 | The Fourth Booke.1
TO MAKE PLAINE THE TRUE
PROCEEDINGS
of the Historie for 1609. we must follow the
examinations of Doctor Simons, and two
learned Orations published by the Companie;
with the relation of the Right Honourable
the Lord De la Ware. |  |
The Fourth Booke.
TO MAKE PLAINE THE TRUE
PROCEEDINGS
of the Historie for 1609. we must follow the
examinations of Doctor Simons, and two
learned Orations published by the Companie;
with the relation of the Right Honourable
the Lord De la Ware.
What happened in the first government after the alteration in
the time of Captaine George Piercie their Governour.
THE day before Captaine Smith returned for
England with the ships, Captaine Davis
arrived in a small Pinace, with some sixteene
proper men more: To these were added a
company from James towne, under the command
of Captaine John Sickelmore alias
Ratliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine
Martin and Captaine West, having lost their
to James towne; for the Salvages no sooner understood Smith was
gone, but they all revolted, and did spoile and murther all they
incountered. Now wee were all constrained to live onely on that
Smith had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest had consumed
their proportions, and now they had twentie Presidents with all
their appurtenances: Master Piercie our new President, was so sicke
hee could neither goe nor stand. But ereall was consumed, Captaine
West and Captaine Sickelmore, each with a small ship and thirtie
or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore
upon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as
carelesse as himselfe, were all slaine, onely Jeffrey Shortridge escaped,
and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saved a boy called
Henry Spilman, that lived many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst
the Patawomekes. Powhatanstill as he found meanes, cut off their
Boats, denied them trade, so that Captaine West set saile for
England. Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his
greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne, provision
and contribution from the Salvages, we had nothing but mortall
wounds, with clubs and arrowes; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats,
Sheepe, Horse, or what lived, our commanders, officers and Salvages
daily consumed them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted,
till all was devoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any thing, wee
traded with the Salvages, whose cruell fingers were so oft imbrewed
in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our Governours indiscretion,
and the losse of our ships, of five hundred within six moneths
after Captaine Smiths departure, there remained not past sixtie
men, women and children, most miserable and poore creatures; and
those were preserved for the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes,
walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish: they that had startch in
these extremities, made no small use of it; yea, even the very
skinnes of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Salvage
we slew, and buried, the poorer sort tooke him up againe and eat
him, and so did divers || one another boyled and stewed with roots
and herbs: And one amongst the rest did kill his wife, powdered
her, and had eaten part of her before it was knowne, for which hee
was executed, as hee well deserved; now whether shee was better
roasted, boyled or carbonado'd, I know not, but of such a dish as
this day we called the starving time; it were too vile to say, and
scarce to be beleeved, what we endured: but the occasion was our
owne, for want of providence, industrie and government, and not
the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally supposed;
for till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed us, we
had never from England provision sufficient for six moneths, though
it seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent us, such a glutton
is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners; we as little tasted of
the great proportion sent us, as they of our want and miseries, yet
notwithstanding they ever over-swayed and ruled the businesse,
though we endured all that is said, and chiefly lived on what this
good Countrie naturally afforded; yet had wee beene even in
Paradice it selfe with these Governours, it would not have beene
much better with us; yet there was amongst us, who had they had
the government as Captaine Smith appointed, but that they could
not maintaine it, would surely have kept us from those extremities
of miseries. This in ten daies more, would have supplanted us all
with death.
But God that would not this Countrie should be unplanted, sent
Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers with one hundred and
fiftie people most happily preserved by the Bermudas to preserve us:
strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserved in a
leaking ship, as at large you may reade in the insuing Historie of
those Ilands.
The Government resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610.
WHEN these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being but
strangers in that Countrie, and could understand no more of
the cause, but by conjecture of our clamours and complaints, of
accusing and excusing one another: They embarked us with themselves,
with the best meanes they could, and abandoning James
towne, set saile for England, whereby you may see the event of the
government of the former Commanders left to themselves; although
they had lived there many yeeres as formerly hath beene spoken
(who hindred now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being gone.)
At noone they fell to the Ile of Hogs, and the next morning to
Mulbery point, at what time they descried the Long-boat of the
Lord la Ware,
honourable Lord, then Governour of the Countrie, met them with
three ships exceedingly well furnished with all necessaries fitting,
who againe returned them to the abandoned James towne.
Out of the observations of William Simmons Doctor of Divinitie.
The government devolved to the Lord la Ware.
HIS Lordship arrived the ninth of June 1610. accompanied with
Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine
Lawson, and divers other Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he came up
with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Commission,
and entred into consultation for the good of the Colonie, in which
secret counsell we will a little leave them, that we may duly observe
the revealed counsell of God.
and behold the spangled canopie of heaven, or shall but cast downe
his eie, and consider the embroydered carpet of the earth, and
withall shall marke how the heavens heare the earth, and the earth
the Corne and Oile, and they relieve the necessities of man, that
man will acknowledge Gods infinite || providence: But hee that shall
further observe, how God inclineth all casuall events to worke the
necessary helpe of his Saints, must needs adore the Lords infinite
goodnesse; never had any people more just cause, to cast themselves
at the very foot-stoole of God, and to reverence his mercie, than this
distressed Colonie; for if God had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from
the Bermudas, within foure daies they had almost beene famished;
if God had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to save the
Fort from fiering at their shipping, for many were very importunate
to have burnt it, they had beene destitute of a present harbour and
succour: if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and had
not so soone returned, questionlesse the Indians would have destroied
the Fort, which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them
and a terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the
vast Ocean, who would have promised they should have incountered
the Fleet of the Lord la Ware, especially when they made for New
approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a yeeres
provision, what comfort would those poore soules have received, to
have beene relanded to a second distruction? This was the arme of
the Lord of Hosts, who would have his people passe the red Sea and
Wildernesse, and then to possesse the land of Canaan: It was
divinely spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull,
why should man bee over-distrustfull? for he hath so tempered the
contrary qualities of the Elements,
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby,
Yet make they musicall content of contrarietie,
Which conquer'd, knits them in such links together,
They doe produce even all this whatsoever.
The Lord Governour, after mature deliberation, delivered
some few words to the Companie, laying just blame upon them, for
their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse, earnestly intreating
them to amend those desperate follies, lest hee should be compelled
to draw the sword of Justice, and to cut off such delinquents, which
he had rather draw, to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect
them from injuries; heartning them with relation of that store hee
had brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to rule
over them, allotting every man his particular place, to watch
vigilantly, and worke painfully:
received with a generall applause, you might shortly behold the
idle and restie diseases of a divided multitude, by the unitie and
authoritie of this government to be substantially cured. Those that
knew not the way to goodnesse before, but cherished singularitie and
faction, can now chalke out the path of all respective dutie and
service: every man endevoureth to outstrip other in diligence: the
French preparing to plant the Vines, the English labouring in the
Woods and grounds; every man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth
the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be discouraged,
by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of their
bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of
working, to effect all themselves, or as the Adventurers need desire,
required no more paines than from six of the clocke in the morning,
untill ten, and from two in the afternoone, till foure, at both which
times they are provided of spirituall and corporall reliefe. First, they
enter into the Church, and make their praiers unto God, next they
returne to their houses and receive their proportion of food. Nor
whose breeding never knew what a daies labour meant, for though
they cannot digge, use the Spade, nor practice the Axe, yet may the
staied spirits of any condition, finde how to imploy the force of
knowledge, the exercise of counsell, the operation and power of
their best breeding and qualities. The houses which are built, are
as warme and defensive against wind and || weather, as if they were
tiled and slated, being covered above with strong boards, and some
matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as are
able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Salvages: Our Forts
assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. And to leave no
discouragement in the heart of any, who personally shall enter into
this great action, I will communicate a double comfort; first, Sir
George Sommers, that worthy Admirall hath undertaken a dangerous
adventure for the good of the Colonie.
Upon the 15. of June, accompanied with Captaine Samuel
Argall, hee returned in two Pinaces unto the Bermudas, promising
(if by any meanes God will open a way to that Iland of Rocks) that
he would soone returne with six moneths provision of flesh; with
much crosse weather at last hee there safely arrived, but Captaine
Argall was forced backe againe to James towne, whom the Lord
De la Ware not long after sent to the River of Patawomeke, to trade
for Corne; where finding an English boy, one Henry Spilman, a
young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserved from
the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of
those kinde Salvages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne,
wherewith he returned to James towne.
The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built two new
Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles, in honour
of our most noble Prince, and his hopefull brother, upon a pleasant
plaine, and neare a little Rivilet they call Southampton River; they
stand in a wholsome aire, having plentie of Springs of sweet water,
they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture
and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corne and Gardens; in which
Forts it is resolved, that all those that come out of England, shall
be at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the
Sea, may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie, and Sir
Thomas Gates hee sent for England. But to correct some injuries of
the Paspahegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fiftie
or threescore shot, where the Salvages flying, they burnt their
houses, tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not
long after they slew.
The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate, the
forme of government, the condition of our people, their daily
the successe, by the rules of mortall judgement, bee disparaged?
why should not the rich harvest of our hopes be seasonably expected?
I dare say, that the resolution of Cæsar in France, the designes of
Alexander, the discoveries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of
Emanuel, King of Portugal, in the East, were not encouraged upon
so firme grounds of state and possibilitie.
But his Lordship being at the fales, the Salvages assaulted his
troopes and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, his
Honour growing very sicke, he returned for England the 28. of
March; in the ship were about five and fiftie men, but erewe arrived
at Fyall,
Callenture, and other diseases: the Governour being an English-man,
kindly used us, but small reliefe we could get, but Oranges,
of which we had plenty, whereby within eight daies wee recovered,
and all were well and strong by that they came into England.
The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that returne
which they hoped should have defrayed the charge of a new supply,
entred into a deep consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a
new Contribution, or in time to send for them home, and give over
the action, and therefore they adjured Sir Thomas Gates to deale
plainly with them, who with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed,
That all things before reported were true, and that all men know
that wee stand at the devotion of politicke Princes and States, who
for their proper utilitie, devise all courses to grind our Merchants,
and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw from us
all manner of gaine by their inquisitive inventions, when in Virginia,
a few yeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish all || our
defects with honour and securitie.
Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 1610.
The government left againe to Captaine George Piercie, and the
returne of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Councell.
MY Lords, now by accident returned from my charge at Virginia,
contrary either to my owne desire, or other mens expectations,
who spare not to censure me, in point of dutie, and to discourse and
question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of
to deliver unto your Lordships and the rest of this assemblie, in
what state I have lived ever since my arrivall to the Colonie, what
hath beene the just cause of my sudden departure, and on what
tearmes I have left the same, the rather because I perceive, that
since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution
is bred in many of the Adventurers, that some of them seeke to
withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported,
making this my returne colour of their needlesse backwardnesse
and unjust protraction: which that you may the better understand,
I was welcomed to James towne by a violent ague; being cured of it,
within three weekes after I began to be distempered with other
grievous sicknesses which successively and severally assailed me, for
besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more
violence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to greater
weaknesse; the flux surprised mee, and kept me many daies, then
the crampe assaulted my weake body with strong paines, and after,
the gout; all those drew me to that weaknesse, being unable to
stirre, brought upon me the scurvie, which though in others it be
a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse,
which never left me, till I was ready to leave the world.
In these extremities I resolved to consult with my friends, who
finding nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my
paines likewise daily increasing, gave me advice to preferre a
hopefull recoverie, before an assured ruine, which must necessarily
have ensued, had I lived but twentie daies longer in Virginia,
wanting at that instant both food and Physicke, fit to remedie such
extraordinary diseases; wherefore I shipped my selfe with Doctor
Bohun and Captaine Argall, for Mevis in the West Indies, but being
crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced to shape my course for
the Westerne Iles, where I found helpe for my health, and my
sicknesse asswaged, by the meanes of fresh dyet, especially Oranges
and Limons, an undoubted remedie for that disease: then I intended
to have returned backe againe to Virginia, but I was advised not to
hazard my selfe, before I had perfectly recovered my strength: so I
came for England; in which accident, I doubt not but men of
judgement will imagine, there would more prejudice have happened
by my death there, than I hope can doe by my returne.
For the Colony I left it to the charge of Captaine George
Piercie, a Gentleman of honour and resolution, untill the comming
of Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to bee determined
upon the arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the order
the most in health, and provided of at least ten moneths victuall,
and the Countrie people tractable and friendly. What other defects
they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates at the Cowes; his Fleet was
sufficiently furnished with supplies, but when it shall please God
that Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates shall arrive in Virginia
with the extraordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200. Swine, besides
store of other provision, for the maintenance of the Colonie, there
will appeare that successe in the action, as shall give no man cause
of distrust, that hath already adventured, but incourage every good
minde to further so good a worke, as will redound both to the glory
of God, to the credit of our || nation, and the comfort of all those
that have beene instruments in the furthering of it.
Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published by Authoritie, 1611.
The government surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, who arrived
in Virginia the tenth of May, 1611. out of Master Hamors
Booke.
BEFORE the Lord la Ware arrived in England, the Councell and
Companie had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale with three
ships, men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie for a
yeere; all which arrived well the tenth of May 1611. where he
found them growing againe to their former estate of penurie, being
so improvident as not to put Corne in the ground for their bread,
but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three moneths
provision; his first care therefore was to imploy all hands about
setting of Corne, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and
Charles, whereby, the season then not fully past, though about the
end of May, wee had an indifferent crop of good Corne.
This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of it
committed to his under-Officers, to James towne he hastened, where
most of the companie were at their daily and usuall works, bowling
in the streets; these hee imployed about necessarie workes, as felling
Timber, repayring their houses ready to fall on their heads, and
providing pales, posts and railes, to impale his purposed new towne,
which by reason of his ignorance, being but newly arrived, hee had
one hundred men he spent some time in viewing the River of
Nansamund, in despight of the Indians then our enemies; then our
owne River to the Fales, where upon a high land, invironed with
the maine River, some twelve miles from the Fales, by Arsahattock,
he resolved to plant his new towne.
It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good
order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse his severitie
and strict imprinted booke of Articles,
extremitie to be executed; now much mitigated; so as if his Lawes
had not beene so strictly executed, I see not how the utter subversion
of the Colonie should have beene prevented, witnesse Webbes and
Prices designe the first yeere, since that of Abbots, and others, more
dangerous than the former. Here I entreat your patience for an
Apologie, though not a pardon. This Jeffrey Abbots, how ever this
Author censures him, and the Governour executes him, I know he
had long served both in Ireland and Netherlands, here hee was a
Sargeant of my Companie, and I never saw in Virginia a more
sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent, a better wit, more hardy or
industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to
abandon the Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully
those deserts might bee rewarded, envied or neglected, or his farre
inferiors preferred to over-top him, I know not, but such occasions
might move a Saint, much more a man, to an unadvised passionate
impatience, but how ever, it seemes he hath beene punished for his
offences, that was never rewarded for his deserts. And even this
Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three more, bending their
course to Ocanahowan, five daies journey from us, where they
report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Salvages,
hired by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts: So as Sir
Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor severe by the halfe,
as there was occasion, and just cause for it, and though the manner
was not usuall, wee were rather to have regard to those, whom we
would have terrified and made fearefull to commit the like offences,
than to the offenders justly condemned, for amongst them so
hardned in evill, the feare of a cruell, painfull and unusuall death
more restraines them, than death it selfe. Thus much I have
in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended.
