble nor
torment your selves with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending
them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you
not a Hawke? For hunting also, the Woods, Lakes and Rivers
affoord not onely chase sufficient for any that delights in that kinde
of toile or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacie
of their bodies for food, their skinnes are so rich, as they will recompence
thy daily labour with a Captaines pay.

For Labourers, if those that sow Hempe, Rape, Turnups,
Parsnips, Carrats, Cabidge, and such like; give twentie, thirtie,
fortie, fiftie shillings yeerely for an Acre of Land, and meat, drinke,
and wages to use it, and yet grow rich: when better, or at least as
good ground may bee had and cost nothing but labour; it seemes
strange to me any such should grow poore.

My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents,
men from their wives, nor servants from their masters; onely such
as with free consent may bee spared: but that each Parish, or
Village, in Citie, or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse
children of thirteene or foureteene yeeres of age, or young maried
people that have small wealth to live on, here by their labour may
live exceeding well. Provided alwaies, that first there be a sufficient
power to command them, houses to receive them, meanes to defend
them, and meet provisions for them, for any place may be over-laine:
and it is most necessary to have a fortresse (erethis grow to practise)
and sufficient masters,

of all necessarie, mecanicall qualities, to take
ten or twelve of them for Apprentises; the Master by this may
quickly grow rich, these may learne their trades themselves to doe
the like, to a generall and an incredible benefit for King and
Countrey, Master and Servant.

It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the adventures
of the Spaniards and Portugals, their affronts and defeats, their
dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honor, and
constant resolution, so farre beyond beleefe, they have attempted
and indured in their discoveries and plantations, as may well
condemne us of too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence; yet the
Authors of these new inventions were held as ridiculous for a long
time, as now are others that doe but seeke to imitate their unparalleld
vertues, and though we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprung
from the Plants of their generous indevours) yet is our sensualitie
and untowardnesse such, and so great, that we either ignorantly
beleeve nothing, or so curiously contest, to prevent we know not
what future events; that we either so neglect, or oppresse and
discourage the present, as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in
the blooming; and building upon faire Sand rather then upon rough
Rocks, judge that we know not, governe that wee have not, feare
that which is not; and for feare some should doe too well, force such
against their wils to be idle, or as ill. And who is hee hath judgement,
courage, and any industry or quality with understanding, will
leave his Country, his hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends,

pleasures, libertie, and the preferment sweet England doth affoord
to all degrees, were it not to advance his fortunes by enjoying his
deserts, whose prosperitie once appearing, will encourage others:
but it must be cherished as a childe, till it be able to goe and understand
it selfe, and not corrected nor oppressed above its strength,
ereit know wherefore. A childe can neither performe the office
nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able:
nor can an Apprentise at the first performe the part of a Master,
and if twentie yeeres be required to make a childe a man, seven
yeeres limited an Apprentise for his trade: if scarce an age be
sufficient to make a wise man a States-man, and commonly a man
dies erehe hath learned to be discreet; if perfection be so hard to be
obtained, as of necessitie there must be Practice as well as Theoricke:
Let no man then condemne this paradox opinion, to say that halfe
seven yeres is scarce sufficient for a good capacitie to learne in these
affaires how to carrie himselfe. And who ever shall try in these
remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at the end of
seven yeeres occasion enough to use all his discretion: and in the
Interim, all the content, rewards, gaines, and hopes, will be
necessarily required, to be given to the beginning, till it be able to
creepe, to stand, and goe, and to encourage desert by all possible
meanes; yet time enough to keepe it from running, for there is no
feare it will grow too fast, or ever to any thing, except libertie, profit,
honor, and prosperitie there found, more binde the Planters of those
affaires in devotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyrannie,
ingratitude, and such double dealing, as bindes free men to become
slaves, || and honest men turne knaves; which hath ever beene the
ruine of the most popular Common-weales, and is very unlikely ever
well to begin anew.

Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, but
these new conclusions in searching those unknowne parts of this
unknowne world; by which meanes he dives even into the very
secrets of all his neighbours, and the most part of the world; and
when the Portugals and Spaniards had found the East and West-Indies,
how many did condemne themselves, that did not accept of
that honest offer of Noble Columbus, who upon our neglect brought
them to it, perswading our selves the world had no such places as
they had found: and yet ever since we finde, they still (from time to
time) have found new Lands, new Nations, and Trades, and still
daily doe finde, both in Asia, Affrica, Terra incognita, and America,
so that there is neither Souldier nor Mechanicke, from the Lord to
the Begger, but those parts affoords them all imploiment, and
discharges their native soile of so many thousands of all sorts, that

else by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long erethis
have troubled their neighbours, or have eaten the pride of Spaine
it selfe.

Now hee knowes little that knowes not England may well spare
many more people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them
with all manner of necessaries; and seeing for all they have, they
cease not still to search for that they have not, and know not; it is
strange we should be so dull, as not maintaine that which we have,
and pursue that we know: Surely, I am sure many would take

it
ill, to be abridged of the titles and honors of their predecessors; when
if but truly they would judge themselves, looke how inferior they
are to their Noble Vertues, so much they are unworthy of their
honors and livings, which never were ordained for shewes and
shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse and vice, but to make them more
able to abound in honor, by Heroicall deeds of action, judgement,
pietie, and vertue. What was it both in their purse and person they
would not doe, for the good of their Common-wealth, which might
move them presently to set out their spare children in these
generous designes; Religion above all things should move us,
especially the Clergie, if we are religious, to shew our faith by our
works, in converting those poore Salvages to the knowledge of God,
seeing what paines the Spaniards takes to bring them to their
adultered faith. Honor might move the Gentry, the valiant, and
industrious, and the hope and assurance of wealth, all, if we were
that we would seeme, and be accounted; or be we so farre inferior
to other Nations, or our spirits so farre dejected from our ancient
predecessors, or our mindes so upon spoile, piracy, and such villany,
as to serve the Portugall, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turke, (as to
the cost of Europe too many doe) rather then our God, our King,
our Country, and our selves; excusing our idlenesse and our base
complaints by want of imploiment, when here is such choice of all
sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discovering these
North parts of America.

My second voyage to New England.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1615.

I was imploied by many my friends
of London, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a
great favourer of those actions, who perswaded the reverend Deane
of Exeter Doctor Sutliffe, and divers Merchants of the West, to
entertaine this Plantation. Much labour I had taken to bring the
Londoners and them to joyne together, because the Londoners have
most Money, and the Westerne men are most proper for fishing; and
it is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, to saile from
London to Plimoth, then from Plimoth to New England, so that
halfe the voiage would thus be saved, yet by no meanes I could
prevaile, so desirous they were both to be Lords of this fishing. Now
to make my words more apparant by my deeds, to begin a Planta-
|| tion for a more ample triall of those conclusions, I was to have
staied there but with sixteene men, whose names were;

Gentlemen.

• Thomas Dirmer.
• Edward Stallings.
• Daniel Cage.
• Francis Abbot.

Souldiers.

• John Gosling.
• William Ingram.
• David Cooper.
• John Partridge.

were to learne to be Sailers.

[_]

1

• Thomas Digby.
• Daniel Baker.
• Adam Smith.
• Thomas Watson.
• Walter Chisell.
• Robert Miller.
• And two Boyes.

I confesse I could have wished them as many thousands, had
all other provisions beene in like proportion; nor would I have had
so few, could I have had means for more: yet would God have
pleased we had safely arrived,

I doubted not but to have performed
more then I promised, and that many thousands erethis would
have bin there erenow. The maine assistance next God I had to
this small number, was my acquaintance amongst the Salvages,
especially with Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had lived
long in England, and another called Tantum, I caried with mee
from England, and set on shore at Cape Cod; by the meanes of this
proud salvage, I did not doubt but quickly to have got that credit
amongst the rest of the Salvages and their alliance, to have had as
many of them as I desired in any designe I intended, and that trade
also they had by such a kinde of exchange of their Countrey Commodities,
which both with ease and securitie might then have beene
used with him and divers others: I had concluded to inhabit and
defend them against the Tarentines, with a better power then the
French did them; whose tyrannie did inforce them to embrace my
offer with no small devotion: and though many may think me more
bold then wise, in regard of their power, dexteritie, treachery, and
inconstancy, having so desperately assaulted, and betraied many
others; I say but this (because with so many, I have many times
done much more in Virginia then I intended here, when I wanted
that experience Virginia taught mee) that to me it seemes no more
danger then ordinary: and though I know my selfe the meanest of
many thousands, whose apprehensive inspection can pierce beyond
the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art,
and Reason: yet I intreat such, give mee leave to excuse my selfe of
so much imbecillitie, as to say, that in these eighteene yeeres which
I have beene conversant with these affaires, I have not learned,
there is a great difference betwixt the directions and judgement of
experimentall knowledge, and the superficiall conjecture of variable
relation: wherein rumour, humour, or misprision have such power,
that oft times one is enough to beguile twentie, but twentie not
sufficient to keepe one from being deceived. Therefore I know no
reason but to beleeve my owne eies before any mans imagination,
that is but wrested from the conceits of my owne projects and
endevours, but I honor with all affection, the counsell and instructions
of judiciall directions, or any other honest advertisement, so
farre to observe, as they tie me not to the crueltie of unknowne
events. These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all
other imploiments, and spend my time and best abilities in these
adventures, wherein though I have had many discouragements, by
the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse
of friends, the treachery of cowards, and slownesse of Adventurers.

Now you are to remember, as I returned first from New England
at Plimoth,

I was promised foure good ships ready prepared to my
hand the next Christmas, and what conditions and content I would
desire, to put this businesse in practise, and arriving at London,
foure more were offered me with the like courtesie. But to joyne the
Londoners and them in one, was most impossible; so that in January
with two hundred pound in Cash for adventure, and six Gentlemen
well furnished, I went from London to the foure ships were promised
me at Plimoth, but I found no such matter: and the most of those
that had made such great promises, by the bad returne of the
ship went for Gold, and their private emulations, were extinct and
qualified. Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of trouble,
though the || greatest of the burden lay on me, and a few of my
particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two hundred tunnes,
and another of fiftie: But ereI had sailed one hundred and twentie
leagues, she brake all her Masts, pumping each watch five or six
thousand strokes; onely her spret-saile remained to spoone before
the winde, till we had re-accommodated a Jury-mast to returne for
Plimoth, or founder in the Seas.

My Vice-Admirall being lost, not knowing of this, proceeded
her voyage; now with the remainder of those provisions, I got out
againe in a small Barke of sixtie tuns with thirty men (for this of
two hundred, and provision for seventie), which were the sixteene
before named, and foureteene other Sailers for the ship; with those
I set saile againe the foure and twentieth of June, where what befell
me (because my actions and writings are so publike to the world)
envy still seeking to scandalize my endevours, and seeing no power
but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of mens
minds, lest my owne relations of those hard events might by some
constructors bee made doubtfull, I have thought it best to insert the
examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukeley, a
worthy Knight, and Vice-Admirall of Devonshire, which was as
followeth.

The Examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captaine
John Smith, in the returne of Plimoth, taken before Sir Lewis
Stukeley Knight, the eighth of December, 1615.