Now in England againe to second this noble Knight, the
Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition prepared for
Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one
hundred Kine and other Cattell, with munition and all other manner
of provision that could be thought needfull; and about the first or
second of August 1611. arrived safely at James towne.
The government returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 1611.
THESE worthy Knights being met, after their welcoming salutations,
Sir Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had done, and
what he intended, which designe Sir Thomas Gates well approving,
furnished him with three hundred and fiftie men, such as himselfe
made choice of. In the beginning of September, 1611. hee set saile,
and arrived where hee intended to build his new towne: within
ten or twelve daies he had invironed it with a pale, and in honour
of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico.
did, was building at each corner of the Towne, a high commanding
Watch-house, a Church, and Store-houses; which finished, hee
began to thinke upon convenient houses for himselfe and men,
which with all possible speed hee could be effected, to the great
content of his companie, and all the Colonie.
This towne is situated upon a necke of a plaine rising land,
three parts invironed with the maine River, the necke of land well
impaled, makes it like an Ile; it hath three streets of well framed
houses, a handsome Church, and the foundation of a better laid,
to bee built of Bricke, besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such
like: Upon the verge
live the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England, and they
keepe continuall centinell for the townes securitie. About two miles
from the towne, into the Maine, is another pale, neere two miles in
length from River to River, guarded with severall Commanders,
with a good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed, sufficiently
secured to maintaine more than I suppose will come this three
yeeres.
On the other side of the River, for the securitie of the towne, is
intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about two
miles and a halfe,
secured by five of our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes,
called Charitie Fort, Mount Malado, a guest house for sicke people,
a high seat and wholesome aire, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience:
And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Parsonage, impaled a
faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres called Rocke hall,
but these are not halfe finished.
About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in regard
of the injurie done us by them of Apamatuck, Sir Thomas Dale,
without the losse of any, except some few Salvages, tooke it and their
Corne,
how commodious it might be for us, resolved to possesse and plant
it, and at the instant called it the new Bermudas, whereunto hee
hath laid out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation
for ever, many miles of Champian and Woodland ground in
severall hundreds, as the upper and nether hundreds, Rochdale
hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the nether
hundred he first began to plant, for there is the most Corne-ground,
and with a pale of two miles, cut over from River to River, whereby
we have secured eight English miles in compasse; upon which
circuit, within halfe a mile of each other, are many faire houses
already built, besides particular mens houses neere to the number
of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale welnigh foure miles long, is
also planted with houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs
and Cattell have twentie miles circuit to graze in securely. The
building of the Citie is referred till our harvest be in, which he
intends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie.
About fiftie miles
from these is James towne, upon a fertillpeninsula, which al- || though formerly scandaled for an unhealthfull
aire, wee finde it as healthfull as any other part of the Countrie;
it hath two rowes of houses of framed timber, and some of them two
stories, and a garret higher, three large Store-houses joined together
in length, and hee hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This Ile,
and much ground about it, is much inhabited: To Kecoughtan we
allowance the rest have from the store, because of the extraordinarie
quantitie of Fish, Fowle and Deere; as you may reade at large in
the Discoveries of Captaine Smith. And thus I have truly related
unto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia wee
frequent and possesse.
Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and fortie
men; and another since then with the like number and provision, to
stay twelve moneths in the Countrie, with Captaine Argall, which
was sent not long after. After hee had recreated and refreshed his
Companie, hee was sent to the River Patawomeake, to trade for
Corne, the Salvages about us having small quarter,
foes as they found advantage and opportunitie: But to conclude our
peace, thus it happened. Captaine Argall, having entred into a
great acquaintance with Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths,
and so to all our Nation, ever since hee discovered the Countrie:
hard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations
intituleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had beene
many times a preserver of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this
accident shee was never seene at James towne since his departure,
being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe unknowne, was
easily by her friend Iapazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him
and his wife to see the ship, for Captaine Argall had promised him
a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to
hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her
father; the Salvage for this Copper Kettle would have done any
thing, it seemed by the Relation; for though she had seene and
beene in many ships, yet hee caused his wife to faine how desirous
she was to see one, and that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie,
till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would
goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the poore
innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in
the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember
he had done his part, the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded
Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to have some conference
with Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceive
hee was any way guiltie of her captivitie: so sending for her againe,
hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound
peace betwixt her Countrie and us, before she ever should see
crie as fact as Pocahontas, that upon the Captaines faire perswasions,
by degrees pacifying her selfe, and Iapazaws and his wife,
with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore, and shee
to James towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that
his daughter Pocahontas he loved so dearely, he must ransome with
our men, swords, peeces, tooles, etc. hee trecherously had stolne.
This unwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee
loved both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three
moneths after erehee returned us any answer: then by the perswasion
of the Councell, he returned seven of our men, with each of
them an unserviceable Musket, and sent us word, that when wee
would deliver his daughter, hee would make us satisfaction for all
injuries done us, and give us five hundred bushels of Corne, and
for ever be friends with us. That he sent, we received in part of
payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should
be well used, but we could not beleeve the rest of our armes were
either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, we
would keepe his daughter.
This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no
more from him a || long time after,
ship, and some other vessels belonging to the Colonie, Sir Thomas
Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went up into
his owne River, to his chiefe habitation, with his daughter; with
many scornfull bravado's they affronted us, proudly demanding
why wee came thither; our reply was, Wee had brought his daughter,
and to receive the ransome for her that was promised, or to have
it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told us, We were
welcome if wee came to fight, for they were provided for us, but
advised us, if wee loved our lives to retire; else they would use us
as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe: We told them, wee would
presently have a better answer; but we were no sooner within
shot of the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among us in the
ship.
Being thus justly provoked, wee presently manned our Boats,
went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled all they had we
could finde; and so the next day proceeded higher up the River,
where they demanded why wee burnt their houses, and wee, why
they shot at us: They replyed, it was some stragling Salvage, with
many other excuses, they intended no hurt, but were our friends:
We told them, wee came not to hurt them, but visit them as friends
also. Upon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched
expect foure and twentie houres erethe messengers could returne:
Then they told us, our men were runne away for feare we would
hang them, yet Powhatans men were runne after them; as for our
Swords and Peeces, they should be brought us the next day, which
was only but to delay time; for the next day they came not. Then we
went higher, to a house of Powhatans, called Matchot, where we
saw about foure hundred men well appointed; here they dared us
to come on shore, which wee did; no shew of feare they made at all,
nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly up and downe
amongst us, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his comming
in that manner, and to have truce till they could but once more
send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable
to their expectation, then they would fight with us, and defend
their owne as they could, which was but onely to deferre the time,
to carrie away their provision; yet wee promised them truce till the
next day at noone, and then if they would fight with us, they should
know when we would begin by our Drums and Trumpets.
Upon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came unto us to
see their sister, at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to
the contrarie, they much rejoiced, promising they would perswade
her father to redeeme her, and for ever be friends with us. And
upon this, the two brethren went aboord with us, and we sent
Master John Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint
him with the businesse; kindly they were entertained, but not
admitted the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechancanough,
his brother and successor; hee promised to doe the best
he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill, and time
to prepare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to James
Towne, promising the forbearance of their performing their promise,
till the next harvest.
Long before this, Master John Rolfe, an honest Gentleman,
and of good behaviour, had beene in love with Pocahontas, and she
with him, which thing at that instant I made knowne to Sir Thomas
Dale by a letter from him, wherein hee intreated his advice,
she acquainted her brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas
Dale well approved: the brute of this mariage came soone to the
knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by
his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent Opachisco, an old
and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation
thereof, as his deputie; which was accordingly done about
the first of Aprill: And ever since wee have had friendly trade and
commerce, as well with Powhatanhimselfe, as all his subjects.
Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in league
with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie and a daring
people, free of themselves. These people, so soone as they heard of
our peace with Powhatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir
Thomas Dale, and offered them his service, excusing all former
injuries, hereafter they would ever be King James his subjects, and
relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be called Tassantessus,
as they call us, and Sir Thomas Dale there Governour, as the Kings
Deputie; onely they desired to be governed by their owne Lawes,
which is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly
accepted, and appointed the day hee would come to visit them.
When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine
Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to Chickahamania,
where wee found the people expecting our comming, they used us
kindly, and the next morning sate in counsell, to conclude their
peace upon these conditions:
First, they should for ever bee called Englishmen, and bee
true subjects to King James and his Deputies.
Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor
cattell, but bring them home.
Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish us with three hundred
men, against the Spaniards or any.
Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they
are new Englishmen.
Fiftly, that every fighting man,
at the beginning of harvest,shall bring to our store two bushels of Corne, for tribute, for which
they shall receive so many Hatchets.
Lastly, the eight chiefe men should see all this performed, or
receive the punishment themselves: for their diligence they should
have a red coat, a copper chaine, and King James his picture, and
be accounted his Noblemen.
All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great
shout to confirme it: then one of the old men began an Oration,
to the women and children, to make them understand how strictly
they were to observe these conditions, and we would defend them
from the furie of Powhatan, or any enemie whatsoever, and furnish
them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets; but all this was rather for
feare Powhatanand we, being so linked together, would bring
them againe to his subjection; the which to prevent, they did
rather chuse to be protected by us, than tormented by him, whom
they held a Tyrant. And thus wee returned againe to James towne.
When our people were fed out of the common store, and
laboured jointly together, glad was he could slip
or slumber over his taske he cared not how, nay, the most honest
among them would hardly take so much true paines in a weeke, as
now for themselves they will doe in a day, neither cared they for
the increase, presuming that howsoever the harvest prospered, the
generall store must maintaine them, so that wee reaped not so much
Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now three or foure doe provide
for themselves. To prevent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted
every man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of Farmes,
except the Bermudas, who are exempted, but for one moneths service
in the yeere, which must neither bee in seed-time, nor harvest; for
which doing, no other dutie they pay yeerely to the store, but two
barrels and a halfe of Corne (from all those Farmers, whereof the
first was William Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious
man, and hath continued from 1607. to this present) from those
is expected such a contribution to the store, as wee shall neither want
for our selves, nor to entertaine our supplies; for the rest, they are
to worke eleven moneths for the store, and hath one moneth onely
allowed them to get provision to keepe them for twelve, except two
bushels of Corne they have out of the store; if those can live so,
why should any feare starving, and it were much better to denie
them passage, that would not erethey come, bee content to ingage
themselves to those conditions: for onely from the slothfull and idle
|| drones, and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations,
Virginia innocently hath undergone; and therefore I would deter
such from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, except
they will undergoe much punishment and penurie, if they escape
the skurvie: but for the industrious, there is reward sufficient, and
if any thinke there is nothing but bread, I referre you to his relations
that discovered the Countrie first.
The government left to Sir Thomas Dale upon Sir Thomas
Gates returne for England.
SIR Thomas Dale understanding there was a plantation of Frenchmen
in the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of 45. sent
Captaine Argall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux, where finding the
Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, surprized their Ship and
Pinnace, which was but newly come from France, wherein was
much good apparel, and other provision, which he brought to
James towne, but the men escaped, and lived among the Salvages
of those Countries.
It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to England,
because I would be able to speake somewhat of my owne knowledge,
to give mee leave to visit Powhatanand his Court: being provided,
I had Thomas Salvage with mee, for my Interpreter, with him and
two Salvages for guides, I went from the Bermuda in the morning,
and came to Matchot the next night, where the King lay upon the
River of Pamaunke; his entertainment was strange to me, the boy
he knew well, and told him; My child, I gave you leave, being my
boy, to goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres I have not seene
you, nor heard of my owne man Namontack I sent to England,
though many ships since have beene returned thence: Having done
with him, hee began with mee, and demanded for the chaine of
pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his first arrivall, which
was a token betwixt them, when ever hee should send a messenger
from himselfe to him, he should weare that chaine about his necke,
since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to binde him and
send him home.
It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gave
his Page order to give it me, but he forgot it, and till this present I
never heard of it, yet I replyed I did know there was such an order,
but that was when upon a sudden he should have occasion to send
an Englishman without an Indian Guide; but if his owne people
should conduct his messenger, as two of his did me who knew my
message, it was sufficient; with which answer he was contented, and
so conducted us to his house, where was a guard of two hundred
Bow-men, that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did,
he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother
and how they lived, loved and liked; I told him his brother was
well, and his daughter so contented, she would not live againe
with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my
comming: I told him my message was private, and I was to deliver
it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my guides that was
acquainted with it; instantly he commanded all out of the house,
but onely his two Queenes, that alwaies sit by him, and bade me
speake on.
I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent you
two pieces of Copper, five strings of white and blue Beads, five
woodden Combes, ten Fish-hookes, a paire of Knives, and that when
you would send for it, hee would give you a Grind-stone; all this
pleased him: but then I told him his brother Dale, hearing of the
fame of his youngest daughter, desiring in any case he would send
her by me unto him, in testimonie of his love, as well for that he
intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her, because
being now one people, and hee desirous for ever to dwell in his
Countrie, he conceived there could not be a truer assurance of
peace and friendship, than in such a naturall band of an united
union.
I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting mee in
my speech, and presently with much gravitie he thus replyed.
I gladly accept your salute
of love and peace, which while Ilive, I shall exactly keepe, his pledges thereof I receive with no
lesse thanks, although they are not so ample as formerly he had
received; but for my daughter, I have sold her within this few daies
to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three daies
journie from me. I replyed, I knew his greatnesse in restoring the
Rewrenoke, might call her againe to gratifie his brother, and the
rather, because she was but twelve yeeres old, assuring him, besides
the band of peace, hee should have for her, three times the worth
of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, etc. His answer was,
he loved his daughter as his life, and though hee had many children,
hee delighted in none so much as shee, whom if he should not often behold,
he could not possibly live, which she living with us he could not
do, having resolved upon no termes to put himselfe into our hands, or
come amongst us; therefore desired me to urge him no further, but
returne his brother this answer: That I desire no former assurance
of his friendship, than the promise hee hath made, from me he
hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she lives shall
brotherly part to desire to bereave me of my two children at once.
Farther, tell him though he had no pledge at all, hee need not
distrust any injurie from me or my people; there have beene too
many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occasion there shall
never be more, (I which have power to performe it, have said it)
although I should have just cause, for I am now old, and would
gladly end my daies in peace; if you offer me injurie, my countrie is
large enough to goe from you: Thus much I hope will satisfie my
brother. Now because you are wearie, and I sleepie, wee will thus
end. So commanding us victuall and lodging, we rested that night,
and the next morning he came to visit us, and kindly conducted us to
the best cheere hee had.
While I here remained, by chance came an Englishman, whom
there had beene surprized
so like, both in complexion and habit like a Salvage, I knew him not,
but by his tongue: hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I
intended, and so farre urged Powhatan, that he grew discontented,
and told mee, You have one of my daughters, and I am content, but
you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you must have him
away, or breake friendship; if you must needs have him, you shall
goe home without guides, and if any evill befall you, thanke your
selves: I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee must
expect a revenge, and his brother might have just cause to suspect
him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then gave me such as
hee had with a cheerefull countenance: About midnight hee awaked
us, and promised in the morning my returne with Parker; but I must
remember his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a
Shaving-knife, a Frowe, a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such
toies; which lest I should forget, he caused me write in a table-booke
he had; how ever he got it, it was a faire one, I desired hee
would give it me; he told me, no, it did him much good in shewing
to strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, having furnished
us well with provision, he gave each of us a Bucks skin as well dressed
as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter: And so
we returned to James towne.
I have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written
by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a third by
Master John Rolfe;
Christianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof, after
she had beene some time thus tutored, shee never had desire to
goe to her father, nor could well endure the society of her owne
nation: the true affection she constantly bare her husband was
much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured
for her love, as he deeply protested, was wonder- || ful, and she
openly renounced her countries idolatry, confessed the faith of
Christ, and was baptized, but either the coldnesse of the adventurers,
or the bad usage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy
Knight to write thus. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen
ingage themselves, and thereby intermedling herein, have caused a
number of soules transport themselves, and be transported hither?
Why should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action: for if
their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to persevere; if
otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant; howsoever
they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These
are the things have animated me to stay a little season from them,
I am bound in conscience to returne unto; leaving all contenting
pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile,
which I will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King
and Country dishonoured, and these poore soules I have in charge
revived, which would quickly happen if I should leave them; so
few I have with me fit to command or manage the businesse: Master
Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much museth, that so
few of our English Ministers, that were so hot against the surplice
and subscription come hether, where neither is spoken of. Doe
they not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe themselves at home, for
feare of losing a few pleasures; be there not any among them of
Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to follow
Christ, but I refer them to the Judge of all hearts, and to the King
that shall reward every one according to his talent.
The businesse being brought to this perfection, Captaine Argall
returned for England, in the latter end of June, 1614. ariving in
England, and bringing this good tidings to the Councell and company
Virginia but the March before; it was presently concluded, that to
supply this good successe with all expedition, the standing Lottery
should be drawne with all diligent conveniency, and that posterity
may remember upon occasion to use the like according to the
declaration, I thinke it not amisse to remember thus much.
The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published
by the Counsell.
IT is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclamations,
we manifested our intents, to have drawn out the great standing
Lottery long before this, which not falling out as we desired, and
others expected, whose monies are adventured therein, we thought
good therefore for the avoiding all unjust and sinister constructions,
to resolve the doubts of all indifferent minded, in three speciall
points for their better satisfaction.
But ereI goe any farther, let us remember there was a running
Lottery, used a long time in Saint Pauls Church-yard, where this
stood, that brought into the Treasury good summes of mony dayly,
though the Lot was but small.
Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Adventurers
came in so slackly for the yeere past, without prejudice to the
generality, in losing
petition to the honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to
further this Plantation, have recommended their Letters to the
Countries, Cities, and good townes in England, which we hope by
sending in their voluntary Adventurers, will sufficiently supply us.
The second
for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds,is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet wee have
not failed in our Christian care, the good of that Colony, to whom
we have lately sent two sundry supplies, and were they but now
supplied with more hands, wee should soone resolve the division of
the Country by Lot, and so lessen the generall charge.
The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are
the drawing this great Lottery, which we intend shall be without
delay, the 26. of June next, desiring all such as have undertaken
with bookes to solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their
monies till the last moneth be expired, lest we be unwillingly forced
to proportion a lesse value and number of our Blankes and Prises
which hereafter followeth.
| Crownes. | |
| To him that first shall be drawne out with a blanke, | 100 |
| To the second, | 50 |
| To the third, | 25 |
| To him that every day during the drawing of this Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, |
10 |
| Crownes. | |
| 1 Great Prize of | 4500 |
| 2 Great Prizes, each of | 2000 |
| 4 Great Prizes, each of | 1000 |
| 6 Great Prizes, each of | 500 |
| 10 Prizes, each of | 300 |
| 20 Prizes, each of | 200 |
| 100 Prizes, each of | 100 |
| 200 Prizes, each of | 50 |
| 400 Prizes, each of | 20 |
| 1000 Prizes, each of | 10 |
| 1000 Prizes, each of | 8 |
| 1000 Prizes, each of | 6 |
| 4000 Prizes, each of | 4 |
| 1000 Prizes, each of | 3 |
| 1000 Prizes, each of | 2 |
| Crownes. | |
| To him that shall be last drawne out with a blanke, | 25 |
| To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, under one name, |
400 |
| To him that putteth in the second greatest number, | 300 |
| To him that putteth in the third greatest number, | 200 |
| To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, | 100 |
| If divers be of equall number, their rewards are to be divided proportionally. |
| Crownes. | |
| The blanke that shall bee drawne out next before the great Prize shall have |
25 |
| The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the said great Prize |
25 |
| The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly before the two next great Prizes, shall have each of them |
20 |
| The severall blankes next after them, each shall have | 20 |
| The severall blankes next before the foure great Prizes, each shall have |
15 |
| The severall blankes next after them, each shall have | 15 |
| The severall blankes next before the six great Prizes, each shall have |
10 |
| The severall blankes next after them, each shall have | 10 |
The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready
Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike of the
plate or goods, he shall have mony, abating only the tenth part,
except in small prizes of ten Crownes or under.
The mony for the Adventurers is to be paied to Sir Thomas
Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or such Officers as he
shall apoint in City or Country, under the common seale of the
company for the receit thereof.
All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where ever they dwell,
shall of the Treasurer have present pay, and whosoever under one
name or poesie
six shillings and eight pence, or a silver spoone of that value at his
choice.
About this time
it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and againebefore point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their boat, as desirous
of a Pilot. Captaine James Davis the governor, immediatly gave
them one, but he was no sooner in the boat, but a way they went
with him, leaving three of their companions behind them; this
sudden accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examination
of those three thus left, yet with as good usage as our estate could
afford them. They only confessed having lost their Admirall,
accident had forced them into those parts, and two of them were
Captaines, and in chiefe authority in the fleet, thus they lived till
one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the
male-contents, to beleeve his projects, to run away with a small
barke, which was apprehended, some executed, and he expecting
but the Hangmans curtesie, directly confessed that two or three
Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discover the estate of the
Colony, but their Commission was not to be opened till they arrived
in the Bay, so that of any thing more he was utterly ignorant. One
of the Spaniards at last dyed, the other was sent for England, but
this reprieved, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged him at Sea in his voyage
homeward; the English Pilot they carried for Spaine, whom after
a long time imprisonment, with much sute was returned for England.
Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, having
setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice of one
Master George Yearly,
and so returned for England, accompanied with Pocahontas the
Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her husband, and arrived at
Plimmoth the 12. of June. 1616.
The government left to Captaine Yearly.
NOW a little to commentary
upon all these proceedings, let meleave but this as a caveat by the way; if the alteration of
government hath subverted great Empires, how dangerous is it then
in the infancy of a common-weale? The multiplicity of Governors
is a great damage to any State, but uncertaine daily changes are
burdensome, because their entertainments are chargeable, and
many will make hay whilst the sunne doth shine, how ever it shall
faire with the generality.
This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, hath
onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended
at the first, the first undertakers should be first preferred and
rewarded, and the first adventurers satisfied, and they of all the
rest are the most neglected; and those that never adventured a
groat, never see the Country, nor ever did any service for it, imploied
in their places, adorned with their deserts, and inriched with their
ruines; and when they are fed fat, then in commeth others so leane
as they were, who through their omnipotency doth as much. Thus
what one Officer doth, another undoth, only ayming at their owne
ends, thinking all the world derides his dignity, cannot fill his
Coffers being in authority with any thing. Every man hath his
minde free, but he can never be a true member to that estate, that
there are many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and
worth as much scornes it, as the others loves it; for the Nobilitie and
Gentrie, there is scarce any of them expects any thing but the
prosperitie of the action: and there are some Merchants and others,
I am confidently perswaded, doe take more care and paines, nay,
and at their continuall great charge, than they could be hired to for
the love of money, so honestly regarding the generall good of this
great worke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it but
a shilling, or extort upon the common souldier a penny. But to the
purpose, and to follow the Historie.
Master George Yearly now invested Deputie Governour by
Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part in planting
Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they could devise for a
present gaine, so that every man betooke himselfe to the best place
he could for the purpose: now though Sir Thomas Dale had caused
such an abundance of corne to be planted, that every man had
sufficient, yet the supplies were sent us, came so unfurnished, as
quickly eased us of our superfluitie. To relieve their necessities, he
sent to the Chickahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale
and Captaine Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a
bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred
of his best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania; the people
in some places used him indifferently, but in most places with much
scorne and contempt, telling him he was but Sir Thomas Dales man,
and they had payed his Master according to condition, but to give
any to him they had no such order, neither would they obey him
as they had done his Master; after he had told them his authoritie,
and that he had the same power to enforce them that Dale had,
they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his
not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their insolencies,
made no great difficultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as
little to incounter him: but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt,
they put themselves in the same order they see us, lead by their
Captaine Kissanacomen, Governour of Ozinies, and so marched
close along by us, each as threatning other who should first begin.
But that night we quartered against Mamanahunt, and they passed
the River. The next day we followed them; there are few places in
Virginia had then more plaine ground together, nor more plentie
of Corne, which although it was but newly gathered, yet they had
hid it in the woods where we could not finde it: a good time we spent
troupes amongst us, seeming as if their countenances had beene
sufficient to dant us: what other practises they had I know not;
but to prevent the worst, our Captaine caused us all to make ready,
and upon the word, to let flie among them, where he appointed:
others also he commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners;
all which being done according to our direction, the Captaine gave
the word, and wee presently discharged, where twelve lay, some
dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground, twelve more we tooke
prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two of their eight Elders, the
one tooke by Sergeant Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian;
Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their ransomes,
which was promised the Souldiers for a reward, but it was not
performed: now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captaine
for the subjecting of those people, that neither hee nor Powhatan
could ever bring to their obedience, and that he should make no
peace with them without his advice: in our returne by Ozinies with
our prisoners wee met Opechankanough, who with much adoe,
fained with what paines hee had procured their peace, the which
to requite, they called him the King of Ozinies, and brought him
from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as
they had; here as at many other times wee were beholding to
Captaine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman had lived
long time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner among the
Salvages, and done much good service, though but badly rewarded.
From hence we marcht towards James towne, we had three || Boats
loaded with Corne and other luggage, the one of them being more
willing to be at James towne with the newes than the other, was
overset, and eleven men cast away with the Boat, Corne and all
their provision; notwithstanding this put all the rest of the Salvages
in that feare, especially in regard of the great league we had with
Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in
such securitie, that divers Salvages of other Nations, daily frequented
us with what provisions they could get, and would guide our men
on hunting, and oft hunt for us themselves. Captaine Yearly had a
Salvage or two so well trained up to their peeces, they were as
expert as any of the English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him
fowle. There were divers others had Salvages in like manner for
their men. Thus we lived together, as if wee had beene one people,
all the time Captaine Yearley staied with us, but such grudges and
discontents daily increased among our selves, that upon the arrivall
of Captaine Argall, sent by the Councell and Companie to bee our
1617.
From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, William Cantrill,
Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey.
During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter
to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master John Rolfe her husband
and his friends, was taught to speake such English as might well bee
understood, well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very
formall and civill after our English manner; shee had also by him
a childe which she loved most dearely, and the Treasurer and
Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and it,
besides there were divers persons of great ranke and qualitie had
beene very kinde to her; and before she arrived at London,
Captaine Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her qualities
knowne to the Queenes most excellent Majestie and her Court, and
writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene: An abstract whereof
followeth.
To the most high and vertuous Princesse Queene Anne
of Great Brittanie.
The love I beare my God, my King and Countrie, hath so oft
emboldened mee in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestie
doth constraine mee presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to present
your Majestie this short discourse: if ingratitude be a deadly poyson
to all honest vertues, I must bee guiltie of that crime if I should
omit any meanes to bee thankfull. So it is,
That some ten yeeres agoe being in Virginia, and taken prisoner
by the power of Powhatantheir chiefe King, I received from this
great Salvage exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne
Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I ever saw
in a Salvage, and his sister Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and
wel-beloved daughter, being but a childe of twelve or thirteene
yeeres of age, whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate
this proud King and his grim attendants ever saw: and thus
inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least
occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes
to prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks
fatting amongst those Salvage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution,
she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine,
and not onely that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was
safely conducted to James towne, where I found about eight and
thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all
those large territories of Virginia, such was the weaknesse of this
poore Common-wealth, as had the Salvages not fed us, we directly
had starved.
And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought
us by this || Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages
when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender
Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jarres
have beene oft appeased, and our wants still supplyed; were it the
policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God
thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to
our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure; when her father with
the utmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee, having
but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not affright her from
comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies gave
me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his furie; which had
hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. James towne with her wild
traine
during the time of two or three yeeres, she next under God, was still
the instrument to preserve this Colonie from death, famine and utter
confusion, which if in those times had once beene dissolved, Virginia
might have line as it was at our first arrivall to this day. Since then,
this businesse having beene turned and varied by many accidents
from that I left it at: it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome
warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colonie, all
which time shee was not heard of, about two yeeres after shee her
selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer,
the Colonie by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at
last rejecting her barbarous condition, was maried to an English
Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England; the first
Christian ever of that Nation, the first Virginian ever spake English,
my meaning bee truly considered and well understood, worthy a
Princes understanding.
Thus most gracious Lady, I have related to your Majestie,
what at your best leasure our approved Histories will account you
at large, and done in the time of your Majesties life, and however
this might bee presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot
from a more honest heart, as yet I never begged any thing of the
state, or any, and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert,
your birth, meanes and authoritie, hir birth, vertue, want and
simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your
Majestie to take this knowledge of her,
unworthy to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not
being able to make her fit to attend your Majestie: the most and
least I can doe, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it
as my selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her
stature: if she should not be well received, seeing this Kingdome
may rightly have a Kingdome by her meanes; her present love to
us and Christianitie, might turne to such scorne and furie, as to
divert all this good to the worst of evill, where finding so great a
Queene should doe her some honour more than she can imagine,
for being so kinde to your servants and subjects, would so ravish
her with content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your
Majestie and all the Kings honest subjects most earnestly desire:
And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands.