[_]

2

The effect in briefe was this: being chased by one Fry an English
Pirat, Edward Chambers the Master, John Minter his Mate,
Thomas Digby the Pylot, and divers others importuned him to yeeld;
much swaggering wee had with them, more then the Pirats, who
agreed upon such faire conditions as we desired, which if they broke,
he vowed to sinke rather then be abused. Strange they thought it,
that a Barke of threescore tuns with foure guns should stand upon
such termes, they being eightie expert Sea-men, in an excellent ship

of one hundred and fortie tuns, and thirty six cast Peeces and
Murderers: But when they knew our Captaine, so many of them
had beene his Souldiers, and they but lately runne from Tunis,
where they had stolne this ship, wanted victuall, and in combustion
amongst themselves, would have yeelded all to his protection, or
wafted us any whither: but those mutinies occasioned us to reject
their offer, which afterward we all repented. For at Fiall we met two
French Pirats, the one of two hundred tuns, the other thirty: no
disgrace would cause our mutiners fight, till the Captaine offered to
blow up the ship rather then yeeld, till hee had spent all his powder:
so that together by the eares we went, and at last got cleere of them
for all their shot. At Flowers we were againe chased with foure
French men of warre, the Admirall one hundred and fortie tuns,
and ninety men well armed; the rest good ships, and as well provided:
much parly we had, but vowing they were Rochilers, and had a
Commission from the King onely to secure true men, and take
Portugals, Spaniards, and Pirats, and as they requested, our Captaine
went to shew his Commission, which was under the broad
Seale, but neither it nor their vowes they so much respected, but
they kept him, rifled our ship, manned her with French men, and
dispersed us amongst their Fleet: within five or six daies they were
increased to eight or nine saile. At last they surrendred us our ship,
and most of our provisions, the defects they promised the next day
to supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no way but our
mutiners would for England, though we were as neere New England,
till the major part resolved with our Captaine to proceed. But the
Admirall sending his Boat for our Captaine, they espying a Saile,
presently gave chase, whereby our mutiners finding an opportunitie
in the night ran away, and thus left our Captaine in his Cap,
Bretches, and Wast-coat, alone among the French men: his clothes,
armes, and what he had, our mutiners shared among them, and
with a false excuse, faining || for feare lest he should turne man of
warre, they returned for Plimoth: fifteene of us being Land-men,
not knowing what they did.

Now the cause why the French detained mee againe, was the
suspition this Chambers and Minter gave them, that I would
revenge my selfe upon the Banke, or in New found land, of all the
French I could there encounter, and how I would have fired the
ship, had they not over-perswaded me: and that if I had but againe
my Armes, I would rather sinke by them, then they should have
from me but the value of a Bisket; and many other such like tales
to catch but opportunitie in this manner to leave me, and thus they
returned to Plimoth, and perforce with the French men I thus
proceeded. Being a fleet of eight or nine saile, we watched for the
West-Indies fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other eight:
still wee spent our time about the Iles of the Assores, where to keepe
my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable
estate, I writ this Discourse, thinking to have sent it to you of his
Majesties Councell by some ship or other, for I saw their purpose
was to take all they could. At last we were chased by one Captaine
Barra, an English Pirat in a small ship, with some twelve Peece of
Ordnance, about thirty men, and neere all starved. They sought by
courtesie releefe of us, who gave them such faire promises, as at last
they betraied Captaine Wollistone his Lieutenant, and foure or five
of his men aboord us, and then provided to take the rest perforce.
Now my part was to be prisoner in the Gun-roome, and not to
speake to any of them upon my life, yet had Barra knowledge what
I was. Then Barra perceiving well those French intents, made ready
to fight, and Wollistone as resolutely regarded not their threats,
which caused us demurre upon the matter longer some sixteene
houres, and then returned them againe Captaine Wollistone and all
their Prisoners, and some victuall also upon a small composition:
But whilest we were bartering thus with them; a Carvill before our
faces got under the Castle of Gratiosa, from whence they beat us
with their Ordnance.

The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole from
New found land: the great Cabben at this present was my prison,
from whence I could see them pillage these poore men of all that
they had, and halfe their fish: when hee was gone, they sold his
poore clothes at the maine Mast by an out-cry, which scarce gave
each man seven pence a peece.

Not long after we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint Michaels to
Bristow, he had better fortune then the other; for having but taken
a Boats loading of Sugar, Marmelade, Suckets,

and such like, we
descried foure saile, after whom we stood, who forling their maine
Sailes attended us to fight, but our French spirits were content onely
to perceive they were English red Crosses. Within a very small time
after wee chased 4. Spanish ships that came from the Indies, we
fought with them foure or five houres, tore their sailes and sides with
many a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring to boord
them, lost them, for which all the Sailers ever after hated the Captaine
as a professed coward.

A poore Carvill of Brasile was the next wee chased; and after a
small fight, thirteene or foureteene of her men being wounded,
which was the better halfe, we tooke her with three hundred and
seventy chests of Sugar, one hundred hides, and thirty thousand
Rialls of eight.

The next was a ship of Holland,

which had lost her Consorts
in the Streights of Magilans, going for the South sea. She was put
roomy. She also these French men with faire promises, cunningly
betraied to come aboord them to shew their Commission, and so
made prise of all: the most of the Dutch-men we tooke aboord the
Admirall, and manned her with French-men, that within two or
three nights after ran away with her for France, the wounded
Spaniards we set on shore on the Ile of Tercera, the rest we kept to
saile the Carvill.

Within a day or two after,

we met a West-Indies man of warre,
of one hundred || and sixtie tuns, a forenoone wee fought with her,
and then tooke her with one thousand one hundred Hides, fiftie
Chests of Cutchancle, foureteene Coffers of wedges of Silver, eight
thousand Rialls of eight and six Coffers of the King of Spaines
Treasure, besides the good pillage and rich Coffers of many rich
Passengers.

Two moneths they kept me in this manner to manage their
fights against the Spaniards, and bee a Prisoner when they tooke
any English. Now though the Captaine had oft broke his promise,
which was to put me on shore the Iles, or the next ship he tooke;
yet at the last he was contented I should goe in the Carvill of Sugar
for France, himselfe seeming as resolved to keepe the Seas, but the

next morning we all set saile for France, and that night we were
separated from the Admirall and the rich prise by a storme.
Within two daies after wee were hailed by two West-Indies men:
but when they saw us waife them for the King of France, they gave
us their broad sides, shot thorow our maine Mast, and so left us.
Having lived now this Summer amongst those French men of warre,
with much adoe we arrived at the Gulion, not farre from Rotchell:
where in stead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with, of
double satisfaction and full content, and tenne thousand Crownes
was generally concluded I should have; they kept me five or six daies
Prisoner in the Carvill, accusing me to be he that burnt their
Colony in New France, to force me to give them a discharge before
the Judge of the Admiraltie, and stand to their courtesies for satisfaction,
or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe: Indeed this was in the
time of combustion, that the Prince of Cundy was with his Army in
the field, and every poore Lord, or men in authoritie, as little Kings
of themselves: For this injury was done me by them that set out this
voyage (not by the Sailers) for they were cheated of all as well as I,
by a few Officers aboord, and the owners on shore.

But to prevent this choise, in the end of such a storme that beat
them all under hatches, I watched my opportunitie to get a shore
in their Boat, whereinto in the darke night I secretly got, and with
a halfe Pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile: but the currant
was so strong, and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it
pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was
all this fearefull night of gusts and raine in the Sea the space of
twelve houres, when many ships were driven ashore, and divers
split: (and being with skulling and bayling the water tired, I
expected each minute would sinke me) at last I arrived in an Oazy
Ile by Charowne, where certaine Fowlers found me neere drowned,
and halfe dead, with water, cold, and hunger. My Boat I pawned
to finde meanes to get to Rotchell; where I understood our man of
war and the rich prize, wherein was the Captaine called Mounsieur
Poyrune, and the thirtie thousand Rialls of eight we tooke in the
Carvill, was split, the Captaine drowned and halfe his Company the
same night, within six or seven leagues of that place; from whence
I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of God, far beyond all mens
reason or my expectation. Arriving at Rotchell, upon my complaint
to the Judge of the Admiraltie, I found many good words and faire
promises, and erelong many of them that escaped drowning, told
me the newes they heard of my owne death: These I arresting, their
severall examinations did so confirme my complaint, it was held

proofe sufficient. All which being performed according to their order
of justice, from under the Judges hand, I presented it to Sir Thomas
Edmonds, then Ambassadour at Burdeaux, where it was my chance
to see the arrivall of the Kings great mariage brought from Spaine.

Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend Master
Crampton,

that no lesse grieved at my losse, then willingly to his
power did supply my wants, and I must confesse, I was more
beholden to the French men that escaped drowning in the man of
warre, Madam Chanoyes at Rotchell, and the Lawyers of Burdeaux,
then all the rest of my Country-men I met in France. Of the wracke
of the || rich prise, some three thousand six hundred crownes worth
of goods came ashore, and was saved with the Carvill, which I did
my best to arrest: the Judge promised I should have Justice, what
will be the conclusion as yet I know not. But under the couler to
take Pirats and the West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not
suffer the French to trade in the West-Indies) any goods from thence,
though they take them upon the Coast of Spaine are lawfull prize,
or from any of his Teritories out of the limits of Europe: and as they
betraied me, though I had the broad-seale, so did they rob and
pillage twentie saile of English men more, besides them I knew not
of the same yeere.

Leaving thus my businesse in France I returned to Plimoth, to
finde them had thus buried me amongst the French; and not onely
buried me, but with so much infamy as such treacherous cowards
could suggest to excuse their villanies.

The Chiefetaines of this
mutiny that I could finde, I laid by the heeles, the rest like themselves
confessed the truth, as you have heard. Now how I have or
could prevent these accidents, having no more meanes, I rest at
your censures; but to proceed to the matter; yet must I sigh and say,
How oft hath Fortune in the world (thinke I) brought slavery,
freedome, and turned all diversly. Newfoundland I have heard at
the first, was held as desperate a fishing as this I project for New
England; Placentia, and the Banke were also as doubtfull to the
French: But for all the disasters hapned me, the businesse is the same
it was, and the five ships went from London, whereof one was
reported more then three hundred tunnes, found fish so much, that
neither Izeland man, nor Newfoundland man I could heare of hath
bin there, will go any more to either place, if they may go thither.
So that upon the good returne of my Vice-Admirall, this yeere are
gone 4 or 5 saile from Plimoth, and from London as many, only to
make voyages of profit: whereas if all the English had bin there till
my returne, put all their returnes together, they would scarce make
one a favour of neere a dozen I could nominate, except one sent
by Sir Francis Popham; though there be fish sufficient, as I am
perswaded, to fraught yeerely foure or five hundred Saile, or as many
as will goe. For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from
Cape James to Newfoundland, which is seven or eight hundred
miles at the least, and hath his course in the deepes, and by the
shore, all the yere long, keeping their hants and feedings, as the
beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But all men are not
such as they should be, that have undertaken those voyages: All the
Romans were not Scipioes, nor Carthagenians Hanibals, nor all the
Genoeses Columbusses, nor all the Spaniards Courteses: had they
dived no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries then we, or stopped
at such doubts and poore accidentall chances, they had never
beene remembred as they are, yet had they no such certainties to
begin as we.

But to conclude, Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent
worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity, but not without
labour, trouble, and industry. Noe and his family began againe the
second Plantation; and their seed as it still increased, hath still
planted new Countries, and one Countrey another, and so the world
to that estate it is: but not without much hazard, travell, mortalities,
discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy Fathers, and
their memorable off-spring, not beene more diligent for us now in
these ages, then we are to plant that yet is unplanted for the after
livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our Saviour Christ, and his
Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to teach the
Gospell then we, even wee our selves had at this present beene as
salvage, and as miserable as the most barbarous salvage, yet uncivilized.
The Hebrewes and Lacedemonians, the Gothes, the
Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not
undertake to inlarge their Teritories, enrich their subjects, resist
their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies
and their vertues, were no silvered idle golden Pharises, but
industrious Iron steeled Publicans: They regarded more provisions
and necessaries || for their people, then Jewels, riches, ease, or
delight for themselves; Riches were their Servants, not their Masters.
They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tirants) their people as Children, not
as Slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let
none thinke they incountred not with all manner of incumbrances.