Being about this time preparing to set saile for New-England,
I could not stay to doe her that service I desired, and she well
deserved; but hearing shee was at Branford with divers of my
word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well
contented; and in that humour her husband, with divers others, we
all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to have writ she
could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and
remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done: saying, You
did promise Powhatanwhat was yours should bee his, and he the
like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and
by the same reason so must I doe you: which though I would have
excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings
daughter; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not
afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused feare in him
and all his people (but mee) and feare you here I should call you
father; I || tell you then I will, and you shall call mee childe, and so
I will bee for ever and ever your Countrieman. They did tell us
alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth;
yet Powhatandid command Uttamatomakkin to seeke you, and
know the truth, because your Countriemen will lie much.
This Salvage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst them
held an understanding fellow; the King purposely sent him, as they
say, to number the people here, and informe him well what wee
were and our state. Arriving at Plimoth, according to his directions,
he got a long sticke, whereon by notches hee did thinke to have
kept the number of all the men hee could see, but he was quickly
wearie of that taske: Comming to London, where by chance I met
him, having renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous
to heare and see his behaviour, hee told me Powhatandid bid him
to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, and
Prince, I so much had told them of: Concerning God, I told him
the best I could, the King I heard he had seene, and the rest hee
should see when he would; he denied ever to have seene the King,
till by circumstances he was satisfied he had: Then he replyed very
sadly, You gave Powhatana white Dog, which Powhatanfed as
himselfe, but your King gave me nothing, and I am better than
your white Dog.
The small time I staid in London, divers Courtiers and others,
my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally
concluded, they did thinke God had a great hand in her conversion,
and they have seene many English Ladies worse favoured, proportioned
and behavioured, and as since I have heard, it pleased
both the King and Queenes Majestie honourably to esteeme her,
accompanied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and
good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her
great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would have
deserved, had she lived to arrive in Virginia.
The government devolved to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617.
THE Treasurer, Councell and Companie, having well furnished
Captaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca,
with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it
pleased God at Gravesend to take this young Lady to his mercie,
where shee made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than
joy to the beholders, to heare and see her make so religious and godly
an end.
with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. Captaine
Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at
Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arrived at
James towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine
Yearley and his Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand
file was led by an Indian. In James towne he found but five or six
houses, the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge in
pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled; the Store-house they used
for the Church, the market-place, and streets, and all other spare
places planted with Tobacco, the Salvages as frequent in their
houses as themselves, whereby they were become expert in our
armes, and had a great many in their custodie and possession, the
Colonie dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. Captaine Argall not
liking those proceedings, altered them agreeable to his owne minde,
taking the best order he could for repairing those defects which did
exceedingly trouble us; we were constrained every yeere to build
and repaire our old Cottages, which were alwaies a decaying in all
places of the Countrie, yea, the very Courts of Guard built by Sir
Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the Palizado's not sufficient to
keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not
past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage: we found there in all one
innumerable numbers of Swine, and good || plentie of Corne in
some places, yet the next yeere the Captaine sent out a Frigat and
a Pinnace, that brought us neere six hundred bushels more, which
did greatly relieve the whole Colonie: For from the tenants wee
seldome had above foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the
store, and there was not remaining of the Companies companie,
past foure and fiftie men, women and Children.
This yeere having planted our fields, came a great drought, and
such a cruell storme of haile, which did such spoile both to the
Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit, the Magazine
that came in the George, being five moneths in her passage, proved
very badly conditioned, but ereshe arrived, we had gathered and
made up our Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the
rest at eighteene pence.
To supply us, the Councell and Company with all possible care
and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fiftie
tunne, with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set
saile in Aprill, and tooke their course by the westerne Iles, where the
Governour of the Ile of Saint Michael received the Lord la Ware,
and honourably feasted him, with all the content hee could give
him. Going from thence, they were long troubled with contrary
winds, in which time many of them fell very sicke, thirtie died, one
of which number was that most honourable Lord Governour the
Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous disposition, is well
knowne to his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse
for his Countries good:
growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure as
was fit for such a personage, with so brave and great attendance:
for some small number of adventrous Gentlemen to make discoveries,
and lie in Garrison, ready upon any occasion to keepe in feare the
inconstant Salvages, nothing were more requisite; but to have more
to wait and play than worke, or more commanders and officers than
industrious labourers was not so necessarie: for in Virginia, a plaine
Souldier that can use a Pick-axe and spade, is better than five
Knights, although they were Knights that could breake a Lance;
for men of great place, not inured to those incounters; when they
finde things not sutable, grow many times so discontented, they
forget themselves, and oft become so carelesse, that a discontented
melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much miserie.
a small Frenchman, rich of Bevers and other Furres. Though wee
had here but small knowledge of the coast nor countrie, yet they
tooke such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well refreshed
themselves there with wood and water, as by the helpe of God
thereby, having beene at Sea sixteene weekes, got to Virginia, who
without this reliefe had beene in great danger to perish. The
French-men made them such a feast, with such an abundance of
varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all admired, and little
expected that wild wildernesse could affoord such wonderfull
abundance of plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men,
but very little provision, and the ship called the Treasurer came in
againe not long after with fortie passengers; the Lord la Wares ship
lying in Virginia three moneths, wee victualled her with threescore
bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victuall
she spent whilest they tarried there: this ship brought us advice that
great multitudes were a preparing in England to bee sent, and
relied much upon that victuall they should finde here: whereupon
our Captaine called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in
England the estate of the Colonie, and what a great miserie would
insue, if they sent not provision as well as people; and what they
did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes to set their
Ploughs on worke, having as good ground as any man can desire,
and about fortie Bulls and Oxen, but they wanted men to bring
them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and harnesse for the
Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had sowne with one Plough,
but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it was most
shaken, and the rest spoiled with the || Cattell and Rats in the
Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie.
Richard Killingbeck
being with the Captaine at Kekoughtan,desired leave to returne to his wife at Charles hundred, hee went to
James towne by water, there he got foure more to goe with him by
land, but it proved that he intended to goe trade with the Indians
of Chickahamania, where making shew of the great quantitie of
trucke they had, which the Salvages perceiving, partly for their
trucke, partly for revenge of some friends they pretended should
have beene slaine by Captaine Yearley, one of them with an English
peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Salvages assaulted the rest
and slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had: But
fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause them to
suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villanie; for
presently they robbed their Machacomocko house of the towne,
other Indians related. On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelt
a mile from the towne, going to Church, left his wife and three
small children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth:
she supposing praier to be done, left the children, and went to meet
her husband; presently after came three or foure of those fugitive
Salvages, entred the house, and slew a boy and three children, and
also another youth that stole out of the Church in praier time,
meeting them, was likewise murdered. Of this disaster the Captaine
sent to Opechankanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter,
as altogether ignorant of it, at the same time the Salvages that were
robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much feared the
English would bee revenged on them, so that Opechankanough sent
to Captaine Argall, to assure him the peace should never be broken
by him, desiring that he would not revenge the injurie of those
fugitives upon the innocent people of that towne, which towne he
should have, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession given of
it, and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these robbers,
to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he never performed it.
A relation from Master John Rolfe, June 15. 1618.
CONCERNING the state of our new Common-wealth, it is somewhat
bettered, for we have sufficient to content our selves, though not
in such abundance as is vainly
died this last Aprill, yet the Indians continue in peace. Itopatin his
second brother succeeds him, and both hee and Opechankanough
have confirmed our former league. On the eleventh of May, about
ten of the clocke in the night, happened a most fearefull tempest,
but it continued not past halfe an houre, which powred downe
hailestones eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe out of
their doores, and though it tore the barke and leaves of the trees,
yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast; it fell onely about
James towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West
there was no haile at all. Thus in peace every man followed his
building and planting without any accidents worthy of note. Some
private differences happened betwixt Captaine Bruster and Captaine
Argall, and Captaine Argall and the Companie here in England;
use, and therefore unfit to be remembred. In December one Captaine
Stallings, an old planter in those parts, being imployed by them
of the West countrie for a fishing voyage, in New-England, fell
foule of a Frenchman whom hee tooke, leaving his owne ship to
returne for England, himselfe with a small companie remained in
the French barke, some small time after upon the coast, and thence
returned to winter in Virginia.
The government surrendred to Sir George Yearley.
For to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619.
there arriveda little Pinnace privatly from England about Easter for Captaine
Argall, who taking order for his affaires, within foure or five daies
returned in her, and left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell.
On the eighteenth of Aprill, which was but ten or twelve daies
after, arrived Sir George Yearley, by whom we understood Sir
Edwin Sands was chosen Treasurer, and Master John Farrar his
Deputy, and what great supplies was a preparing to be sent us,
which did ravish us so much with joy and content, we thought our
selves now fully satisfied, for our long toile and labours, and as
happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident
hapned Captaine Stallings, the next day his ship was cast away, and
he not long after slaine in a private quarrell. Sir George Yearly to
beginne his government, added to be of his councell, Captaine
Francis West, Captaine Nathaniel Powell, Master John Pory,
Master John Rolfe, and Master William Wickam, and Master
Samuel Macocke, and propounded to have a generall assembly
with all expedition. Upon the twelfth of this Moneth, came in a
Pinnace of Captaine Bargraves, and on the seventeenth Captaine
Lownes, and one Master Euans, who intended to plant themselves
that causes us suspect his former promises.
In May came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure and thirty
men, all well and in health, and also many devout gifts, and we
were much troubled in examining some scandalous letters sent into
England, to disgrace this Country with barrennesse, to discourage
the adventurers, and so bring it and us to ruine and confusion;
notwithstanding, we finde by them of best experience, an industrious
man not other waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of Corne,
and 1000. plants of Tobacco, and where they say an aker will yeeld
but three or foure barrels, we have ordinarily foure or five, but of
new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrell of Pease and Beanes,
which we esteeme as good as two of Corne, which is after thirty
or forty bushels an aker, so that one man may provide Corne for
five, and apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco; they say also
English Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker, and we have
reaped thirty: besides to manure the Land, no place hath more
white and blew Marble than here, had we but Carpenters to build
and make Carts and Ploughs, and skilfull men that know how to
use them, and traine up our cattell to draw them, which though we
indevour to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to
perfection but planting Tobaco, and yet of that many are so covetous
to have much, they make little good; besides there are so many
sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England, were it never so bad,
they would sell it for Verinas,
be Virginia, such devilish bad mindes we know some of our owne
Country-men doe beare, not onely to the businesse, but also to our
mother England her selfe; could they or durst they as freely defame
her.
The 25. of June came in the Triall with Corne and Cattell all
in safety, which tooke from us cleerely all feare of famine; then
our governour and councell caused Burgesses to be chosen in all
places, and met at a generall Assembly, where all matters were
debated thought expedient for the good of the Colony,
Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in May,
and returned the latter end of May, but to small purpose, for they
wanted Salt: the George also was sent to New-found-land with the
Cape Merchant, there she bought fish, that defraied her charges,
and made a good voyage in seven weekes. About the last of August
came in a dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars, and
two ships to come trade in his River, for a more plentifull yeere of
Corne had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by
the trechery of one Poule, in a manner turned heathen, wee || were
very jealous the Salvages would surprize us. The Governours have
bounded foure Corporations; which is the Companies, the University,
the Governours and Gleabe land: Ensigne William Spencer,
and Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient
Planters being set free, weare the first farmers that went forth,
and have chosen places to their content, so that now knowing their
owne land, they strive who should exceed in building and planting.
The fourth of November the Bona nova came in with all her people
lusty and well; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some
of Plimoth for New-England, arrived in a Barke of five tunnes, and
returned the next Spring; notwithstanding the ill rumours of the
unwholsomnesse of James towne, the new commers that were
planted at old Paspaheghe, little more then a mile from it, had
their healths better then any in the Country. In December Captaine
Ward returned from Patawomeck, the people there dealt falsly with
him, so that hee tooke 800. bushels of Corne from them perforce.
Captaine Woodliffe of Bristol came in not long after, with all his
people lusty and in health, and we had two particular Governors
sent us, under the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to
have charge of the Colledge Lands, the other of the Companies:
Now you are to understand, that because there have beene many
complaints against the Governors, Captaines, and Officers in
Virginia, for buying and selling men and boies, or to bee set over
from one to another for a yeerely rent, was held in England a thing
most intolerable, or that the tenants or lawfull servants should be
put from their places, or abridged their Covenants, was so odious,
that the very report thereof brought a great scandall to the generall
action. The Councell in England did send many good and worthy
instructions for the amending those abuses, and appointed a hundred
men should at the Companies charge be allotted and provided to
serve and attend the Governour during the time of his government,
which number he was to make good at his departure, and leave to
College land, and fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty
to the Treasurer, to the Secretary five and twenty, and more to the
Marshall and Cape merchant; which they are also to leave to their
successors, and likewise to every particular Officer such a competency,
as he might live well in his Office, without oppressing any
under their charge, which good law I pray God it be well observed,
and then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy
people in the world.
There went this yeere by the Companies records,
11. ships,and 1216. persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the Governors
land fourescore, besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies
land a hundred and thirty, for the College a hundred, for
the Glebe land fifty, young women to make wives ninety, servants
for publike service fifty, and fifty more whose labours were to bring
up thirty of the infidels children, the rest were sent to private
Plantations.
Two persons unknowne have given faire Plate and Ornaments
for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at
the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation
gave two hundred pound. And another unknowne person sent to
the Treasurer five hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing up of
the salvage children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar
deceased, hath by his Will given three hundred pounds to the
College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Salvages placed
in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound yeerely to bee
distributed unto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony,
to bring up three wilde young infidels in some good course of life,
also there were granted eleven Pattents, upon condition to transport
people and cattle to increase the Plantations.
A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and a
small English ship, at the Ile of Dominica going to Virginia,
by Captaine Anthony Chester.
HAVING taken our journey towards Virginia in the beginning
of February, a ship called the Margaret and John, of one hundred
and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers
besides Sailers; After many tempests and foule weather, about the
foureteenth of March we were in thirteene degrees and an halfe of
Northerly latitude, where we descried a ship at hull; it being but a
faire gale of wind, we edged towards her to see what she was, but
she presently set saile, and ran us quickly out of sight: This made us
keepe our course for Mettalina,
we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. Six
French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe came aboord
us; they told us a Spanish man of Warre but seven daies before
was seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At
Mevis we intended to refresh our selves, having beene eleven weeks
pestered in this unwholsome ship; but there we found two tall ships
with the Hollanders colours, but necessitie forcing us on shore, we
anchored faire by them, and in friendly manner sent to hale them:
but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such
a volley of shot after us, that shot the Boat, split the Oares, and
some thorow the clothes, yet not a man hurt; and then followed
with their great Ordnance, that many times over-racked our ship,
which being so cumbred with the Passengers provisions, our Ordnance
was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should have beene. But
perceiving what they were, we fitted our selves the best we could
to prevent a mischiefe, seeing them warp themselves to windward,
we thought it not good to be boorded on both sides at an anchor,
we intended to set saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so
hard our star-boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered
their unkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculvering, that
shot her betweene wind and water, whereby she was glad to leave us
and her Admirall together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke
haled us.
We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee were,
and whither bound, relating the effect of our Commission, and the
cause of our comming thither for water, and not to annoy any of
the King of Spaines Subjects, nor any. She commanded us amaine
for the King of Spaine, we replied with inlarging the particulars
what friends both the Kings our Masters were, and as we would doe
no wrong, we would take none. They commanded us aboord to
shew our Commission, which we refused, but if they would send
their Boat to us willingly they should see it. But for answer they
made two great shot at us, with a volley of small shot, which caused
us to leave the decks; then with many ill words they laid us aboord,
which caused us to raise our maine saile, and give the word to our
small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort,
they quickly retired. The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we
had beene invironed with fire and smoke, untill they discovered the
waste of our ship naked, where they bravely boorded us loofe for
loofe, hasting with pikes and swords to enter, but it pleased God so
to direct our Captaine, and encourage our men with valour, that
our pikes being formerly placed under our halfe deck, and certaine
shot lying close for that purpose under the Port holes, encountred
them so rudely, that their fury was not onely rebated, but their
hastinesse intercepted, and their whole company beaten backe, many
of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one.
In the end they were violently repulsed, untill they were
reinforced to charge || againe by their commands, who standing
upon their honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted,
which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second
beating backe: whereat the Captaine grew inraged, and constrained
them to come on againe afresh, which they did so effectually, that
questionlesse it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth
Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, had not taught us to tosse our
Pikes with prosperous events, and powred out a volley of small shot
amongst them, whereby that valiant Commander was slaine, and
many of his Souldiers dropped downe likewise on the top of the
hatches. This we saw with our eies, and rejoyced with it at our hearts,
so that we might perceive good successe comming on, our Captaine
presently tooke advantage of their discomfiture, though with much
comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely plied them
againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot under the Pikes,
which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with
the suddennesse.
Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must not
be forgotten, who perceiving a way how to annoy them; As they were
thus puzled and in a confusion, drew out a Minion under the halfe
was fired, the cases of stones and peeces of Iron fell upon them so
thick, as cleared the decke, and slew many, and in short time we saw
few assailants, but such as crept from place to place covertly from the
fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs: for although as
far as we may commend our enemies, they had done something
worthy of commendations; yet either wanting men, or being overtaken
with the unlooked for valour of our men, they now began
to shrinke, and give us leave to be wanton with our advantage. Yet
we could onely use but foure peece of Ordnances, but they served
the turne as well as all the rest: for she was shot so oft betweene wind
and water, we saw they were willing to leave us, but by reason she
was fast in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our
anchor hung aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to
doe, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing us.
Having beene aboord us two hours and an halfe, seeing her selfe
cleere, all the shot wee had plaied on both sides, which lasted till we
were out of shot, then we discovered the Vice-Admirall comming to
her assistance, who began afarre off to ply us with their Ordnances,
and put us in minde we had another worke in hand. Whereupon we
separated the dead and hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the
rest, and were so well incouraged wee waifed them amaine. The
Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not come within
Falcon shot, where she lay battering us till shee received another
paiment from a Demiculvering, which made her beare with the
shore for smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they
both came up againe with us, as if they had determined to devour
us at once, but it seemed it was but a bravado, though they forsooke
not our quarter for a time within Musket shot; yet all the night onely
they kept us company, but made not a shot. During which time we
had leasure to provide us better than before: but God bethanked
they made onely but a shew of another assault, eresuddenly the
Vice-Admirall fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind,
and so they both left us. The fight continued six houres, and was the
more unwelcome, because we were so ill provided, and had no intent
to fight, nor give occasion to disturbe them. As for the losse of men, if
Religion had not taught us what by the providence of God is brought
to passe, yet daily experience might informe us, of the dangers of
wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tempests, shipwracks, encounters
with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds, long voiages, unknowne
shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred inconveniences,
apprehensive. We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman,
(a long time brought up amongst the most learned Surgeons, and
Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second journey to Virginia:)
and seven slaine out right, two died shortly of their wounds; sixteene
was shot, whose limbs || God be thanked was recovered without
maime, and now setled in Virginia: how many they lost we know not,
but we saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne
with bloud, they were about three hundred tunnes apeece, each
sixteene or twentie Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight
had behaved himselfe like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious
souldier, as also our honest and valiant master, did still so comfort
and incourage us by all the meanes they could, at last to all our
great contents we arrived in Virginia, and from thence returned
safely to England.
The Names of the Adventurers for Virginia,
Alphabetically set downe, according to a printed Booke,
set out by the Treasurer and Councell in this present yeere,
1620.
- SIR William Aliffe.
- Sir Roger Aston.
- Sir Anthony Ashley.
- Sir John Akland.
- Sir Anthonie Aucher.
- Sir Robert Askwith.
- Doctor Francis Anthony.
- Charles Anthony.
- Edward Allen.
- Edmund Allen Esquire.
- John Allen.
- Thomas Allen.
- William Atkinson, Esquire.
- Richard Ashcroft.
- Nicholas Andrews.
- John Andrews the elder.
- John Andrews the younger.
- James Ascough.
- Giles Allington.
- Morris Abbot.
- Ambrose Asten.
- James Askew.
- Anthony Abdey.
- John Arundell, Esquire.
A
- Edward, Earle of Bedford
- James, Lord Bishop of Bathe
and Wells. - Sir Francis Barrington.
- Sir Morice Barkley.
- Sir John Benet.
- Sir Thomas Beamont.
- Sir Amias Bamfield.
- Sir John Bourcher.
- Sir Edmund Bowyer.
- Sir Thomas Bludder.
- Sir George Bolles.
- Sir John Bingley.
- Sir Thomas Button.
- Sir Henry Beddingfield.
- Companie of Barbers-Surgeons.
- Companie of Bakers.
- Richard Banister.
- John Bancks.
- Miles Bancks.
- Thomas Barber.
- William Bonham.
- James Bryerley.
- William Barners.
- Anthony Barners, Esquire.
- William Brewster.
- Richard Brooke.
- Hugh Brooker, Esquire.
- Ambrose Brewsey.
- John Brooke.
- Matthew Bromridge.
- Christopher Brooke, Esquire.
- Martin Bond.
- Gabriel Beadle.
- John Beadle.
- David Borne.
- Edward Barnes.
- John Badger.
- Edmund Branduell.
- Robert Bowyer, Esquire.
- Robert Bateman.
- Thomas Britton.
- Nicholas Benson.
- || Edward Bishop.
- Peter Burgoney.
- Thomas Burgoney.
- Robert Burgoney.
- Christopher Baron.
- Peter Benson.
- John Baker.
- John Bustoridge.
- Francis Burley.
- William Browne.
- Robert Barker.
- Samuel Burnham.
- Edward Barkley.
- William Bennet.
- Captaine Edward Brewster.
- Thomas Brocket.
- John Bullock.
- George Bache.
- Thomas Bayly.
- William Barkley.
- George Butler.
- Timothie Bathurst.
- George Burton.
- Thomas Bret.
- Captaine John Brough.
- Thomas Baker.
- John Blunt.
- Thomas Bayly.
- Richard and Edward Blunt.
- Mineon Burrell.
- Richard Blackmore.
- William Beck.
- Benjamin Brand.
- John Busbridge.
- William Burrell.
- William Barret.
- Francis Baldwin.
- Edward Barber.
- Humphrey Basse.
- Robert Bell.
- Matthew Bromrick.
- John Beaumont.
- George Barkley.
- Peter Bartle.
- Thomas Bretton.
- John Blount.
- Arthur Bromfeld Esquire.
- William Berbloke.
- Charles Beck.
B
- George, Lord Archbishop of
Canterburie. - William Lord Cranborne, now
Earle of Salisburie. - William Lord Compton, now
Earle of North-hampton. - William Lord Cavendish, now
Earle of Devonshire. - Richard, Earle of Clanricard.
- Sir William Cavendish now
Lord Cavendish. - Gray, Lord Chandos.
- Sir Henry Cary.
- Sir George Calvert.
- Sir Lionell Cranfield.
- Sir Edward Cecill.
- Sir Robert Cotten.
- Sir Oliver Cromwell.
- Sir Anthony Cope.
- Sir Walter Cope.
- Sir Edward Carr.
- Sir Thomas Conisbie.
- Sir George Cary.
- Sir Edward Conwey.
- Sir Walter Chute.
- Sir Edward Culpeper.
- Sir Henry Cary, Captaine.
- Sir William Craven.
- Sir Walter Covert.
- Sir George Coppin.
- Sir George Chute.
- Sir Thomas Coventry.
- Sir John Cutts.
- Lady Cary.
- Company of Cloth-workers.
- Citie of Chichester.
- Robert Chamberlaine.
- Richard Chamberlaine.
- Francis Covill.
- William Coyse, Esquire.
- Abraham Chamberlaine.
- Thomas Carpenter.
- Anthony Crew.
- Richard Cox.
- William Crosley.
- James Chatfeild.
- Richard Caswell.
- John Cornelis.
- Randall Carter.
- Executors of Randall Carter.
- William Canning.
- Edward Carue, Esquire.
- Thomas Cannon, Esquire.
- Richard Champion.
- Rawley Crashaw.
- Henry Collins.
- Henry Cromwell.
- John Cooper.
- Richard Cooper.
- || John Casson.
- Thomas Colthurst.
- Allen Cotten.
- Edward Cage.
- Abraham Carthwright.
- Robert Coppin.
- Thomas Conock.
- John Clapham.
- Thomas Church.
- William Carpenter.
- Laurence Campe.
- James Cambell.
- Christopher Cletheroe.
- Matthew Cooper.
- George Chamber.
- Captaine John Cooke.
- Captaine Thomas Conwey,
Esquire. - Edward Culpeper, Esquire.
- Master William Crashaw.
- Abraham Colmer.
- John Culpeper.
- Edmund Colbey.
- Richard Cooper.
- Robert Creswell.
- John Cage, Esquire.
- Matthew Cavell.
- William Crowe.
- Abraham Carpenter.
- John Crowe.
- Thomas Cordell.
- Richard Connock, Esquire.
- William Compton.
- William Chester.
- Thomas Covel.
- Richard Carmarden, Esquire.
- William and Paul Canning.
- Henry Cromwell, Esquire.
- Simon Codrington.
- Clement Chichley.
- James Cullemore.
- William Cantrell.
C
- Richard, Earle of Dorset.
- Edward Lord Denny.
- Sir John Digbie, now Lord
Digbie. - Sir John Doderidge.
- Sir Drew Drewry the elder.
- Sir Thomas Dennis.
- Sir Robert Drewry.
- Sir John Davers.
- Sir Dudley Digs.
- Sir Marmaduke Dorrel.
- Sir Thomas Dale.
- Sir Thomas Denton.
- Companie of Drapers.
- Thomas Bond, Esquire.
- David Bent, Esquire.
- Companie of Dyers.
- Towne of Dover.
- Master Richard Deane,
Alderman. - Henry Dawkes.
- Edward Dichfield.
- William Dunne.
- John Davis.
- Matthew Dequester.
- Philip Durdent.
- Abraham Dawes.
- John Dike.
- Thomas Draper.
- Lancelot Davis.
- Rowley Dawsey.
- William Dobson, Esquire.
- Anthony Dyot, Esquire.
- Avery Dranfield.
- Roger Dye.
- John Downes.
- John Drake.
- John Delbridge.
- Benjamin Decroe.
- Thomas Dyke.
- Jeffery Duppa.
- Daniel Darnelly.
- Sara Draper.
- Clement and Henry Dawkney.
D
- Thomas, Earle of Exeter.
- Sir Thomas Everfield.
- Sir Francis Egiock.
- Sir Robert Edolph.
- John Eldred, Esquire.
- William Evans.
- Richard Evans.
- Hugh Evans.
- Raph Ewens, Esquire.
- John Elkin.
- John Elkin.
- Robert Evelin.
- Nicholas Exton.
- John Exton.
- George Etheridge.
E
- Sir Moyle Finch.
- Sir Henry Fanshaw.
- Sir Thomas Freake.
- Sir Peter Fretchvile.
- || Sir William Fleetwood.
- Sir Henry Fane.
- Company of Fishmongers.
- John Fletcher.
- John Farmer.
- Martin Freeman, Esquire.
- Ralph Freeman.
- William and Ralph Freeman.
- Michael Fetiplace.
- William Fettiplace.
- Thomas Forrest.
- Edward Fleetwood, Esquire.
- William Felgate.
- William Field.
- Nicholas Ferrar.
- John Farrar.
- Giles Francis.
- Edward Fawcet.
- Richard Farrington.
- John Francklin.
- Richard Frith.
- John Ferne.
- George Farmer.
- Thomas Francis.
- John Fenner.
- Nicholas Fuller, Esquire.
- Thomas Foxall.
- William Fleet.
- Peter Franck, Esquire.
- Richard Fishborne.
- William Faldoe.
- John Fletcher, and Company.
- William Ferrars.
F
- Lady Elizabeth Gray.
- Sir John Gray.
- Sir William Godolfine.
- Sir Thomas Gates.
- Sir William Gee.
- Sir Richard Grobham.
- Sir William Garaway.
- Sir Francis Goodwin.
- Sir George Goring.
- Sir Thomas Grantham.
- Company of Grocers.
- Company of Goldsmiths.
- Company of Girdlers.
- John Geering.
- John Gardiner.
- Richard Gardiner.
- John Gilbert.
- Thomas Grave.
- John Gray.
- Nicholas Grice.
- Richard Goddard.
- Thomas Gipps.
- Peter Gates.
- Thomas Gibbs Esquire.
- Laurence Greene.
- William Greenwell.
- Robert Garset.
- Robert Gore.
- Thomas Gouge.
- Francis Glanvile, Esquire.
G
- Henry, Earle of Huntington.
- Lord Theophilus Haward,
Lord Walden. - Sir John Harrington, Lord
Harington. - Sir John Hollis, now Lord
Hautein. - Sir Thomas Holecroft.
- Sir William Harris.
- Sir Thomas Harefleet.
- Sir George Haiward.
- Sir Warwicke Heale.
- Sir Baptist Hicks.
- Sir John Hanham.
- Sir Thomas Horwell.
- Sir Thomas Hewit.
- Sir William Herrick.
- Sir Eustace Hart.
- Sir Pory Huntley.
- Sir Arthur Harris.
- Sir Edward Heron.
- Sir Persevall Hart.
- Sir Ferdinando Heiborne.
- Sir Lawrence Hide.
- Master Hugh Hamersley,
Alderman. - Master Richard Heron,
Alderman. - Richard Humble, Esquire.
- Master Richard Hackleuit.
- Edward Harrison.
- George Holeman.