And what hath ever beene the worke of the greatest Princes of the
Earth, but planting of Countries, and civilizing barbarous and
inhumane Nations to civilitie and humanitie, whose eternall
actions fills our Histories.

Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose ever-living actions
before our eies will testifie with them our idlenesse, and ingratitude
to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties, in our pietie and
religion we owe our God, our King and Countrey; and want of
Charitie to those poore Salvages, whose Countrey wee challenge,
use and possesse; except wee be but made to use, and marre what
our fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did, or esteeme
our selves too good to take the like paines. Was it vertue in them to
provide that doth maintaine us, and basenesse in us to doe the like
for others? Surely no. Then seeing we are not borne for our selves,
but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre
of our birth, and the minute of our death: seeing our good deeds or
our bad by faith in Christs merits, is all we have, to carie our soules
to heaven or hell. Seeing honor is our lives ambition, and our
ambition after death to have an honorable memory of our life: and
seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignities and glories
of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to be worthily their
successors: to conclude with Lucretius,

Here followeth a briefe Discourse of the trials of New England,
with certaine Observations of the Hollanders use and gaine
by fishing, and the present estate of that happy Plantation,
begun but by sixtie weake men, in the yeere of our Lord
1620. and how to build a fleet of good ships to make
a little Navy Royall, by the former Author.

[_]

3

HE saith, that it is more then foure and forty yeeres agoe, and it is
more then fortie yeeres agoe since he writ it; that the Herring

Busses out of the Low Countries under the King of Spaine, were
five hundred, besides one hundred French men, and three or foure
hundred saile of Flemings. The Coast of Wales and Lancashire was
used by 300 Saile of Strangers. Ireland at Baltimore, fraughted
yeerely three hundred saile of Spaniards, where King Edward the
sixt intended to have made a strong Castle, because of the straight to
have tribute for fishing. Black Rocke was yerely fished by three or
foure hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners.

The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, thirty
thousand pounds:

English and French, by Salt-fish, Poore-John,
Salmons, and Pilchards, three hundred thousand pounds: Hambrough
and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, one hundred
thousand pounds: Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the
Biskiners and Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds.

That the Duke of Medina receiveth yeerely tribute of the Fishers,
for Tunny, Mullit, and Porgos, more then ten thousand pounds.
Lubecke hath seven hun- || dred ships; Hambrough six hundred;
Emden lately a Fisher towne, one thousand foure hundred, whose
customes by fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be.
Holland and Zeland not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirty
walled Townes, foure hundred Villages, and twenty thousand saile of
Ships and Hoies; three thousand six hundred are Fisher-men, whereof
one hundred are Doggers, seven hundred Pinkes and Well-Boats,
seven hundred Strand-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with thirteene
hundred Busses,

besides three hundred that yeerely fish about
Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for Gold: and fifteene yeeres
agoe they had more then an hundred and sixteene thousand Sea-faring
men.

These fishing ships doe take yeerely two hundred thousand last
of fish, twelve barrels to a last, which amounts to 300000.

pounds
by the fisher mens price, that 14. yeeres agoe did pay for their
tenths three hundred thousand pound, which venting in Pumerland,
Sprussia, Denmarke, Lefeland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands,
England, or else where, etc. makes their returnes in a yeere
about threescore and ten hundred thousand pounds, which is seven
millions; and yet in Holland there is neither matter to build ships
nor merchandize to set them forth, yet by their industry they as
much increase as other nations decay; but leaving these uncertainties
as they are, of this I am certaine.

That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the North
Sea with Island

and the Sound, Newfound-land and Cape Blanke,
doe serve all Europe, as well the land townes as ports, and all the
Christian shipping, with these sorts of staple fish, which is transported
from whence it is taken many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt
Fish, Poore-John, Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Caviare,
Buttargo.

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them may
be had in a land more fertill, temperate and plentifull of all necessaries,
for the building of ships, boats and houses, and the nourishment
of man, the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the
habitations we may there make, that New-England hath much
advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe farre
cheaper then they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor
food, but at great rates, at Sea nothing but what they carry in their
ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.
But New-Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of Wood,
Water, Fruits, Fowles, Corne or other refreshings needfull, and the
Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Provance, Savoy,
Sicillia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry fish, greene
fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland,
Littuania or Germany for their Herring, which is heare also in
abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Sope-ashes,
Cordage, Flax, Wax, and such like commodities; wee Wines,
Oiles, Sugars, Silkes, and such merchandize as the Straits affoord,
whereby our profit may equalize theirs, besides the increase of
shipping and Marriners: and for proofe hereof,

In the yeere of our Lord 1614. you have read how I went from
London:

also the next yeere 1615. how foure good ships went from
London, and I with two more from Plimoth, with all our accidents,
successes and returnes: in the yeere 1616. ereI returned from
France, the Londoners for all their losse by the Turkes, sent foure
ships more; foure more also went from Plimoth; after I returned
from France, I was perswaded againe to goe to Plimoth with
divers of my friends with one hundred pound for our adventures
besides our charges, but wee found all things as untoward as before,
and all their great promises nothing but aire: yet to prepare the
voyage against the next yeere, having acquainted a great part of
the Nobility with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his Highnesse
till I had done some what worthy his Princely view; I spent that
Summer in visiting the Cities and Townes of Bristoll, Exeter,
Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow, Saltash, Dartmouth,
Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the Gentry in Cornewall and
Devonshire, giving them Bookes and Maps, shewing how in six
moneths the most of || those ships had made their voyages, and some
in lesse, and with what good successe; by which incitation they
seemed so well contented, as they promised twenty saile of ships
should goe with mee next yeere, and in regard of my paines, charge,
and former losses, the westerne Commissioners in behalfe of themselves
and the rest of the Company, and them hereafter that should
be joyned to them, contracted with me by articles indented under
our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the
renewing of their Letters-Patents so to be nominated. Halfe the
fruits of our endevours to be theirs, the rest our owne; being thus
ingaged, now the businesse is made plaine and likely to prosper,
some of them would not onely forget me and their promises, but
also obscure me, as if I had never beene acquainted in the businesse,
but I am not the first they have deceived.

There was foure good ships prepared at Plimoth, but by reason
of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went forward,
the one being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught
to Plimoth, and her men in health, within five moneths; the other
of fourescore tunnes went for Bilbow with drie fish and made a good
returne. In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant
Souldier, that had beene with me in Virginia,

and was with me
also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent againe in those
ships, and having some wrong offered him there by a French man,
he tooke him, and as he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with
fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare:
he had not past ten or twelve men, and knew both those countries
well, yet he promised me the next spring to meet me in New-England,
but the ship and he both perished in Virginia.

This yeere againe, divers ships intending to goe from Plimoth,
so disagreed, there went but one of two hundred tunnes, who stayed
in the Country about six weeks, which with eight and thirty men
and boies had her fraught, which she sold at the first penny for
2100. pounds, besides the Furres: so that every poore Sailer that had
but a single share had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings
for his seven moneths worke. Master Thomas Dirmire an understanding
and industrious Gentleman, that was also with me amongst
the French men,

having lived about a yeere in Newfoundland,
returning to Plimoth, went for New-England in this ship, so much
approved of this Country, that he staied there with five or six men
in a little Boat, finding two or three French men amongst the
Salvages who had lost their ship, augmented his company, with
whom he ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcommed
and well refreshed, thence returned to New-England
againe, where having beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Virginia
he was so wounded by the Salvages, he died upon it; let not men
attribute these their great adventures, and untimely deaths to
unfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserve
them with so small meanes to doe so much, leaving the fruits of their
labours to be an incouragement to those our poore undertakings,
and as warnings for us not to undertake such great workes with such
small meanes, and this for advantage as they writ unto me, that
God had laid this Country open for us, and slaine the most part of
the inhabitants by civill warres and a mortall disease, for where I
had seene one hundred or two hundred Salvages, there is scarce ten
to be found, and yet not any one of them touched with any sicknesse
but one poore French man that died;

From the West Country to make triall this yeere onely to fish,
is gone six or seven saile, three of which I am certainly informed
made so good a voyage, that every Sailer that had a single share had
twenty pound for his seven moneths work, which is more then in
twenty moneths he should have gotten, had he gone || for wages
any where. Now although these former ships have not made such
good voiages as they expected, by sending opinionated unskilfull

men, that had not experienced diligence to save that they tooke, nor
take that there was, which now patience and practice hath brought
to a reasonable kinde of perfection; in despight of all detractors and
calumniations the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath
beene in their using or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me: But,

Now all these proofes

and this relation I now called New-Englands
triall. I caused two or three thousand of them to be
printed, one thousand with a great many Maps both of Virginia
and New-England, I presented to thirty of the chiefe Companies in
London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly
(them that would) to imbrace it, and by the use of a stocke of five
thousand pound, to ease them of the superfluity of the most of their
companies that had but strength and health to labour; neere a yeere
I spent to understand their resolutions, which was to me a greater
toile and torment, then to have beene in New-England about my
businesse but with bread and water, and what I could get there by
my labour; but in conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I
was contented as well with this losse of time and charge as all the
rest.

A Plantation in New-England.

[_]

4

UPON these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and
Merchants of London and other places, provided two ships,
the one of a hundred and threescore tunnes, the other of threescore
and ten, they left the Coast of England the two and thirtieth of
August,

with about a hundred and twenty persons, but the next
day the lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to
Plimoth, where discharging her and twenty passengers; with the
greater ship and one hundred passengers besides Sailers, they set
saile againe the sixt of September, and the ninth of November fell
with Cape James, but being pestred nine weekes in this leaking
unwholsome ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very
weake and weary of the Sea; then for want of experience, ranging
two and againe six weekes before they found a place they liked to
dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without coverture, forty
of them died, and threescore were left in very weake estate at the
ships comming away, about the fifth of Aprill following, and arrived
in England the sixth of May. Though the Harbour be good, the
shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great way up to the
knees in water, and used that that did them much hurt; and little
fish they found but Whailes, and a great kinde of Mustell so fat,
that few did eat of them that were not sicke: these miseries occasioned
some discord, and gave some appearance of faction, but all was so
reconciled, that they united themselves by common consent under
their hands, to a kinde of combination of a body politike, by vertue
whereof to inact and constitute lawes and ordinances, and Officers
from time to time, as should bee thought most convenient for their
generall good.

Sixteene or seventeene daies

they could doe little for want of
their Shallop which was amending, yet Captaine Miles Standish,
unto whom was joyned in Councell, William Bradford, Stephen
Hopkins and Edward Tilly, went well armed a shore, and by that
time they had gone a mile, met five or six Indians that fled into the
Woods: we traced them by the footing eight or ten miles, then the
night approaching we made a fire, by which we lay that night, and
the next morning followed the Salvages by their tract, thinking to
finde their habitations, but by || the way we found a Deere amongst
many faire springs of water, where we refreshed our selves; then we
went a shore and made a fire, that they at the ship might perceive
where we were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was
a River; by the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts of Deere
and Fowle, and some fifty Acres of plaine ground had beene planted
by the Indians, where were some of their graves; from thence we
followed a path that brought us through three or foure fields that
had bin planted that yeere; in one grave we digged, we found a
basket or two of Indian Corne, so much as we could carry we tooke
with us, the rest we buried as we found it, and so proceeded to the
place we intended, but we found it not such a Harbour as we
expected; and so we returned, till the night caused us take up our
lodging under a tree, where it rained six or seven houres: the next
morning as we wandred, we passed by a tree, where a young sprig
was bowed downe over a bough, and some Acornes strewed under
it, which was one of their Gins to a catch a Deere, and as we were
looking at it, Bradford was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed
Rope, made as artificially as ours; as we passed we see a lease of
Bucks, sprung some Partriges, and great flocks of wilde Geese and
Ducks, and so we returned well wearied to our ship.

Master Jones our Master with foure and thirty men, also went
up and downe in the frost and snow, two or three daies in the
extremity of the cold, but could finde no harbour; only among the
old graves we got some ten bushels of Corne, some Beanes, and a
bottle of Oile; and had we not thus haply found it, we had had no
Corne for seede, so that place we ever called Corne-hill;

the next
day Master Jones with the Corne and our weakest men returned to
the Ship, but eighteene of us quartered there that night, and in the
morning following the paths, wee found in the Snow in a field a
greater hill or grave then the rest, diging it wee found first a Mat,
under that a boord three quarters long, painted and carved with
three Tyns at the top like a Cronet, betweene the Mats also were
Bowles, Traies and Dishes and such trash, at length we found a faire
new Mat, and under that two bundles, the one biggar the other lesse;
in the greater wee found a great quantity of fine red powder like
a kinde of imbalmement, and yeelded a strong but no offensive
smell, with the bones and skull of a man that had fine yellow haire
still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed, a Knife, a Pack-needle,
and two or three old Iron things was bound up in a Sailers
canvase Cassocke, also a paire of cloth Breeches; in the lesse bundle
we found likewise of the same powder, and the bones and head of
a little childe; about the legs and other parts of it was bound strings
and braslets of white beades, there was also a little Bow, and some
other odde knacks, the prettiest we tooke, and covered againe the
corps as they were: not farre from thence were two of their houses,
where were a great deale of their miserable houshold stuffe, which
we left as wee found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboord
that night.

Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or not;
in the Interim, Mistris White was brought to bed of a young sonne,
which was called Perigrine:

and a Sailer shooting at a Whale, his
peece flew in peeces stocke and all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish
boy discharging his fathers peece hard by halfe a barrell of Powder,
and many people by it, it pleased God it escaped firing, so that no
hurt was done.

But to make a more certaine discovery where to seat our selves,
Captaine Standish, Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward
Winslow, John Tilly, Edward Tilly, with divers others to the number
of seventeene, upon the sixt of December set saile, and having sailed
six or seven leagues, we espied eight or ten Salvages about a dead
Grampus: still following the shore we found two or three more
cast up by the ill weather, many we see in the water, therefore we
called it Grampus Bay: Ships may ride well in it, but all the shore
is very shallow flats of sand; at last seven or eight of us went a shore,
many fields we saw where the Salvages had inhabited, and a buriall
place incompassed with a Palizado, so we returned to our Shal- || lop,
in the night we heard a hideous cry and howling of Wolves and
Foxes; in the morning as we were ready to goe into our Shallop, one
of our men being in the woods, came running crying, Indians,
Indians, and with all their Arrowes flying amongst us, some of our
men being in the boat, and their Armes a shore, so well it chanced,
Captaine Standish with two or three more discharged their peeces till
the rest were ready, one salvage more stout then the rest kept under
a tree, till he had shot three or foure Arrowes, and endured three or
foure Musket shot, but at last they all fled, this was about breake of
day in the morning when they saw us, and we not them.

Having the wind faire, we sailed along the coast 8. or 10.
leagues, thinking to have got to a Harbour where one of our company
had beene,

within 8. leagues of Cape Cod, for neither cricke
nor Harbour in this bay we could finde; and the wind so increased,
our Rudder broke, and our Mast flew over-boord, that we were in
danger to be cast away, but at last it pleased God we were in a
harbor we knew not, thinking it one we were acquainted with, this
we found to be an Ile where we rid that night, and having well
viewed the land about it, and sounded the Bay to be a good Harbour
for our ship, compassed with good land, and in it two faire Iles,
where there is in their seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish
and fowle, good water, much plaine land, which hath beene planted;
with this newes we returned to our ship, and with the next faire
wind brought her thither, being but within the sight of Cape Cod;
in the meane time Goodwife Alderton was delivered of a sonne,
but dead borne. Upon the 28. of December, so many as could went
to worke upon the hill, where we purposed to build our Platforme
for our ordnance, which doth command all the Plaine and the Bay,
and from whence wee may see far into the Sea, and be easily impailed,
so in the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds, and
divided our company into 19. families, alotting to every person halfe
a poule in bredth and three in length, and so we cast lots where
every man should lie, which we staked out, thinking this proportion
enough at the first to impale for lodgings and gardens.

Francis Billington

from the top of a tree seeing a great water
some three miles from us in the land, went with the Masters Mate,
and found it two great Lakes of fresh water, the bigger five or six
miles in circuit, and an Ile in it of a Cables length square; the
other three miles in compasse, full of fish and fowle, and two brooks
issuing from it, which will be an excellent helpe in time for us,
where they saw seven or eight Indian houses, but no people. Foure
being sent a mile or two from our plantation, two of them stragling
into the woods was lost, for comming to a Lake of water they found
a great Deere, having a mastive Bitch and a Spanell with them, they
followed so farre they could not finde the way backe, that afternoone
it rained, and did freeze and snow at night; their apparell was very
thin, and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any victuals, nor
could they finde any of the Salvages habitations; when the night
came they were much perplexed that they had no other bed then
the earth, nor coverture then the skies, but that they heard, as they
thought, two Lions roaring a long time together very nigh them,
so not knowing what to doe, they resolved to climbe up into a tree,
though that would be an intollerable cold lodging. Expecting their
comming they stood at the trees root, and the bitch they held fast
by the necke, for shee would have beene gone to the Lions or what
they were, that as it chanced came not nigh them, so they watched
the tree that extreme cold night, and in the morning travelling
againe, passing by many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one place
where the Salvages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a
fine champion Country, in the afternoone they discovered the two
Iles in their Bay, and so that night neere famished they got to their
Plantation, from whence they had sent out men every way to seeke
them; that night the house they had built and thatched, where lay
their armes, bedding, powder, etc. tooke fire and was burnt. The
Coast is so shoule, the ship rides more then a mile from the Fort,
but God be thanked no man was hurt though much was burnt.

All this time we could not have conference with a salvage,
though we had many times seene them and had many alarums, so
that we drew a Councell, and appointed Captaine Standish to have
the command of all martiall actions,

but even in the time of
consultation the Salvages gave an alarum: the next day also as wee
were agreeing upon his orders, came a tall salvage boldly amongst
us, not fearing any thing, and kindly bad us welcome in English;
he was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships use to fish,
and did know the names of most of the Masters that used thither:
such victuall as we had we gave him, being the first salvage we yet
could speake with, he told us this place where we were was called
Patuxet, and that all the people three or foure yeeres agoe there
died on the plague: in a day or two we could not be rid of him,
then he returned to the Massasoyts from whence he came, where is
some sixty people, but the Nawsits are 100. strong, which were they
encountred our people at the first. Two daies after this Samoset,
for so was his name, came againe, and brought five or six of the
Massasoyts with him, with certaine skinnes, and certaine tooles
they had got that we had left in the woods at their alarums: much
friendship they promised, and so departed, but Samoset would not
leave us, but fained himselfe sicke, yet at last he went to entreat the
Salvages come againe to confirme a peace: now the third time, as
we were consulting of our Marshall orders, two Salvages appeared,
but when we went to them they vanished: not long after came
Samoset, and Squanto, a native of Patuxet where we dwell, and
one of them carried into Spaine by Hunt, thence brought into
England, where a good time he lived; and now here signified unto
us, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, with Quadaquina his brother,
and all their men, was there by to see us: not willing to send our
Governour, we sent Edward Winslow with presents to them both,
to know their minds, making him to understand by his Interpreters
how King James did salute him and was his friend; after a little
conference with twenty of his men, he came over the brooke to our
Plantation, where we set him upon a rug, and then brought our
Governour to him with Drums and Trumpets; where after some
circumstances, for they use few complements, we treated of peace
with them to this effect.

That neither he nor any of his should injury or doe hurt to any
of us; if they did, he should send us the offender, that we might
punish him, and wee would doe the like to him: if any did unjustly
warre against him, we would aid him, as he should us against our
enemies, and to send to his neighbour confederats to certifie them
of this, that they might likewise be comprised in these conditions,
that when any of them came to us, they should leave their Bow and
Arrowes behinde them, as we would our peeces when we came to
them, all which the King seemed to like well of, and was applauded
of his followers.

In his person hee is a very lusty man, in his best
yeeres, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech:
in his attire little differing from the rest; after all was done, the
Governour conducted him to the brooke, but kept our hostage till
our messengers returned: in like manner we used Quaddaquina, so
all departed good friends.

Two of his people would have staied with us, but wee would not
permit them, onely Samoset and Squanto wee entertained kindly;
as yet wee have found they intend to keepe promise, for they have
not hurt our men they have found stragling in the Woods, and are
afraid of their powerfull Adversaries the Narrohiggansets, against
whom hee hopes to make use of our helpe. The next day Squanto
went a fishing for Eeles, and in an houre he did tread as many out
of the Ose with his feet as he could lift with his hand, not having
any other instrument.

But that we might know their habitations so well as they ours,
Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslow had Squantum for their
guide and Interpreter; to Packanoki, the habitation of the King of
Massasoyt, with a red horsemans coat for a present, to entreat him
by reason we had not victuall to entertaine them || as we would, he
would defend

his people so much from visiting us; and if hee did
send, he should alwaies send with the Messenger a copper Chaine
they gave him, that they might know he came from him, and also
give them some of his Corne for seede: that night they lodged at
Namascet, some fifteene miles off: by the way we found ten or
twelve women and children that still would pester us till we were
weary of them, perceiving it is the manner of them, where victuall
is to bee gotten with most ease, there they will live; but on that
River of Namaschet have beene many habitations of the Salvages
that are dead, and the land lies waste, and the River abounding
with great plenty of fish, and hath beene much frequented by the
French.

The next day travelling with six or seven Indians, where we
were to wade over the River, did dwell onely two old men of that
Nation then living, that thinking us enemies, sought the best advantage
they could to fight with us, with a wonderfull shew of courage,
but when they knew us their friends they kindly welcommed us;
after we came to a towne of the Massasoits, but at Pakanoki the
King was not: towards night he arrived and was very proud, both
of our message and presents, making a great oration to all his
people, Was not he Massasoit, Commander of the country about
him, was not such a towne his, and the people of it, and 20. townes
more he named was his? and should they not bring their skins to

us? to which they answered, they were his and they would; victual
they had none, nor any lodging, but a poore planke or two, a foot
high from the ground, wheron his wife and he lay at the one end, we
at the other, but a thin Mat upon them, two more of his chiefe men
pressed by and upon us, so that we were worse weary of our lodging
then of our journey. Although there is such plenty of fish and fowle
and wild beasts, yet are they so lasie they will not take paines to
catch it till meere hunger constraine them, for in two or three daies
we had scarce a meales meat, whereby we were so faint, we were
glad to be at home: besides what for the fleas, and their howling and
singing in the night in their houses, and the Musketas without
doores, our heads were as light for want of sleepe, as our bellies
empty for want of meat. The next voiage we made was in a Shallop
with ten men to Nawsit, sixteene miles from us, to fetch a Boy was
lost in the Woods we heard was there, whom Aspinet their King had
bedecked like a salvage, but very kindly he brought him to us, and
so returned well to Patuxet.