- Robert Hill.
- Griffin Hinton.
- John Hawkins.
- William Hancocke.
- John Harper.
- George Hanger.
- John Holt.
- John Huntley.
- Jeremy Heiden.
- Ralph Hamer.
- Ralph Hamer, Junior.
- John Hodgeson.
- John Hanford.
- Thomas Harris.
- || Richard Howell.
- Thomas Henshaw.
- Leonard Harwood
- Tristram Hill.
- Francis Haselridge.
- Tobias Hinson.
- Peter Heightley.
- George Hawkenson.
- Thomas Hackshaw.
- Charles Hawkens.
- John Hodgis.
- William Holland.
- Robert Hartley.
- Gregory Herst.
- Thomas Hodgis.
- William Hodgis.
- Roger Harris.
- John Harris.
- Master John Haiward.
- James Haiward.
- Nicholas Hide, Esquire.
- John Hare, Esquire.
- William Hackwell, Esquire.
- Gressam Hoogan.
- Humfrey Hanford.
- William Haselden.
- Nicholas Hooker.
- Doctor Anthony Hunton.
- John Hodsale.
- George Hooker.
- Anthony Hinton.
- John Hogsell.
- Thomas Hampton.
- William Hicks.
- William Holiland.
- Ralph Harison.
- Harman Harison.
H
- Sir Thomas Jermyn.
- Sir Robert Johnson.
- Sir Arthur Ingram.
- Sir Francis Jones.
- Company of Ironmongers.
- Company of Inholders.
- Company of Imbroyderers.
- Bailiffes of Ipswich.
- Henry Jackson.
- Richard Ironside.
- Master Robert Johnson
Alderman. - Thomas Jones.
- William Jobson.
- Thomas Johnson.
- Thomas Jadwine.
- John Josua.
- George Isam.
- Philip Jacobson.
- Peter Jacobson.
- Thomas Jaxson Senior.
- James Jewell.
- Gabriel Jaques.
- Walter Jobson.
- Edward James.
- Zachary Jones, Esquire.
- Anthony Irbye, Esquire.
- William I-anson.
- Humfrey Jobson.
J
- Sir Valentine Knightley.
- Sir Robert Killegrew.
- Sir Charles Kelke.
- Sir John Kaile.
- Richard Kirrill.
- John Kirrill.
- Raph King.
- Henry Kent.
- Towne of Kingslynne.
- John Kettleby, Esquire.
- Walter Kirkham, Esquire.
K
- Henry, Earle of Lincolne.
- Robert, Lord Lisle, now Earle
of Leicester. - Thomas, Lord Laware.
- Sir Francis Leigh.
- Sir Richard Lovelace.
- Sir William Litton.
- Sir John Lewson.
- Sir William Lower.
- Sir Samuel Leonard.
- Sir Samson Leonard.
- Company of Lethersellers.
- Thomas Laughton.
- William Lewson.
- Peter Latham.
- Peter Van Lore.
- Henry Leigh.
- Thomas Levar.
- Christofer Landman.
- Morris Lewellin.
- Edward Lewis.
- Edward Lewkin.
- Peter Lodge.
- Thomas Layer
- Thomas Lawson.
- Francis Lodge.
- || John Langley.
- David Loide.
- John Levitt.
- Thomas Fox and Luke Lodge.
- Captaine Richard Linley.
- Arnold Lulls.
- William Lawrence.
- John Landman.
- Nicholas Lichfield.
- Nicholas Leate.
- Gedeon de Laune.
L
- Philip Earle of Montgomerie.
- Doctor George Mountaine, now
Lord Bishop of Lincolne. - William Lord Mounteagle, now
Lord Morley. - Sir Thomas Mansell.
- Sir Thomas Mildmay.
- Sir William Maynard.
- Sir Humfrey May.
- Sir Peter Manhood.
- Sir John Merrick.
- Sir George More.
- Sir Robert Mansell.
- Sir Arthur Mannering.
- Sir David Murrey.
- Sir Edward Michelborn.
- Sir Thomas Middleton.
- Sir Robert Miller.
- Sir Cavaliero Maicott.
- Doctor James Meddus.
- Richard Martin, Esquire.
- Company of Mercers.
- Company of Merchant Taylors.
- Otho Mowdite.
- Captaine John Martin.
- Arthur Mouse.
- Adrian More.
- Thomas Mountford.
- Thomas Morris.
- Ralph Moorton.
- Francis Mapes.
- Richard Maplesden.
- James Monger.
- Peter Monsell.
- Robert Middleton.
- Thomas Maile.
- John Martin.
- Josias Maude.
- Richard Morton.
- George Mason.
- Thomas Maddock.
- Richard Moore.
- Nicholas Moone.
- Alfonsus van Medkerk.
- Captaine Henry Meoles.
- Philip Mutes.
- Thomas Mayall.
- Humfrey Marret.
- Jarvis Mundz.
- Robert Mildmay.
- William Millet.
- Richard Morer.
- John Miller.
- Thomas Martin.
- John Middleton.
- Francis Middleton.
M
- Dudly, Lord North.
- Francis, Lord Norris.
- Sir Henry Nevill of Barkshire.
- Thomas Nicols.
- Christopher Nicols.
- William Nicols.
- George Newce.
- Joseph Newberow.
- Christopher Newgate.
- Thomas Norincott.
- Jonathan Nuttall.
- Thomas Norton.
N
- William Oxenbridge, Esquire.
- Robert Offley.
- Francis Oliver.
O
- William, Earle of Pembroke.
- William, Lord Paget.
- John, Lord Petre.
- George Percy, Esquire.
- Sir Christofer Parkins.
- Sir Amias Preston.
- Sir Nicholas Parker.
- Sir William Poole.
- Sir Stephen Powell.
- Sir Henry Peyton.
- Sir James Perrot.
- Sir John Pettus.
- Sir Robert Payne.
- William Payne.
- John Payne.
- Edward Parkins.
- Edward Parkins his widow.
- || Aden Perkins.
- Thomas Perkin.
- Richard Partridge.
- William Palmer.
- Miles Palmer.
- Robert Parkhurst.
- Richard Percivall, Esquire.
- Richard Poyntell.
- George Pretty.
- George Pit.
- Allen Percy.
- Abraham Peirce.
- Edmund Peirce.
- Phenice Pet.
- Thomas Philips.
- Henry Philpot.
- Master George Procter.
- Robert Penington.
- Peter Peate.
- John Prat.
- William Powell.
- Edmund Peashall.
- Captaine William Proude.
- Henry Price.
- Nicholas Pewriffe.
- Thomas Pelham.
- Richard Piggot.
- John Pawlet, Esquire.
- Robert Pory.
- Richard Paulson.
P
- William Quicke.
Q
- Sir Robert Rich, now Earle of
Warwicke. - Sir Thomas Row.
- Sir Henry Rainsford.
- Sir William Romney.
- Sir John Ratcliffe.
- Sir Steven Ridlesdon.
- Sir William Russell.
- Master Edward Rotheram,
Alderman. - Robert Rich.
- Tedder Roberts.
- Henry Robinson.
- John Russell.
- Richard Rogers.
- Arthur Robinson.
- Robert Robinson.
- Millicent Ramsden.
- John Robinson.
- George Robins.
- Nichalas Rainton.
- Henry Rolffe.
- John Reignolds.
- Elias Roberts.
- Henry Reignolds, Esquire.
- William Roscarrocke, Esquire.
- Humfrey Raymell.
- Richard Robins.
R
- Henry, Earle of Southampton.
- Thomas, Earle of Suffolke.
- Edward Semer, Earle of
Hartford. - Robert, Earle of Salisbury.
- Mary, Countesse of
Shrewsbury. - Edmund, Lord Sheffeld.
- Robert, Lord Spencer.
- John, Lord Stanhope.
- Sir John Saint-John.
- Sir Thomas Smith.
- Sir John Samms.
- Sir John Smith.
- Sir Edwin Sandys.
- Sir Samuel Sandys.
- Sir Steven Some.
- Sir Raph Shelton.
- Sir Thomas Stewkley.
- Sir William Saint-John.
- Sir William Smith.
- Sir Richard Smith.
- Sir Martin Stutevill.
- Sir Nicolas Salter.
- Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe, of
Exeter. - Captaine John Smith.
- Thomas Sandys, Esquire.
- Henry Sandys, Esquire.
- George Sandys, Esquire.
- Company of Skinners.
- Company of Salters.
- Company of Stationers.
- John Stokley.
- Richard Staper.
- Robert Shingleton.
- Thomas Shipton.
- Cleophas Smith.
- Richard Strongtharm.
- Hildebrand Spruson.
- Matthew Scrivener.
- Othowell Smith.
- George Scot.
- Hewet Stapers.
- || James Swift.
- Richard Stratford.
- Edmund Smith.
- Robert Smith.
- Matthias Springham.
- Richard Smith.
- Edward Smith.
- Jonathan Smith.
- Humfrey Smith.
- John Smith.
- George Swinhow.
- Joseph Some.
- William Sheckley.
- John Southick.
- Henry Shelley.
- Walter Shelley.
- Richard Snarsborow.
- George Stone.
- Hugh Shepley.
- William Strachey.
- Urion Spencer.
- John Scarpe.
- Thomas Scott.
- William Sharpe.
- Steven Sparrow.
- Thomas Stokes.
- Richard Shepard.
- Henry Spranger.
- William Stonnard.
- Steven Sad.
- John Stockley.
- Thomas Stevens.
- Matthew Shepard.
- Thomas Sherwell.
- William Seabright, Esquire.
- Nicholas Sherwell.
- Augustine Steward.
- Thomas Stile.
- Abraham Speckhard.
- Edmund Scot.
- Francis Smalman.
- Gregory Sprint, Esquire.
- Thomas Stacey.
- William Sandbatch.
- Augustine Stuard, Esquire.
S
- Sir William Twisden.
- Sir William Throckmorton.
- Sir Nicholas Tufton.
- Sir John Trever.
- Sir Thomas Tracy.
- George Thorpe, Esquire.
- Doctor William Turner.
- The Trinity house.
- Richard Turner.
- John Taverner.
- Daniel Tucker.
- Charles Towler.
- William Tayler.
- Leonard Townson.
- Richard Tomlins.
- Francis Tate, Esquire.
- Andrew Troughton.
- George Tucker.
- Henry Timberlake.
- William Tucker.
- Lewis Tite.
- Robert Thornton.
T
- Sir Horatio Vere.
- Sir Walter Vaughan.
- Henry Vincent.
- Richard Venne.
- Christopher Vertue.
- John Vassell.
- Arthur Venne.
V
- Henry Bishop of Worcester.
- Francis West, Esquire.
- Sir Ralph Winwood.
- Sir John Wentworth.
- Sir William Waad.
- Sir Robert Wroth.
- Sir Percival Willoby.
- Sir Charles Wilmott.
- Sir John Wats.
- Sir Hugh Worrell.
- Sir Edward Waterhouse.
- Sir Thomas Wilsford.
- Sir Richard Williamson.
- Sir John Wolstenholm.
- Sir Thomas Walsingham.
- Sir Thomas Watson.
- Sir Thomas Wilson.
- Sir John Weld.
- Mistris Katherine West, now
Lady Conway. - John Wroth, Esquire.
- Captaine Maria Winckfield,
Esquire. - Thomas Webb.
- Rice Webb.
- Edward Webb.
- Sands Webb.
- Felix Wilson.
- Thomas White.
- Richard Wiffen.
- || William Williamson.
- Humfrey Westwood.
- Hugh Willeston.
- Thomas Wheatley.
- William Wattey.
- William Webster.
- James White.
- Edmund Winne.
- John West.
- John Wright.
- Edward Wooller.
- Thomas Walker.
- John Wooller.
- John Westrow.
- Edward Welch.
- Nathaniel Waad.
- Richard Widowes.
- David Waterhouse, Esquire.
- Captaine Owen Winne.
- Randall Wetwood.
- George Wilmer, Esquire.
- Edward Wilkes.
- Leonard White.
- Andrew Willmer.
- Clement Willmer.
- George Walker.
- William Welbie.
- Francis Whistler.
- Thomas Wells.
- Captaine Thomas Winne.
- John Whittingham.
- Thomas Wheeler.
- William Willet.
- Devereux Woogam.
- John Walker.
- Thomas Wood.
- John Willet.
- Nicholas Wheeler.
- Thomas Wale.
- William Wilston.
- John Waller.
- William Ward.
- William Willeston.
- John Water.
- Thomas Warr, Esquire.
- David Wiffen.
- Garret Weston.
W
- Sir George Yeardley, now
Governour of Virginia. - William Yong.
- Simon Yeomans.
Y
- Edward, Lord Zouch.
- John Zouch, Esquire.
Z
That most generous and most honourable Lord, the Earle of
South-hampton, being pleased to take upon him the title of Treasurer,
and Master John Farrar his Deputy,
necessary, and admonitions to all Officers to take heede of extortion,
ingrosing commodities, forestalling of markets, especially to have a
vigilant care, the familiarity of the Salvages living amongst them
made them not way to betray or surprize them, for the building of
Guest-houses to relieve the weake in, and that they did wonder in all
this time they had made no discoveries, nor knew no more then the
very place whereon they did inhabit, nor yet could ever see any
returne for all this continuall charge and trouble, therefore they sent
to be added to the Councell seven Gentlemen, namely Master
Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Master Tracy, Captaine Middleton,
Captaine Blount, Master John Pountas, and Master Harwood, with
men, munition, and all things thought fitting, but they write from
Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred with diseased people,
and a great mortality, wherfore they desired rather a few able
sufficient men well provided, then great multitudes, and because
there were few accidents of note, but private advertisements by
letters, we will conclude this yeere, and proceed to the next.
Collected out of the Councels letters for Virginia.
The instructions and advertisements for this yeere were both
from England and Virginia, much like the last: only whereas before
they had ever a suspicion of Opechankanough, and all the rest of
the Salvages, they had an eye over him more then any, but now they
all write so confidently of their assured peace with the Salvages, there
is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or trechery, so
that every man planteth himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth
his businesse securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being neere
expired, the Councel here || made choise of a worthy young Gentleman
Sir Francis Wyat
furnished and provided, as they had done his Predecessors, with all
the necessary instructions all these times had acquainted them for
the conversion of the Salvages, the suppressing of planting Tobacco,
and planting of Corne, not depending continually to be supplied by
the Salvages, but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long
erethis, it hath beene promised and expected should have beene fed
and relieved by the English, not the English by them; and carefully
to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse mortality of their
people, and by all diligence seeke to send something home to satisfie
the Adventurers, that all this time had only lived upon hopes, grew
so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must
maintaine their proceedings, and not letters, excuses and promises;
seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselves,
as to spend after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay
some 2000. or 3000. pounds yearely, that were not worth so many
pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselves
either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity,
within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly, and consuming
Gallants here in England, which cannot possibly be there supported,
but either by oppressing the Comminalty there, or deceiving the
generality here (or both.)