Immediatly after the arrivall of the last ship,

they sent another
of five and fifty tuns to supply them; with seven and thirty persons
they set saile in the beginning of July, but being crossed by westernly
winds, it was the end of August erethey could passe Plimoth, and
arrived in New-England at New-Plimoth, now so called the 11.
of November, where they found all the people they left so ill, lusty
and well for all their poverties, except six that died: a moneth they
stayed erethey returned to England, loaded with Clap-boord,
Wainscot and Wallnut, with about three hogsheads of Bever skinnes
the 13. of December: and drawing neere our coast was set on by a
French man set out by the Marquesse of Cera, Governour of Ile
Deu, where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and company,
tooke from them to the value of 500. pound, and after 14.
daies sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne
being devoured by the Marquesse and his hungry servants.

Now you are to understand this 37. brought nothing, but relied
wholly on us to make us more miserable then before, which the

Sachem Couanacus no sooner understood, but sent to Tusquantum
our Interpreter, a bundle of new arrowes in a Snakes skinne;
Tusquantum being absent, the Messenger departed, but when we
understood it was a direct challenge, we returned the skin full of
powder and shot, with an absolute defiance, which caused us finish
our fortification with all expedition. Now betwixt our two Salvages,
Tusquantum and Hobbamock, grew such great emulation, we had
much adoe to know which best to trust. In a journey we undertooke,
in our way we met a salvage of Tusquantums, that had cut
his face || fresh bleeding, to assure us Massasoyt our supposed friend,
had drawne his forces to Packanokick to assault us. Hobomak as
confidently assured us it was false, and sent his wife as an espy to
see; but when she perceived all was well, shee told the King Massasoyt
how Tusquantum had abused him, divers Salvages also hee
had caused to beleeve we would destroy them, but he would doe
his best to appease us; this he did onely to make his Country-men
beleeve what great power hee had with us to get bribes on both sides,
to make peace or warre when he would, and the more to possesse
them with feare, he perswaded many we had buried the plague in
our store house, which wee could send when we listed whither wee
would, but at last all his knavery being discovered, Massasowat
sent his knife with Messengers for his head or him, being his subject;
with much adoe we appeased the angry King and the rest of the
Salvages, and freely forgave Tusquantum, because he speaking our
language we could not well be without him.

A journey to the Towne of Namaschet, in defence of the King
of Massasoyt, against the Narrohigganses, and the supposed
death of Squantum.

[_]

5

A GREAT difference there was betwixt the Narrohigganses and the
Massasoytes, that had alwaies a jealousie; Coubatant

one of
their petty Sachems was too conversant with the Narrohigganses,
this Coubatant lived much at Namaschet, and much stormed at our
peace with his King and others; also at Squantum, and Tokamahamon,
and Hobomak our friends, and chiefe occasioners of our
peace, for which he sought to murther Hobomak; yet Tokamahamon
went to him upon a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or
forced him from his Country, but the other two would not, but in
privat to see if they could heare what was become of their King;
lodging at Namaschet they were discovered to Coubatant, who
surprized the house and tooke Squantum, saying, if hee were dead
the English had lost their tongue; Hobomak seeing that, and
Coubatant held a knife at his brest, being a strong lusty fellow,
brake from them and came to New-Plimoth, full of sorrow for
Squantum, whom he thought was slaine.

The next day we sent ten men with him armed to be revenged
of Coubatant, who conducted us neere Namaschet, where we rested
and refreshed our selves til midnight, and then we beset the house
as we had resolved; those that entred the house demanded for
Coubatant, but the Salvages were halfe dead with feare, we charged
them not to stirre, for we came to hurt none but Coubatant for
killing Squantum, some of them seeking to escape was wounded, but
at last perceiving our ends, they told us Coubatant was gone and all
his men, and Squantum was yet living, and in the towne; in this
hurly burly we discharged two peeces at randome, which much
terrified all the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon,
who though they knew not the end of our comming, yet assured
themselves of our honesties, that we would not hurt them; the
women and children hung about Hobomak, calling him friend, and
when they saw we would hurt no women, the young youths cryed
we are women; to be short, we kept them all, and whilest we were
searching the house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top,
and called Squantum and Tokamahamon, which came unto us
accompanied with others, some armed, others naked,

those that
had bowes we tooke them from them, promising them againe when
it was day: the house wee tooke for our quarter that night and
discharged the prisoners, and the next morning went to breakfast
to Squantums house; thither came all them that loved us to welcome
us, but all Coubatants faction was fled, then we made them plainly
know the cause of our comming, and if their King Massasoyt were
not well, we would be revenged upon the Narrohiggansets, or any
that should doe injury to Hobomak, Squantum, or any of their
friends; as for those were wounded we were sorry for it, and offered
our Surgion should heale them, of this offer a man and a woman
accepted, that went || home with us, accompanied with Squantum,
and many other knowne friends, that offered us all the kindnesse
they could.

From the West of England

there is gone ten or twelve ships to
fish, which were all well fraughted: those that came first at Bilbow,
made seventeene pound a single share, besides Bevers, Otters, and
Martins skinnes; but some of the rest that came to the same ports,
that were all ready furnished, so glutted the market, that the price
was abated, yet all returned so well contented, that they are a
preparing to goe againe.

There is gone from the West Countrey onely to fish, five and
thirtie ships, and about the last of Aprill two more from London;
the one of one hundred tunnes, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie
Passengers to supply the Plantation. Now though the Turke and
French hath beene somewhat too busie in taking our ships, would
all the Christian Princes be truly at unitie, as his Royall Majestie
our Soveraigne King James desireth, seventie Saile of good ships
were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the Levant, and make
such a guard in the Straights of Hellespont, as would make the
great Turke himselfe more affraid in Constantinople, then the
smallest Red-Crosse that crosses the Seas would be, either of any
French Pickaroun, or the Pirats of Algere.

An abstract of divers Relations sent from the Colony in New
England, July 16. 1622.

SINCE the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their
wonted friendship, yet wee are more wary of them then before;
for their hands hath beene imbrued in much English bloud, onely
by too much confidence, but not by force, and we have had small
supplies of any thing but men.

Here I must intreat a little your
favours to digresse, they did not kill the English in Virginia, because
they were Christians: but for their weapons and Copper, which
were rare novelties; but now they feare we may beat them out of
their dens, which Lions and Tigers will not admit but by force.
But must this be an argument for an English man, and discourage
any in Virginia or New England: No, for I have tried them both,
as you may reade at large in the Historie of Virginia; notwithstanding
since I came from thence, the Honourable Company hath beene
humble suiters to his Majestie, to get vagabonds and condemned
men to goe thither; nay, so the businesse hath beene so abused, that
so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be
hanged erethey would goe thither, and were: Yet for all the worst
of spight, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable
massacre, there is more honest men now suiters to goe, then ever
hath beene constrained knaves. And it is not unknowne to most men
of understanding, how happy many of those Callumners hath
thought themselves that they might be admitted; and yet pay for
their passage to goe now to Virginia, and I feare mee there goeth
too many of those, that hath shifted heere till they could no longer;
and they will use that qualitie there till they hazard all.

To range this Countrey of New England

in like manner, I had
but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit conditions, I met many
of their silly encounters, and I give God thankes, without any hurt
at all to me, or any with mee. When your West-Countrey men were
so wounded and tormented with the Salvages, though they had all
the Politicke directions that had beene gathered from all the secret
informations could be heard of, yet they found little, and returned
with nothing. I speak not this out of vaine-glory, as it may be some
gleaners, or some who were never there may censure me; but to let
all men be assured by those examples, what those Salvages are, that
thus strangely doe murder and betray our Countrymen: but to the
purpose;

The Paragon

with thirtie seven men sent to releeve them,
miscaried twice upon || our English Coast, whereby they failed of
their supplies. It is true, there hath beene taken one thousand Bases
at a draught; and in one night twelve Hogsheads of Herrings: but
when they wanted all necessaries both for fishing and sustinance,
but what they could get with their naked industry, they indured
most extreme wants, having beene now neere two yeeres without
any supply to any purpose, it is a wonder how they should subsist,
much lesse so to resist the Salvages, fortifie themselves, plant sixtie
acres of Corne, besides their Gardens that were well replenished
with many usuall fruits. But in the beginning of July came in two
ships of Master Westons, though we much wanted our selves, yet
we releeved them what we could: and to requite us, they destroied
our Corne and Fruits then planted, and did what they could to
have done the like to us. At last they were transported to Wichaguscusset
at the Massachusets, where they abused the Salvages worse
then us. We having neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remaining,
God sent in one Master Jones, and a ship of Westons had beene at
Monahigan amongst the Fisher-men, that for Bever skinnes and
such Merchandize as wee had, very well refreshed us, though at
deere rates. Weston left also his men a small Barke, and much good
provision, and so set saile for England. Then wee joyned with them
to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice wee were
forced to returne; first by the death of their Governor; then the
sicknesse of Captaine Standish. At last our Governor Master
Bradford undertooke it himselfe to have found the passage betwixt
the Shoules and the Maine, then Tusquantum our Pilot died, so
that we returned to the Massachusets, where we found the trade
spoiled, and nothing but complaints betwixt the Salvages and the
English. At Nawset we were kindly used and had good trade,
though we lost our Barge, the Salvages carefully kept both her
wracke, and some ten Hogsheads of Corne three moneths, and so we
returned some by land, some in the ship.

Captaine Standish being recovered, went to fetch them both,

and traded at Namasket and Monomete, where the people had the
plague, a place much frequented with Dutch and French. Here the
Sachem put a man to death for killing his fellow at play, wherein
they are so violent, they will play their coats from their backs, and
also their wives, though many miles from them. But our provision
decaying, Standish is sent to Mattachist, where they pretended their
wonted love; yet it plainly appeared they intended to kill him.
Escaping thence, wee went to Monomete, where we found nothing
but bad countenances. Heare one Wittuwamat a notable villaine,
would boast how many French and English hee had slaine: This
Champion presenting a Dagger to the Sachem Canacum he had got
from the English, occasioned us to understand how they had
contrived to murder all the English in the Land, but having such a
faire opportunitie, they would begin heere with us. Their scornfull
usage made the Captaine so passionate to appease his anger and
choler, their intent made many faire excuses for satisfaction:
Scar a lusty salvage, alwaies seeming the most to effect us, bestowed
on us the best presents he had without any recompence, saying;
Hee was rich enough to bestow such favours on his friends, yet had
undertaken to kill the Captaine himselfe, but our vigilencies so
prevented the advantage they expected, we safely returned, little
suspecting in him any such treachery.

During this time a Dutch ship was driven a shore at Massasowat,

whose King lay very sicke, now because it is a generall custome
then for all their friends to visit them: Master Winslow, and Master
Hamden, with Habamok for their guide, were sent with such
Cordialls as they had to salute him; by the way they so oft heard
the King was dead, Habamok would breake forth in those words,
My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem, many have I knowne, but
never any like thee, nor shall ever see the like amongst the Salvages;
for he was no lier, nor bloudy and cruell like other Indians, in anger
soone reclaimed, he would be ruled by reason, not scorning the
advice of meane men, and governed his men better with a few
strokes, then others with many: truly loving where he loved, yea he
feared wee || had not a faithfull friend left amongst all his Countrey-men,
shewing how oft he had restrained their malice, much more
with much passion he spoke to this purpose, till at last we arrived
where we found the Dutchmen but newly gone, and the house so
full we could hardly get in. By their charmes they distempered us
that were well, much more him that was sicke, women rubbing him
to keepe heat in him; but their charmes ended, understanding of
us, though he had lost his sight, his understanding failed not; but
taking Winslow by the hand, said, Art thou Winslow, Oh Winslow,
I shall never see thee againe! Hobamock telling him what restauratives
they had brought, he desired to taste them, with much adoe
they got a little Confexion of many comfortable Conserves into his
mouth, as it desolved he swallowed it, then desolving more of it in
water, they scraped his tongue, which was al furred and swolne,
and washed his mouth, and then gave him more of it to eat, and in his
drinke, that wrought such an alteration in him in two or three
houres, his eies opened to our great contents; with this and such
brothes as they there provided for him, it pleased God he recovered:
and thus the manner of his sicknesse and cure caused no small
admiration amongst them.