Extracted out of the Councels Letters for Virginia.
From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, and
many I have conferred with, that came from thence hither, I have
much admired to heare of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty
this Plantation doth abound in, and yet could never heare of any
returne but Tobacco, but it hath oft amazed me to understand how
strangely the Salvages hath beene taught the use of our armes, and
imploied in hunting and fowling with our fowling peeces, and our
men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like Swine; besides that,
the Salvages that doe little but continually exercise their bow and
arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our men that
practised little but the Spade, being so farre asunder, and in such
small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of armes used,
Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation nor provision
to prevent a forraine enemy, much more the Salvages howsoever;
for the Salvages uncertaine conformity I doe not wonder, but
for their constancy and conversion, I am and ever have beene of the
opinion of Master Jonas Stockam
at this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Salvages at
the point of conversion, against all their Governours and Councels
opinions, writ to the Councell and Company in England to this
effect.
May 28.
We that have left our native country to sojourne in a strange
land, some idle spectators, who either cowardly dare not, or
covetously will not adventure either their purses or persons in so
commendable a worke; others supporting Atlas of this almost unsupportable
burdens as your selves, without whose assistance this
Virginia Firmament (in which some) and I hope in short time will
shine many more glorious Starres, though there be many Italiannated
and Spaniolized Englishmen envies our prosperities, and by all their
ignominious scandals they can devise seekes to dishearten what they
can, those that are willing to further this glorious enterprize, to such
I wish according to the decree of Darius,
by forging unjust tales to hinder our welfare, that his house were
pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made of the wood, and he
hanged on them in the place.
As for those lasie servants, who had rather stand all day idle, than
worke, though but an houre in this Vineyard, and spend their
substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into
your Treasury, I leave them as they are to the eternall Judge of the
world. But you right worthy, that hath adventured so freely, I || will
not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or your desire of gaine,
which it may be you expect should flow unto you with a full tide,
for the conversion of the Salvages: I wonder you use not the meanes,
I confesse you say well to have them converted by faire meanes, but
they scorne to acknowledge it, as for the gifts bestowed on them they
devoure them, and so they would the givers if they could, and
though many have endevoured by all the meanes they could by
kindnesse to convert them, they finde nothing from them but derision
and ridiculous answers. We have sent boies amongst them to learne
their Language, but they returne worse than they went; but I am no
States-man, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Bookes, but
I can finde no probability by this course to draw them to goodnesse;
and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerva goe hand in hand, they
will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in
their lives, and till their Priests and Ancients have their throats cut,
there is no hope to bring them to conversion.
The government of Sir Francis Wyat.
ABOUT October arrived Sir Francis Wyat, with Master George
Sands, appointed Treasurer, Master Davison Secretary, Doctor
Pot the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgian,
was very badly conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that
Corne they brought, which was a great cause of their sicknesse and
mortality, and whatsoever is said against the Virginia Corne, they
finde it doth better nourish than any provision is sent thither; the
Sailers still they complaine are much to blame for imbesling the
for which some order would be taken.
In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat not one
Passenger died, at his arrivall he sent Master Thorpe to Opechancanough,
whom hee found much satisfied with his comming, to
confirme their leagues as he had done his Predecessors, and so
contented his people should coinhabit amongst them, and hee
found more motions of Religion in him than could be imagined:
every man betaking himselfe to his quarter, it was ordered, that for
every head they should plant but 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and upon
each plant nine leaves, which will be about 100. weight, the Corne
being appointed but at two shillings and six pence the bushell,
required such labour, it caused most men neglect it, and depend
upon trade; where were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, every
man would indevour to have plenty to sell to the new commers, or
any that wanted, and seldome any is transported from England, but
it standeth in as much, besides the hazard and other necessaries, the
Ships might transport of that burden. The 22. of November arrived
Master Gookin
thirty Passengers, exceedingly well furnished with all sorts of provision
and cattle, and planted himselfe at Nuports-newes: the
Cotten trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as
a man: here any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no
place better. For the mortality of the people accuse not the place,
for of the old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries,
onely the want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases. And
so wee will conclude this yeere with the shipping and numbers sent.
Out of the Councels Letters from Virginia.
This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that imployed
more than 400. sailers and 1300. men, women and children of
divers faculties, with fourescore cattle; the Tiger fell in the Turkes
hands, yet safely escaped, and by the returne of their letters from
thence, the company is assured there can bee no fitter place of
Mines, Wood and Water for Iron than there; and the French men
affirme no Country is more proper for Vines, Olives, Silke, Rice and
Salt, etc. of which the next yeere they promise a good quantity.
Gifts
THE Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall James from
the East-Indies, gave towards the building of a free Schoole 70.
pound, eight shillings, and six pence; and an unknowne person to
further it, sent thirtie pounds; and another in like manner five and
twentie pounds; another refusing to be made knowne, gave fortie
shillings yeerely for a Sermon before the Virginia companie: also
another that would not be knowne, sent for the College at Henrico,
many excellent good religious bookes, worth ten pound, and a most
curious Map of al that coast of America. Master Thomas Bargrave
their Preacher there deceased, gave a Librarie valued at one
hundred Markes: and the Inhabitants hath made a contribution of
one thousand and five hundred pounds, to build a house for the
entertaining of strangers. This yeere also there was much suing for
Patents for Plantations, who promised to transport such great
multitudes of people: there was much disputing concerning those
divisions, as though the whole land had beene too little for them:
six and twentie obtained their desires,
sent thither a man; notwithstanding many of them would have
more, and are not well contented; whom I would intreat, and all
other wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest Claudius.
How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-loves knot.
Nor seest how th' Elements ayre combin'd, maintaine one constant plea,
How midst of heaven contents the Sunne, and shore containes the sea;
And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths frame,
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaves the same.
The observations of Master John Pory Secretarie of Virginia,
in his travels.
HAVING but ten men meanly provided to plant the Secretaries
land
plantation, the better to secure and assist each other. Sir George
Yearley intending to visit Smiths Iles, fell so sicke that he could not,
so that he sent me with Estinien Moll a French-man, to finde a convenient
of Pawtuxunt, came to us to seeke for Thomas Salvage our Interpreter.
Thus insinuating himselfe, he led us into a thicket, where all
sitting downe, he shewed us his naked brest; asking if we saw any
deformitie upon it, we told him, No; No more, said hee, is the inside,
but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to my Countrie and
welcome: which wee promised wee would within six weekes after.
Having taken a muster of the companies tenants, I went to Smiths
Iles, where was our Salt-house: not farre off wee found a more convenient
place, and so returned to James towne.
Being furnished the second time, wee arrived at Aquohanock,
and conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing Russels Ile and
Onancoke, we arrived at Pawtuxunt: the discription of those places,
you may reade in Captaine Smiths discoveries, therefore needlesse
to bee writ againe.
of Namenacus and Wamanato, his brother, long wee staied
not erethey came aboord us with a brasse Kettle, as bright without
as within, ful of boyled Oisters. Strict order was given none should
offend us, so that the next day I went with the two Kings a hunting,
to discover what I could in their confines. Wamanato brought mee
first to his house, where hee shewed mee his wife and children, and
many Corne-fields; and being two miles within the woods a hunting,
as the younger conducted me forth, so the elder brought me home,
and || used me as kindly as he could, after their manner. The next
day he presented me twelve Bever skinnes and a Canow, which I
requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keepe
them whilst hee lived, and burie them with him being dead. Hee
much wondered at our Bible, but much more to heare it was the
Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Genesis expounded of
Adam and Eve, and simple mariage; to which he replyed, hee was
like Adam in one thing, for he never had but one wife at once: but
he, as all the rest, seemed more willing of other discourses they
better understood. The next day the two Kings with their people,
came aboord us, but brought nothing according to promise; so
that Ensigne Salvage challenged Namenacus the breach of three
promises, viz. not in giving him a Boy, nor Corne, though they had
plentie, nor Moutapass a fugitive, called Robert Marcum, that
had lived 5 yeeres amongst those northerly nations, which hee
cunningly answered by excuses. Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse
of this falshood, because hee staied alone when the rest were gone.
I asked him if he desired to bee great and rich; he answered, They
he would follow my counsell, so he gave me two tokens, which
being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him confident
the messenger could not abuse us.
Some things being stolne from us, he tooke such order that they
were presently restored, then we interchanged presents: in all things
hee much admired our discretions, and gave us a guide that hee
called brother, to conduct us up the River: by the way we met with
divers that stil tould us of Marcum: and though it was in October,
we found the Countrie very hot, and their Corne gathered before
ours at James towne. The next day we went to Paccamaganant, and
they directed us to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had
an old quarrell with Ensigne Salvage, but now seeming reconciled,
went with us, with another Werowance towards Mattapanient,
where they perswaded us ashore upon the point of a thicket; but
supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our boat: farre we had
not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Salvages sallied out of
the wood, with all the ill words and signes of hostilitie they could.
When wee saw plainly their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances
at libertie, that all this while had line in the Cabbin, as not taking
any notice of their villanie, because we would convert them by
courtesie. Leaving them as we found them, very civill and subtill,
wee returned the same way wee came, to the laughing Kings on
the Easterne shore, who told us plainly, Namanicus would also have
allured him into his Countrie, under colour of trade to cut his
throat. Hee told us also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo
to kill Salvage, because he brought the trade from him to the
Easterne shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne, and some
thirteene of his people before one hundred of those Easterlings in
rescuing Thomas Graves
and three more did challenge the thirteene Pamaunkes to fight, but
they durst not, so that all those Easterlings so derided them, that
they came there no more.
This Thomas Salvage, it is sixteene yeeres since he went to
Virginia, being a boy, hee was left with Powhatan, for Namontacke,
to learne the language, and as this Author affirmeth, with much
honestie and good successe hath served the publike without any
publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot through his body in their
service.
two daies journy over in the broadest place, but in some places a
man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean,
where inhabit many people, so that by the narrownesse of the Land
Kiptope his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger
brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely resigned
him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe onely to husbandry
and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree, nor is hee carelesse
of any thing concernes the state, but as a vigilant and faithfull
Counceller, as hee is an affectionated || Brother, bearing the greater
burden in government, though the lesser honour, where cleane
contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge,
and the elder the dignitie. Those are the best husbands of any
Salvages we know: for they provide Corne to serve them all the
yeare, yet spare; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want.
They are the most civill and tractable people we have met with, and
by little sticks will keepe as just an account of their promises, as by
a tally. In their mariages they observe a large distance, as well in
affinitie as consanguinitie; nor doe they use that devillish custome in
making black Boyes. There may be on this shore about two thousand
people: they on the West would invade them, but that they want
Boats to crosse the Bay, and so would divers other Nations, were
they not protected by us. A few of the Westerly Runnagados had
conspired against the laughing King, but fearing their treason was
discovered, fled to Smiths Iles, where they made a massacre of
Deere and Hogges; and thence to Rickahake, betwixt Chissapeack
and Nansamund, where they now are seated under the command of
Itoyatin, and so I returned to James Towne, where I found the
government rendred to Sir Francis Wyat. In February also he
travelled to the South River Chawonock, some sixtie miles over
land, which he found to be a very fruitfull and pleasant Country,
yeelding two harvests in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse
formerly spoken of, was kindly used by the people, and so returned.
Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Countrey.
IT was no small content to all the Adventurers to heare of the safe
arrivall of all those ships and companies, which was thought
sufficient to have made a Plantation of themselves: and againe to
or foure hundred tunnes, who hath undertaken to make a Block-house
amongst the Oyster banks, that shall secure the River. The
furnishing him with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds; but
the whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere two thousand
pounds. In her went Captaine Barwicke with five and twentie men
for the building ships and Boats, and not other waies to be imploied:
and also a selected number to build the East Indie Schoole, but as
yet from Virginia little returnes but private mens Tobacco, and
faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many other good
and rich commodities, besides the speedy conversion of the Salvages,
that at first were much discouraged from living amongst them,
when they were debarred the use of their peeces; therefore it was
disputed as a matter of State, whether such as would live amongst
them should use them or not, as a bait to allure them; or at least
such as should bee called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it
was a great trouble for all causes to be brought to James Towne for
a triall, Courts were appointed in convenient places to releeve them:
but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified here;
so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted here without
their consents, because they onely feele them, and must live under
them. Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must be had
by Trade, and how unwilling any Officer when he leaveth his
place, is to make good his number of men to his Successor, but
many of them during their times to help themselves, undoes the
Company: for the servants you allow them, or such as they hire,
they plant on their private Lands, not upon that belongeth to their
office, which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which are
your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them up and downe,
whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are those
officers the ablest or best deserving, but make their experience upon
the companies cost, and your land lies unmanured to any purpose,
and will yeeld as little profit to your next new officers.
The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March.
THE Prologue to this Tragedy, is supposed was occasioned by
Nemattanow, otherwise called Jack of the Feather, because hee
commonly was most strangely adorned with them; and for his
courage and policy, was accounted amongst the Salvages their
chiefe Captaine, and immortall from any hurt could bee done him
by the English. This Captaine comming to one Morgans
knowing he had many commodities that hee desired, perswaded
Morgan to goe with him to Pamaunke to trucke, but the Salvage
murdered him by the way; and after two or three daies returned
againe to Morgans house, where he found two youths his Servants,
who asked for their Master: Jack replied directly he was dead; the
Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing him weare his Cap, would
have had him to Master Thorp: But Jack so moved their patience,
they shot him, so he fell to the ground, put him in a Boat to have
him before the Governor, then seven or eight miles from them. But
by the way Jack finding the pangs of death upon him, desired of the
Boyes two things; the one was, that they would not make it knowne
hee was slaine with a bullet; the other, to bury him amongst the
English. At the losse of this Salvage Opechankanough much grieved
and repined, with great threats of revenge; but the English returned
him such terrible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent,
with the greatest signes he could of love and peace, yet within
foureteene daies after he acted what followeth.
Sir Francis Wyat at his arrivall was advertised, he found the
Countrey setled in such a firme peace, as most men there thought
sure and unviolable, not onely in regard of their promises, but of a
necessitie.
us, and safely sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely
follow our businesse: and such was the conceit of this conceited
peace, as that there was seldome or never a sword, and seldomer a
peece, except for a Deere or Fowle, by which assurances the most
plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly, as a choice
veine of rich ground invited them, and further from neighbours the
better. Their houses generally open to the Salvages, who were alwaies
made the way plaine to effect their intents, and the conversion of
the Salvages as they supposed.