During the time of their stay to see his recovery, they had sent
to New Plimoth for divers good things for him, which he tooke so
kindly, that he fully revealed all the former conspiracies against us,
to which he had oft beene moved; and how that all the people of
Powmet, Nawset, Succonet, Mattachist, Manamet, Augawam, and
Capawac,

were joyned to murder us; therefore as we respected our
lives, kill them of Massachuset that were the authors; for take away
the principals and the plot wil cease, thus taking our leaves, and arriving
at our fort, we found our brave liberall friend of Pamet drawing
Standish to their Ambuscados, which being thus discovered, we sent
him away, as though he knew nor suspected any thing. Them at
the Massachusets, some were so vilde they served the Salvages for
victuall, the rest sent us word the Salvages were so insolent, they
would assault them though against their Commission, so fearefull
they were to breake their Commission, so much time was spent in
consultations, they all were famished, till Wassapinewat againe
came and told them the day of their execution was at hand.

Then they appointed Standish with eight chosen men, under
colour of Trade to catch them in their owne trap at Massachuset,
and acquaint it with the English

in the Towne, where arriving he
found none in the Barke, and most of the rest without Armes, or
scarce clothes, wandering abroad, all so sencelesly secure, he more
then wondered they were not all slaine, with much adoe he got the
most of them to their Towne. The Salvages suspecting their plots
discovered, Pecksuot a great man, and of as great a spirit, came to
Habamak, who was then amongst them, saying; Tell Standish we
know he is come to kill us, but let him begin when he dare. Not
long after many would come to the Fort and whet their Knives
before him, with many braving speeches. One amongst the rest was
by Wittawamat bragging he had a Knife, that on the handle had
the picture of a womans face, but at home I have one hath killed
both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it, and by
and by these two must marrie: but this here, by and by shall see, and
by and by eat, but not speake; Also Pecksuot being of a greater
stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine
he was but a little man, and I though no Sachem, yet I am of great
strength and courage. These things Standish bare patiently for the
present; but the next day seeing he could not get many of them
together, but these two Roarers, and two more being in a convenient
roome, and his company about him, Standish seased on Pecksuots
Knife then hanging about his necke, wherewith he slew him, and
the rest slew Wittuwamat and the other salvage, but the youth they
tooke, who being Brother to Wittuwamat, and as villanous as
himselfe, was hanged. It is incredible how many wounds they
indured, catching at their weapons without any feare or bruit, till
the last gasp. Habamack stood by all this time very silent, but all
ended, he said, Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his strength and
stature, but I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground.

The Towne

he left to the guard of Westons people: three
Salvages more were slaine; upon which rumour they all fled from
their houses. The next day they met with a file of Salvages that let
fly their Arrowes, shot for shot till Hobamack shewed himselfe, and
then they fled. For all this, a salvage Boy to shew his innocency,
came boldly unto us and told us: Had the English Fugitives but
finished the three Canowes they were a making, to have taken the
ship, they would have done as much to all the English, which was
onely the cause they had forborne so long. But now consulting and
considering their estates, those that went in the Pinnace to Barty
Iles to get passage for England, the rest to New Plimoth, where they
were kindly entertained. The Sachem Obtakeest, and Powas, and
divers other were guilty, the three fugitives in their fury there
slew; but not long after so distracted were those poore scattered
people, they left their habitations, living in swamps, where with cold
and infinite diseases they endured much mortalitie, suing for
peace, and crying the God of England is angry with them. Thus you
see where God pleases, as some flourish, others perish.

Now on all hands

they prepare their ground, and about the
middest of Aprill, in a faire season they begin to plant till the latter
end of May; but so God pleased, that in six weekes after the latter
setting there scarce fell any raine; so that the stalke was first set,
began to eare ereit came to halfe growth, and the last not like to
yeeld any thing at all. Our Beanes also seemed so withered, we
judged all utterly dead, that now all our hopes were overthrowne,
and our joy turned into mourning. And more to our sorrow, we
heard of the twice returne of the Paragon, that now the third time
was sent us three moneths agoe, but no newes of her: onely the
signes of a wracke we saw on the Coast which wee judged her. This
caused not every of us to enter into a private consideration betwixt
God and our consciences, but most solemnly to humble our selves
before the Lord by fasting and praying, to releeve our dejected
spirits by the comforts of his mercy. In the morning when wee
assembled all together, the skies were as cleere, and the drought as
like to continue as ever; yet our exercise continued eight or nine
houres. Before our departure, the skies were all over-cast, and on the
next morning distilled such soft, sweet, moderate showers, continuing
foureteene daies, mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard
to say, whether our withered Corne, or drooping affections were
most quickned and revived; such was the bounty and mercy of God.
Of this the Indians by the meanes of Hobamock tooke notice, who
seeing us use this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said; It was but
three daies since Sunday, and desired to know the reason; which
when hee understood, he and all of them admired the goodnesse of
God towards us, shewing the difference betwixt their conjurations
and our praiers, and what stormes and dangers they oft receive
thereby. To expresse our thankfulnesse, wee assembled together
another day, as before, and either the next morning, or not long
after, came in two ships to supply us, and all their Passengers well
except one, and he presently recovered. For us, notwithstanding all
these wants, there was not a sicke person amongst us. The greater
ship we returned fraught; the other wee sent to the Southward, to
trade under the command of Captaine Altom. So that God be
thanked, we desire nothing, but what we will returne Commodities
to the value.

For this yeere from England is gone about fortie saile of ships,
only to fish, and as I am informed, have made a farre better voyage
then ever.

Now some new great observers will have this an Iland, because
I have writ it is || the Continent: others report, that the people are
so bruit,

they have no religion, wherein surely they are deceived;
for my part, I never heard of any Nation in the world which had
not a Religion, deare, bowes and arrowes. They beleeve as doe the
Virginians, of many divine powers, yet of one above all the rest,
as the Southerne Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa, and that
wee now inhabit Oke, but both their Kings Werowance. The
Masachusets call their great God Kiehtan, and their Kings there
abouts Sachems: The Penobscotes their greatest power Tantum, and
their Kings Sagomos. Those where is this Plantation, say Kiehtan
made all the other Gods: also one man and one woman, and of
them all mankinde, but how they became so dispersed they know
not. They say, at first there was no King but Kiehtan that dwelleth
farre westerly above the heavens, whither all good men goe when
they die, and have plentie of all things. The bad men goe thither
also and knocke at the doore, but he bids them goe wander in
endlesse want and miserie, for they shall not stay there. They never
saw Kiehtan, but they hold it a great charge and dutie, that one age
teach another; and to him they make feasts, and cry and sing for
plentie and victorie, or any thing is good. They have another Power
they call Hobamock, which wee conceive the Devill, and upon him
they call to cure their wounds and diseases: when they are curable
he perswades them he sent them, because they have displeased him;
but if they be mortall, then he saith, Kiehtan sent them, which makes
them never call on him in their sicknesse. They say this Hobamock
appeares to them somtimes like a Man, a Deere, or an Eagle, but
most commonly like a Snake; not to all, but only to their Powahs to
cure diseases, and Undeses, which is one of the chiefe next the King,
and so bold in the warres, that they thinke no weapon can kill them:
and those are such as conjure in Virginia, and cause the people to
doe what they list.

For their Government: every Sachem is not a King, but their
great Sachems have divers Sachems under their protection, paying
them tribute, and dare make no warres without his knowledge; but
every Sachem taketh care for the Widowes, Orphans, the aged and
maimed, nor will they take any to first wife, but them in birth
equall to themselves, although they have many inferior Wives and
Concubins that attend on the principall; from whom he never
parteth, but any of the rest when they list. They inherit by succession,
and every one knowes their owne bounds. To his men, hee giveth
them land, also bounded, and what Deere they kill in that circuit,
he hath the fore-part; but if in the water, onely the skin: But they
account none a man, till hee hath done some notable exploit: the
men are most imploied in hunting, the women in slavery; the
younger obey the elders: their names are variable; they have harlots
and honest women: the harlots never marrie, or else are widowes.

They use divorcement, and the King commonly punisheth all
offenders himselfe: when a maid is maried, she cutteth her haire,
and keepes her head covered till it be growne againe. Their arts,
games, musicke, attire, burials, and such like, differ very little from
the Virginians, onely for their Chronicles they make holes in the
ground, as the others set up great stones.

Now I know the common question is,

For all those miseries,
where is the wealth they have got, or the Gold or Silver Mines? To
such greedy unworthy minds I say once againe: The sea is better
then the richest Mine knowne, and of all the fishing ships that went
well provided, there is no complaint of losse nor misery, but rather
an admiration of wealth, profit, and health. As for the land were
it never so good, in two yeeres so few of such small experience living
without supplies so well, and in health, it was an extraordinary
blessing from God. But that with such small meanes they should
subsist, and doe so much, to any understanding judgement is a
wonder. Notwithstanding, the vaine expectation of present gaine in
some, ambition in others, that to be great would have all else slaves,
and the carelesnesse in providing supplies, hath caused those defailements
in all those Plantations, and how ever some bad conditions
will extoll the || actions of any Nation but their owne: yet if we may
give credit to the Spaniards, Portugals, and French writings, they
indured as many miseries, and yet not in twenty yeeres effected so
much, nay scarce in fortie.

Thus you may see plainly

the yeerely successe from New
England by Virginia, which hath beene so costly to this Kingdome,
and so deare to me, which either to see perish, or but bleed; Pardon
me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to have
beene sufficiently able to fore-see their miseries, and had neither
power nor meanes to prevent it. By that acquaintance I have with
them, I call them my children, for they have beene my Wife, my
Hawks, Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in totall, my best content,
as indifferent to my heart, as my left hand to my right. And notwithstanding,
all those miracles of disasters have crossed both them
and me, yet were there not an Englishman remaining, as God be
thanked notwithstanding the massacre there are some thousands;
I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at first,
not that I have any secret encouragement (I protest) more then
lamentable experience; for all their discoveries I have yet heard of,
are but Pigs of my owne Sow, nor more strange to me, then to heare
one tell me hee hath gone from Billingsgate and discovered
Gravesend, Tilbury, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit, which to those
did never heare of them, though they dwell in England, might bee
made some rare secrets and great Countries unknowne, except some
few Relations of Master Dirmer. In England, some are held great
travellers that have seene Venice, and Rome, Madrill, Toledo,
Sivill, Algere, Prague, or Ragousa, Constantinople, or Jerusalem,
and the Piramides of Egypt; that thinke it nothing to goe to Summer
Iles, or Virginia, which is as far as any of them; and I hope in time
will prove a more profitable and a more laudable journey: as for
the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen account it nothing
now to goe thither; and therefore I hope all good men will
better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in despaire,
whom God so wonderfully and oft hath preserved.

What here I have writ by Relation, if it be not right I humbly
intreat your pardons, but I have not spared any diligence to learne
the truth of them that have beene actors, or sharers in those voyages;
In some particulars they might deceive mee, but in the substance
they could not: for few could tell me any thing, except where they
fished. But seeing all those have lived there, doe confirme more then
I have writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new
begun examples of Plantation, will move both Citie and Country,
freely to adventure with me more then promises.

But because some Fortune-tellers say, I am unfortunate; had
they spent their time as I have done, they would rather beleeve in
God then their calculations, and peradventure have given as bad
an account of their actions, and therefore I intreat leave to answer
those objecters, that thinke it strange, if this be true, I have made
no more use of it, rest so long without imploiment, nor have no more
reward nor preferment: To which I say;

I thinke it more strange they should tax me, before they have
tried as much as I have, both by land and sea, as well in Asia and
Affrica, as Europe and America, where my Commanders were
actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I never
needed bee importunate, or could I ever learne to beg: What there
I got, I have spent;

yet in Virginia I staied, till I left five hundred
behinde me better provided then ever I was, from which blessed
Virgin (ereI returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Summer
Iles.

This Virgins Sister, now called New England, at my humble
sute, by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath beene neere as
chargeable to me and my friends: for all which, although I never
got shilling but it cost mee a pound, yet I would thinke my selfe
happy could I see their prosperities.

But if it yet trouble a multitude to proceed upon these certainties,
what thinke you I undertooke when nothing was knowne but
that there was a vast land? I || never had power and meanes to doe
any thing, though more hath beene spent in formall delaies then
would have done the businesse, but in such a penurious and miserable
manner, as if I had gone a begging to build an Universitie: where
had men beene as forward to adventure their purses, and performe
the conditions they promised mee, as to crop the fruits of my
labours, thousands erethis had beene bettered by these designes.
Thus betwixt the spur of desire and the bridle of reason, I am neere
ridden to death in a ring of despaire; the reines are in your hands,
therefore I intreat you ease me, and those that thinke I am either
idle or unfortunate, may see the cause and know: unlesse I did see
better dealing, I have had warning enough not to be so forward
againe at every motion upon their promises, unlesse I intended
nothing but to carie newes; for now they dare adventure a ship,
that when I went first would not adventure a groat, so they may be
at home againe by Michaelmas, which makes me remember and
say with Master Hackluit; Oh incredulitie the wit of fooles, that
slovingly doe spit at all things faire, a sluggards Cradle, a Cowards
Castle, how easie it is to be an Infidell.

But to the matter: By this
all men may perceive, the ordinary performance of this voyage in
five or six moneths, the plentie of fish is most certainly approved; and
it is certaine, from Cannada and New England, within these six
yeeres hath come neere twenty thousand Bever skinnes: Now had
each of these ships transported but some small quantitie of the most
increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruits, Plants, and Seeds, as I projected;
by this time their increase might have beene sufficient for more then
one thousand men: But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so
violent, and the endevours of many undertakers so negligent, every
one so regarding their private gaine, that it is hard to effect any
publike good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or
order, unlesse both honesty, as well as authoritie and money,
assist experience. But your home-bred ingrossing Projecters will
at last finde, there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing,
or those that thinks their directions can be as soone and easily
performed, as they can conceit them; or that their conceits are the
fittest things to bee put in practise, or their countenances maintaine
Plantations. But to conclude, the fishing will goe forward whether
you plant it or no; whereby a Colony may be then transported with
no great charge, that in short time might provide such fraughts, to
buy on us there dwelling, as I would hope no ship should goe or
come emptie from New England.

The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines, Knives,
Irish-rugges,

course cloth, Beads, Glasse, and such trash, onely for
fishing and trade with the Salvages, besides our owne necessarie
provisions, whose endevours would quickly defray all this charge,
and the Salvages did intreat me to inhabit where I would. Now all
those ships till these last two yeeres, have beene fishing within a
square of two or three leagues, and scarce any one yet will goe any
further in the Port they fish in, where questionlesse five hundred
may have their fraught as well as elsewhere, and be in the market
ereothers can have the fish in their ships, because New Englands
fishing begins in February, in Newfoundland not till the midst of
May; the progression hereof tends much to the advancement of
Virginia and Summer Iles, whose empty ships may take in their
fraughts there, and would be also in time of need a good friend to
the Inhabitants of Newfoundland.

The returnes made by the Westerne men, are commonly divided
in three parts; one for the owner of the ship; another for the Master
and his Company; the third for the victualers, which course being
still permitted, will be no hinderance to the Plantation as yet goe
there never so many, but a meanes of transporting that yeerely for
little or nothing, which otherwise wil cost many hundreds of pounds.
If a ship can gaine twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred; nay three
hundred for one hundred in seven or ten moneths, as you see they
have done, spending twice so much time in comming and going as
in staying there: were I there planted, seeing the variety of the
fishings serve the most part of the yeere, and with a little labour we
might make all the Salt we need use, as is formerly said, and can

|| conceive no reason to distrust of good successe by Gods assistance;
besides for the building of ships, no place hath more convenient
Harbours, ebbe, nor floud, nor better timber; and no Commoditie
in Europe doth more decay then wood.

Master Dee his opinion for the building of ships.

[_]

1

MASTER Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchy, that King Edgar
had a Navy of foure thousand saile, with which he yeerely made
his progresse, about this famous Monarchy of Great Britaine, largely
declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon hee projected to our most
memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleet of sixty Saile,
he called a little Navy Royall: imitating that admired Pericles
Prince of Athens, that could never secure that tormented estate,
untill he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea. At this none need
wonder, for who knowes not her Royall Majestie during her life,
by the incredible adventures of her Royall Navy, and valiant
Souldiers and Sea-men, notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the
protecting and defending France and Holland, and reconquering
Ireland; yet all the world by Sea and Land both feared or loved, and
admired good Queene Elizabeth. Both to maintaine and increase
that incomparable honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable
Successor, our most Royall Lord and Soveraigne King James, this
great Philosopher hath left this to his Majestie and his Kingdomes
consideration: that if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is
also due by Sea. The Kings high waies are common to passe, but
not to dig for Mines or any thing: So Englands Coasts are free to
passe but not to fish, but by his Majesties Prerogative.

His Majesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes order,
for the East and West Indies but by his permission, or at their
perils; if all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice for England
to make as much use of her owne shores as strangers doe, that pay
to their owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties
any thing to speake of, whose subjects may neither take nor sell any
in their Teritories: which small tribute would maintaine this little
Navy Royall, and not cost his Majesty a peny, and yet maintaine
peace with all Forrainers, and allow them more courtesie then any
Nation in the world affords to England. It were a shame to alleage,
that Holland is more worthy to enjoy our fishing as Lords thereof,
because they have more skill to handle it then we, as they can our
wooll and undressed Cloth, notwithstanding all their warres and
troublesome disorders.

To get money to build this Navy, he saith, who would not spare
the one hundreth penny of his rents, and the five hundreth penny of
his goods; each servant that taketh forty shillings wages,

foure
pence; and every forrainer of seven yeeres of age foure pence, for
seven yeeres; not any of these but they will spend three times so
much in pride, wantonnesse, or some superfluitie: And doe any
men love the securitie of their estates, that of themselves would not
bee humble suters to his Majesty to doe this of free will as a
voluntary benevolence, or but the one halfe of this (or some such
other course as I have propounded to divers of the Companies)
free from any constraint, tax, lottery, or imposition; so it may be as
honestly and truly imploied, as it is projected, the poorest Mechanicke
in this Kingdom would gaine by it. Then you might build
ships of any proportion and numbers you please, five times cheaper
then you can doe here, and have good merchandize for their fraught
in this unknowne Land, to the advancement of Gods glory, his
Church and Gospel, and the strengthning and releefe of a great
part of Christendome without hurt to any, to the terror of Pirats,
the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing
Merchants, and so much increase of Navigation, to make Englands
trade and shipping as much as any Nations in the world, besides a
hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all true subjects, and
would cause thousands yet unborne to blesse the time, and all them
that first put it in practise.

Now lest it should be obscured as it hath beene to privat ends,
or so weakely undertaken by our overweening incredulity, that strangers
may possesse it whilest we contend for New-Englands goods,
but not Englands good; I have presented it as I have said, to the
Prince and Nobility, the Gentry and Commonalty, hoping at last
it will move the whole land to know it and consider of it; since I can
finde them wood and halfe victuall, with the foresaid advantages:
were this Country planted, with what facility they may build and
maintaine this little Navy Royall, both with honour, profit and
content, and inhabit as good a Country as any in the world within
that paralell, which with my life and what I have, I will endevour
to effect, if God please and you permit.

But no man will goe from
hence to have lesse freedome there then here, nor adventure all they
have to prepare the way for them will scarce thanke them for it;
and it is too well knowne there have beene so many undertakers of
Patents, and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discouragement
then wonder, to heare such great promises and so little
performance; in the Interim, you see the French and Dutch already
frequent it, and God forbid they in Virginia, or any of his Majesties
subjects, should not have as free liberty as they. To conclude, were
it not for Master Cherley and a few private adventurers with them,
what have we there for all these inducements? As for them whom
pride or covetousnesse lulleth asleepe in a Cradle of slothfull carelesnesse,
would they but consider how all the great Monarchies of
the earth have beene brought to confusion, or but remember the
late lamentable experiences of Constantinople, and how many
Cities, Townes and Provinces, in the faire rich Kingdoms of Hungaria,
Transilvania, Wallachia and Moldavia, and how many thousands
of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants, and others, have in
one day lost goods, lives and honours, or sold for slaves like beasts
in a market place, their wives, children and servants slaine, or
wandring they knew not whither, dying or living in all extremities of
extreme miseries and calamities, surely they would not onely doe
this, but give all they have to enjoy peace and liberty at home, or
but adventure their persons abroad; to prevent the conclusions of a
conquering Foe, who commonly assaulteth and best prevaileth
where he findeth wealth and plenty, most armed with ignorance and
security.

Though the true condition of warre is onely to suppresse the
proud and defend the innocent, as did that most generous Prince
Sigismundus,

Prince of those Countries, against them whom under
the colour of justice and piety, to maintaine their superfluity of
ambitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintaine their
vice, and undoe them, or keepe them from ability to doe any
thing, that would not admire and adore their honours, fortunes,
covetousnesse, falshood, bribery, cruelty, extortion, and ingratitude,
which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all manner of
vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour, vertue, and noblenesse.

Here follow certaine notes and observations of Captaine
Charles

Whitbourne concerning New-found land, which although
every master trained up in fishing, can make their proportions of
necessaries according to their custome, yet it is not much amisse
here to insert them, that every one which desires the good of those
actions know them also. Besides in his Booke intituled, A discovery of
New-found land, and the commodities thereof, you shall finde many
excellent good advertisements for a Plantation; and how that most
yeeres this Coast hath beene frequented with 250. saile of his
Majesties subjects, which supposing but 60. tunnes a peece, one with
another, they amount to 15000. tunnes, and allowing 25. men and
boies to every Barke, they will make 5000. persons, whose labours
returne yeerely to about 135000. pound sterling, besides the great
numbers of Brewers, Bakers, Coupers, Ship-Carpenters, Net-makers,
Rope-makers, Hooke-makers, and the most of all other mecanicall
trades in England.

The charge

of setting forth a ship of 100. tuns with 40. persons,
both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the Plantation.

                                                                                                                               

	l.	s.	b.
Inprimis, 11000. weight of Bisket at 15s. a 100. weight.	82.	10.
26 Tun of Beere and Sider at 53.s. 4.d. a Tun.	69.	7.
2 Hogsheads of English Beefe.	10.
2 Hogsheads of Irish Beefe.	5.
10 Fat Hogs salted with Salt and Caske. [_] 4	10.	10.
30 Bushels of Pease.	6.
2 Ferkins of Butter.	3.
200 Waight of Cheese.	2.	10.
1 Bushell of Mustard-seed.		6.
1 Hogshead of Vinegar.	1.	5.
Wood to dresse [_] 5 meat withall.	1.
1 Great Copper Kettle.	2.
2 Small Kettles.	2.
2 Frying-Pans.		3.	4.
Platters, Ladles and Cans.	1.
a paire of Bellowes for the Cooke.		2.	6.
Taps, Boriers [_] 6 and Funnels.		2.
Locks for the Bread roomes.		2.	6.
100 weight of Candles.	2.	10.
130 quarters of Salt at 2.s. the Bushell.	104.
Mats and dinnage [_] 7 to lie under it.	2.	10.
Salt Shovels.		10.
Particulars [_] 8 for the 40. persons to keepe 8. fishing boats at Sea, with 3. men in every boat, imploies 24.; and 500. foot of Elme boords of an inch thicke, 8.s. each one.	2.
2000 Nailes for the 8. Boats, at 13.s. 4.d. a 1000	1.	6.	8.
4000 Nailes at 6.s. 8.d. a 1000.	1.	6.	8.
2000 Nailes at 5.d. a 100.		8.
500 weight of pitch at 8.s. a 100.	2.
2000 of good orlop nailes.	2.	5.
More for other small necessaries.	3.
A barrell of Tar.		10.
200 weight of black Ocome. [_] 1	1.
Thrums for pitch Maps. [_] 2		1.	6.
Bolls, [_] 3 Buckets and Pumps.	1.
2 brazen Crocks.	2.
Canvas to make Boat sailes and small ropes, at 25.s. for each saile.	12.	10.
10 rode [_] 4 Ropes which contain 600. weight, at 30.s. the 100.	10.
12 dozen of fishing lines.	6.
24 dozen of fishing hookes.	2.
for Squid line.		3.
For Pots and liver maunds. [_] 5		18.
Iron works for the boats ruthers. [_] 6	2.
10 Kipnet [_] 7 Irons.		10.
Twine to make kipnets and gagging [_] 8 hooks.		6.
10 good Nets at 26.s. a net.	13.
2 Saynes, [_] 9 a great and a lesse.	12.
200 weight of Sow-lead. [_] 10	1.
2 couple [_] 11 of ropes for the Saynes.	1.
Dry-fats [_] 12 to keepe them in.	6.
Twine for store. [_] 13		5.
Flaskets and bread Baskets.		15.
For haire cloth. [_] 14	10.
3. Tuns of [_] 15 vinegar caske, for water	1.	6.	8.
1 douzen of Deale Bourds. [_] 16		10.
2 Barrels of Oatmeale.	1.	6.
100 weight of Spikes.	2.	5.
2 good Axes, 4. hand Hatchets, 4. Drawers, 2. drawing Irons. [_] 17		16.
3 yards of wollen cloth for cuffs.		10.
8 yards of good Canvasse.		10.
A Grind-stone or two.		6.
2000 of poore John [_] 18 to spend in going.	6.	10.
1 Hogshead of Aquavitæ;	4.
4 arme Sawes, 4. Handsawes, 4. thwart Sawes, 3. Augers, 2. Crowes of Iron, 3. Sledges, 4. shod Shovels, [_] 19 2. Picaxes, 4. Matocks, and 4. Hammers.	5.
The totall summe is	420.	1.	4.

All these provisions

the Master or Purser is to be accountable
what is spent and what is left, with those which shall continue there
to plant, and of the 40. thus provided for the voyage, ten may well
be spared to leave behind them, with 500. weight of Bisket, 5.
hogsheads of Sider or beere, halfe a hogshead of Beefe, 4. sides of
dry Bakon, 4. bushell of Pease, halfe a ferkin of Butter, halfe 100.
weight of Cheese, a pecke of Mustard-seed, a barrell of Vinegar,
12. pound of Candles, 2. pecks of Oatmeale, halfe a hogshead of
Aquavitæ, 2. copper Kettles, 1. brasse Crock, 1. Frying-pan, a
Grindstone, and all the Hatchets, Woodhooks, Sawes, Augers, etc.
and all other iron tooles, with the 8. Boats and their implements,
|| and spare salt, and what else they use not in a readinesse from
yeere to yeere, and in the meane time served them to helpe to build
their houses, cleanse land, and further their fishing whilst the ships
are wanting.

By his estimation

and calculation these 8. Boats with 22. men
in a Summer doe usually kill 25000. fish for every Boat, which may
amount to 200000. allowing 120. fishes to the 100. sometimes they
have taken above 35000. for a Boat, so that they load not onely their
owne ship, but provide great quantities for sacks, or other spare
ships which come thither onely to buy the overplus: if such ships
come not, they give over taking any more, when sometimes there
hath beene great abundance, because there is no fit houses to lay
them in till another yeere, now most of those sacks goeth empty
thither, which might as well transport mens provision and cattle at
an easie rate as nothing, either to New-England or New-found land,
but either to transport them for nothing or pay any great matter
for their liberty to fish, will hardly effect so much as freedome as
yet; nor can this be put in practice as before I said, till there be a
power there well planted and setled to entertaine and defend them,
assist and releeve them as occasion shall require, otherwaies those
small divisions will effect little, but such miserable conclusions as
both the French and we too long have tried to our costs. Now
commonly 200000. fish will load a ship of 100. tunnes in New-found
land, but halfe so many will neere doe it in New-England,
which carried to Toloune or Merselus, where the custome is small,
and the Kintall lesse then 90. English pounds weight, and the prise
when least, 12. shillings the Kintall, which at that rate amounts to
1320.l. starling; and the ship may either there be discharged or
imployed as hath beene said to refraught for England, so that the
next yeere she may be ready to goe her fishing voyage againe, at a
farre cheaper rate then before.

To this adde but 12. tuns of traine oile, which delivered in
New-found land is 10.l. the tun, makes 120.l. then it is hard if there
be not 10000. of Cor-fish, which also sold there at 5.l. the 1000.
makes 50.l. which brought to England, in some places yeelds neere
halfe so much more; but if at Merselus it be sold for 16.s. the Kentall,
as commonly it is, and much dearer, it amounts to 1760.l. and if the
Boats follow the fishing till the 15. of October, they may take 80000.

more, which with their traine in New-found land at 4.l. the 1000.
will amount to 320.l. which added to 1320.l. with 120.l. for Oile, and
10000. of Cor-fish 50.l. and the overplus at Merselus, which will be
440.l. make the totall 2250.l. which divided in three parts according
to their custome, the Victualer hath for the former particulars,
amounting to 420.l. 751.l. so all the charge defraied, hee gaines
331.l. 11.s. then for the fraught of the ship there is 751.l. and so
much for the Master and his company, which comparing with the
voiages hath beene made to New-England, you may easily finde
which is the better though both bee good. But now experience hath
taught them at New-Plimoth, that in Aprill there is a fish much like
a Herring that comes up into the small Brookes to spawne, and
where the water is not knee deepe, they will presse up through your
hands, yea though you beat at them with Cudgels, and in such
abundance as is incredible, which they take with that facility they
manure their land with them when they have occasion; after those
the Cod also presseth in such plenty, even into the very Harbours,
they have caught some in their armes, and hooke them so fast, three
men oft loadeth a Boat of two tuns in two houres, where before they
used most to fish in deepe water.

The present estate of New-Plimoth.

AT New-Plimoth

there is about 180 persons, some cattell and
goats, but many swine and poultry, 32 dwelling houses, whereof
7 were burnt the last winter, and the value of five hundred pounds
in other goods; the Towne is impailed about halfe a mile compasse.
In the towne upon a high Mount they have a Fort well built with
wood, lome, and stone, where is planted their Ordnance: Also a
faire Watch-tower, partly framed for the Sentinell, the place it seemes
is healthfull, for in these last three yeeres, notwithstanding their
great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of the first
planters, they have made a saltworke, and with that salt preserve
the fish they take, and this yeare hath fraughted a ship of 180.
tunnes. The Governour is one Master William Bradford, their
Captaine Miles Standish, a bred Souldier in Holland; the chiefe
men for their assistance is Master Isaak Alderton, and divers others
as occasion serveth; their Preachers are Master William Bruster
and Master John Layford.

The most of them live together as one family or houshold, yet
every man followeth his trade and profession both by sea and land,
and all for a generall stocke, out of which they have all their
maintenance, untill there be a divident betwixt the Planters and
the Adventurers. Those Planters are not servants to the Adventurers
here, but have onely councells of directions from them, but no
injunctions or command, and all the masters of families are partners
in land or whatsoever, setting their labours against the stocke, till
certaine yeeres be expired for the division: they have young men and
boies for their Apprentises and servants, and some of them speciall
families, as Ship-carpenters, Salt-makers, Fish-masters, yet as servants
upon great wages. The Adventurers which raised the stocke

to begin and supply this Plantation were about 70. some Gentlemen,
some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some adventuring
great summes, some small, as their estates and affection served.
The generall stocke already imploied is about 7000.1. by reason
of which charge and many crosses, many of them would adventure
no more, but others that knowes, so great a designe cannot bee
effected without both charge, losse and crosses, are resolved to goe
forward with it to their powers; which deserve no small commendations
and encouragement. These dwell most about London,
they are not a corporation, but knit together by a voluntary combination
in a society without constraint or penalty, aiming to doe
good and to plant Religion; they have a President and Treasurer,
every yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the
affaires of their Courts and meetings, and with the assent of the most
of them, undertaketh all ordinary businesses, but in more weighty
affaires, the assent of the whole Company is required. There hath
beene a fishing this yeere upon the Coast about 50. English ships: and
by Cape Anne, there is a Plantation a beginning by the Dorchester
men, which they hold of those of New-Plimoth, who also by them
have set up a fishing worke; some talke there is some other pretended
Plantations, all whose good proceedings the eternal God protect and
preserve. And these have beene the true proceedings and accidents
in those Plantations.

Now to make a particular relation

of all the acts and orders
in the Courts belonging unto them, of the anihilating old Patents
and procuring new; with the charge, paines and arguments, the
reasons of such changes, all the treaties, consultations, orations, and
dissentions about the sharing and dividing those large territories,
confirming of Counsailers, electing all sorts of Officers, directions,
Letters of advice, and their answers, disputations about the Magazines
and Impositions, suters for Patents, positions for Freedomes,
and confirmations with complaints of injuries here, and also the
mutinies, examinations, arraignements, executions, and the cause
of the so oft revolt of the Salvages at large, as many || would have
had, and it may be some doe expect it would make more quarrels
then any of them would willingly answer, and such a volume as
would tire any wise man but to read the contents; for my owne
part I rather feare the unpartiall Reader wil thinke this rather more
tedious then necessary: but he that would be a practitioner in those
affaires, I hope will allow them not only needfull but expedient: but
how ever, if you please to beare with those errors I have committed,
if God please I live, my care and paines shall endevour to be thankfull:
if I die, accept my good will: If any desire to be further satisfied,
what defect is found in this, they shall finde supplied in me, that thus
freely have throwne my selfe with my mite into the Treasury of my
Countries good, not doubting but God will stirre up some noble
spirits to consider and examine if worthy Columbus could give the
Spaniards any such certainties for his designe, when Queene
Isabel of Spaine set him forth with 15. saile, and though I promise
no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let us imitate but not
hate, whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their
treasury gotten by fishing; and New-England hath yeelded already
by generall computation one hundred thousand pounds at the least.
Therefore honourable and worthy Country men, let not the meannesse
of the word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as
the Mines of Guiana or Potassie, with lesse hazard and charge,
and more certainty and facility.

Errata.

[_]

1

Page 1, line 7, for Quineth, reade Guineth; page 153, line 5, reade
from the company, and line 20, for 25000. pounds, reade 2500. pounds;
page 164, line 53, for 1500. men, reade 150. men; page 168, line 11,
for Goston, reade Gofton, and Coranto, Quo warranto, and line 13,
reade before the Judges in Westminster hall, for the Lords of his Majesties
Privy Counsell. There are many other errors, which being but small I
intreat the courteous reader to correct as he findeth them.