Having occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle
of March, hee used the Messenger well, and told him he held the
peace so firme, the sky should fall or he dissolved it; yet such was
the treachery of those people, when they had contrived our destruction,
even but two daies before the massacre, they guided our men
with much kindnesse thorow the woods, and one Browne
among them to learne the language, they sent home to his Master;
yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselves over the
River, to consult on the devillish murder that insued, and of our
utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one
of themselves converted to Christianitie) prevented, and as well on
the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and twentieth of
March, as also in the evening before, as at other times they came
unarmed into our houses, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and
other provisions to sell us, yea in some places sat downe at breakfast
with our people, whom immediatly with their owne tooles they
slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or
childe, so sudden in their execution, that few or none discerned the
weapon or blow that brought them to destruction: In which manner
also they slew many of our people at severall works in the fields,
well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in
regard of their familiaritie with us, for the effecting that great
master-peece of worke their conversion; and by this meanes fell that
fatall morning under the bloudy and barbarous hands of that
per- || fidious and inhumane people, three hundred forty seven men,
women and children, most by their owne weapons, and not being
content with their lives, they fell againe upon the dead bodies,
making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging,
and mangling their dead carkases into many peeces, and carying
some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph.
Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest well
knowne unto them, from whom they had daily received many
benefits, but spightfully also massacred them without any remorse
or pitie; being in this more fell then Lions and Dragons, as Histories
record, which have preserved their Benefactors; such is the force of
good deeds, though done to cruell beasts, to take humanitie upon
them, but these miscreants put on a more unnaturall brutishnesse
then beasts, as by those instances may appeare.
That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorp, Deputie
to the College lands, sometimes one of his Majesties Pensioners,
and in command one of the principall in Virginia; did
the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought nothing
too deare for them, he never denied them any thing, in so much
that when they complained that our Mastives did feare them, he to
content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed in their
presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would have
had all the rest guelt to make them the milder, might he have had
his will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire
house after the English fashion, in which he tooke such pleasure,
especially in the locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and
unlocking his doore a hundred times a day, he thought no device
in the world comparable to it.
Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings favour for his religious
purpose, he conferred oft with him about Religion, as many other
in this former Discourse had done, and this Pagan confessed to him
as he did to them, our God was better then theirs, and seemed to be
much pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to
requite all those courtesies; yet this viperous brood did, as the
sequell shewed, not onely murder him, but with such spight and
scorne abused his dead corps as is unfitting to be heard with civill
eares. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman
upon his fatall houre, was warned by his man, who perceiving some
treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to himselfe, and
withall ran away for feare he should be apprehended, and so saved
his owne life; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so void of
suspition and full of confidence, they had slaine him, or
would beleeve they would hurt him. Captaine Nathaniel Powell
one of the first Planters, a valiant Souldier, and not any in the
Countrey better knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of
an over-conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities, they
not onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like hagled their
bodies, and cut off his head, to expresse their uttermost height of
cruelty. Another of the old company of Captaine Smith, called
Nathaniel Causie, being cruelly wounded, and the Salvages about
him, with an axe did cleave one of their heads, whereby the rest
fled and he escaped: for they hurt not any that did either fight or
stand upon their guard. In one place where there was but two men
that had warning of it, they defended the house against 60. or more
that assaulted it. Master Baldwin at Warraskoyack, his wife being
so wounded, she lay for dead, yet by his oft discharging of his peece,
they came to one Master Harisons house, neere halfe a mile from
Baldwines, where was Master Thomas Hamer with six men, and
eighteene or nineteene women and children. Here the Salvages with
many presents and faire perswasions, fained they came for Captaine
Ralfe Hamer to go to their King, then hunting in the woods,
presently they sent to him, but he not comming as they expected,
set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came to tell them in the
dwelling house of it to quench it; all the men ran towards it, but
Master Hamer not suspecting any thing, whom || the Salvages pursued,
shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer
having finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see
what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back,
which caused him returne and barricado up the doores, whereupon
the Salvages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy finding his Masters
peece loaded, discharged it at randome, at which bare report the
Salvages all fled, Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Master
Hamer with two and twentie persons thereby got to his house,
leaving their owne burning. In like manner, they had fired Lieutenant
Basse his house, with all the rest there about, slaine the people, and
so left that Plantation.
Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, comming
to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt with the King,
meeting the Salvages chasing some, yet escaped, retired to his new
house then a building, from whence he came; there onely with
spades, axes, and brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company
till the Salvages departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship
had sent six Musketiers, with which he recovered their Merchants
store-house, where he armed ten more, and so with thirtie more
unarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest at Baldwins: Now
seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to
James Towne with their best expedition; yet not far from Martins
hundred,
small family, that heard not of any of this till two daies after.
All those, and many others whom they have as maliciously
murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes, that thus despising
Gods mercies, must needs now as miscreants be corrected by Justice:
to which leaving them, I will knit together the thred of this discourse.
At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships
in James River, and one in the next, and daily more to come in, as
there did within foureteene daies after, one of which they indevoured
to have surprised: yet were the hearts of the English ever stupid,
and averted from beleeving any thing might weaken their hopes, to
thence, that Almighty God hath his great worke in this Tragedy,
and will thereout draw honor and glory to his name, and a more
flourishing estate and safetie to themselves, and with more speed
to convert the Salvage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously
hath preserved the English; there being yet, God be praised, eleven
parts of twelve remaining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne
safeties, seemes to have beene the greatest cause of their destructions:
yet you see, God by a converted Salvage that disclosed the plot,
saved the rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamaunkes River, whereof
(say they) though our sinnes made us unworthy of so glorious a
conversion, yet his infinite wisdome can neverthelesse bring it to
passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we thinke most unlikely:
for in the delivery of them that survive, no mans particular carefulnesse
saved one person, but the meere goodnesse of God himselfe,
freely and miraculously preserving whom he pleased.
The Letters of Master George Sands, a worthy Gentleman, and
many others besides them returned, brought us this unwelcome
newes, that hath beene heard at large in publike Court, that the
Indians and they lived as one Nation, yet by a generall combination
in one day plotted to subvert the whole Colony, and at one instant,
though our severall Plantations were one hundred and fortie miles
up on River on both sides.
But for the better understanding of all things, you must remember
these wilde naked natives live not in great numbers together,
but dispersed, commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company.
Some places have two hundred, few places more, but many
lesse; yet they had all warning given them one from another in
all their habitations, though farre asunder, to meet at the day and
houre appointed for our destruction at al our several Plantations;
some directed to one place, some to another, all to be done at the
time appointed, which they did accordingly: Some entring their
houses under colour of trading, so tooke their || advantage; others
drawing us abroad under faire pretences, and the rest suddenly
falling upon those that were at their labours.
Six of the counsell suffered under this treason, and the slaughter
had beene universall, if God had not put it into the heart of an
Indian,
Indian his Brother, that lay with him the night before to kill Pace,
as he should doe Perry which was his friend, being so commanded
from their King; telling him also how the next day the execution
should be finished: Perrys Indian presently arose and reveales it to
Pace, that used him as his sonne; and thus them that escaped was
fortie seven were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the meanes
of this alone thus preserved, for which Gods name be praised for
ever and ever.
Pace upon this, securing his house, before day rowed to James
Towne, and told the Governor of it, whereby they were prevented,
and at such other Plantations as possibly intelligence could be
given: and where they saw us upon our guard, at the sight of a
peece they ranne away; but the rest were most slaine, their houses
burnt, such Armes and Munition as they found they tooke away,
and some cattell also they destroied. Since wee finde Opechankanough
the last yeare had practised with a King on the Easterne
shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in
his Country to poison us. But of this bloudy acte never griefe and
shame possessed any people more then themselves, to be thus
butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand
the presenting of a staffe in manner of a peece, nor an uncharged
peece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors,
though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them
had better spirits.)
Thus have you heard the particulars of this massacre, which in
those respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now
we have just cause to destroy them by all meanes possible: but I
thinke it had beene much better it had never happened, for they
have given us an hundred times as just occasions long agoe to subject
them, (and I wonder I can heare of none but Master Stockam and
Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreover, where before we were
troubled in cleering the ground of great Timber, which was to them
of small use: now we may take their owne plaine fields and Habitations,
which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. Besides, the
Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceedingly
increase if we beat the Salvages out of the Countrey, for at all times
of the yeare they never spare Male nor Female, old nor young, egges
nor birds, fat nor leane, in season or out of season with them, all is
one. The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they have used
to kill eight in tenne more then we, or else the wood would most
plentifully abound with victuall; besides it is more easie to civilize
them by conquest then faire meanes; for the one may be made at
once, but their civilizing will require a long time and much industry.
I omit it here: And you have twenty examples of the Spaniards how
they got the West-Indies, and forced the treacherous and rebellious
Infidels to doe all manner of drudgery worke and slavery for them,
themselves living like Souldiers upon the fruits of their labours. This
will make us more circumspect, and be an example to posteritie:
(But I say, this might as well have beene put in practise sixteene
yeares agoe as now.)
Thus upon this Anvill
shall wee now beat our selves an Armourof proofe hereafter to defend us against such incursions, and ever
hereafter make us more circumspect: but to helpe to repaire this
losse, besides his Majesties bounty in Armes, he gave the Company
out of the Tower, and divers other Honorable persons have renewed
their adventures, we must not omit the Honorable Citie of London,
to whose endlesse praise wee may speake it, are now setting forward
one hundred persons, and divers others at their owne costs are a
repairing, and all || good men doe thinke never the worse of the
businesse for all these disasters.
What growing state was there ever in the world which had not
the like? Rome grew by oppression, and rose upon the backe of
her enemies: and the Spaniards have had many of those counterbuffes,
more than we. Columbus, upon his returne from the West-Indies
into Spaine, having left his people with the Indies, in peace
and promise of good usage amongst them, at his returne backe
found not one of them living, but all treacherously slaine by the
Salvages. After this againe, when the Spanish Colonies were increased
to great numbers, the Indians from whom the Spaniards for trucking
stuffe used to have all their corne, generally conspired together to
plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them; themselves
living in the meane time upon Cassava, a root to make bread, onely
then knowne to themselves. This plot of theirs by the Spaniards
oversight, that foolishly depended upon strangers for their bread,
tooke such effect, and brought them to such misery by the rage of
famine, that they spared no uncleane nor loathsome beast, no not
the poisonous and hideous Serpents, but eat them up also, devouring
one death to save them from another; and by this meanes their
whole Colony well-neere surfeted, sickned and died miserably, and
when they had againe recovered this losse, by their incontinency an
infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the
French Pox, which at first being a strange and an unknowne malady,
was deadly upon whomsoever it lighted: then had they a little flea
called Nigua, which got betweene the skinne and the flesh before
and putrifactions, to the decay and losse of many of their bodily
members.
Againe, divers times they were neere undone by their ambition,
faction, and malice of the Commanders. Columbus, to whom they
were also much beholden, was sent with his Brother in chaines into
Spaine; and some other great Commanders killed and murdered
one another. Pizzaro was killed by Almagros sonne, and him Vasco
beheaded, which Vasco was taken by Blasco, and Blasco was likewise
taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by their covetous and spightfull
quarrels, they were ever shaking the maine pillars of their Common-weale.
These and many more mischiefes and calamities hapned
them, more then ever did to us, and at one time being even at the
last gaspe, had two ships not arrived with supplies as they did, they
were so disheartned, they were a leaving the Countrey: yet we see
for all those miseries they have attained to their ends at last, as is
manifest to all the world, both with honour, power, and wealth: and
whereas before few could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with
great sute they must obtaine it; but where there was no honesty, nor
equity, nor sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, nor good civilitie in such
a Countrey, certainly there can bee no stabilitie.
Therefore let us not be discouraged, but rather animated by
those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the goodnesse and
commodities may bee had in Virginia, nor is it to be much doubted
there is any want of Mines of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is
well knowne to some yet living that can make it manifest when time
shall serve: and yet to thinke that gold and silver Mines are in a
country otherwise most rich and fruitfull, or the greatest wealth in
a Plantation, is but a popular error, as is that opinion likewise, that
the gold and silver is now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at
this present. True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards
got great and mighty store of treasure from the Natives, which they
in long space had heaped together, and in those times the Indians
shewed them entire and rich Mines, which now by the relations of
them that have beene there, are exceedingly wasted, so that now the
charge of getting those Metals is growne excessive, besides the
consuming the lives of many by their pestilent smoke and vapours in
digging and refining them, so that all things considered, the cleere
gaines of those metals, the Kings part defraied, to the Adventurers
is but small, and nothing neere so much as vulgarly is imagined; and
were it not || for other rich Commodities there that inrich them,
those of the Contraction
Mines onely; for the greatest part of their Commodities are partly
planted in the West-Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugarcanes,
being first transported from the Canaries; and in Ginger and other
things brought out of the East-Indies, in their Cochanele, Indicos,
Cotton, and their infinite store of Hides, Quick-silver, Allum, Woad,
Brasill woods, Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Oiles, Medicinals
and Perfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other physicall drugs: These
are the meanes whereby they raise that mighty charge of drawing
out their gold and silver to the great and cleare revenue of their
King. Now seeing the most of those commodities, or as usefull, may
be had in Virginia by the same meanes, as I have formerly said;
let us with all speed take the priority of time, where also may be had
the priority of place, in chusing the best seats of the Country, which
now by vanquishing the Salvages, is like to offer a more faire and
ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our gentlenesse
and faire comportments could attaine unto.
| At Captaine Berkleys Plantation, himselfe and 21. others, seated | ||
| at the Falling-Crick, 66. miles from James City. | 22 | |
| 2 | Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation, some three miles from | |
| the Falling-Crick, himselfe and 12. others. | 13 | |
| 3 | At Henrico Iland, about two miles from Sheffelds Plantation. | 6 |
| 4 | Slaine of the College people, two miles from Henrico. | 17 |
| 5 | At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. | 5 |
| 6 | At the next adjoyning Plantation. | 8 |
| 7 | At William Farrars house. | 10 |
| 8 | At Berkley hundred, five miles from Charles City, Master | |
| Thorp and | 10 | |
| 9 | At Westover, a mile from Berkley. | 2 |
| 10 | At Master John Wests Plantation. | 2 |
| 11 | At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. | 2 |
| 12 | At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. | 12 |
| 13 | At Richard Owens house, himselfe and | 6 |
| 14 | At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and | 3 |
| 15 | At Martins hundred, seven miles from James City. | 73 |
| 16 | At another place. | 7 |
| 17 | At Edward Bennets Plantation. | 50 |
| 18 | At Master Waters his house, himselfe and | 4 |
| 19 | At Apamatucks River, at Master Peirce his Plantation, five | |
| miles from the College. | 4 | |
| 20 | At Master Macocks Divident, Captaine Samuel Macock, | |
| and | 4 | |
| 21 | At Flowerdieu hundred, Sir George Yearleys Plantation. | 6 |
| 22 | On the other side opposite to it. | 7 |
| 23 | At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and | 7 |
| 24 | At Master William Bickars house, himselfe and | 4 |
| 25 | At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. | 21 |
| 26 | At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and | 12 |
| 27 | At Southampton hundred. | 5 |
| 28 | At Martin Brandons hundred. | 7 |
| 29 | At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. | 2 |
| 30 | At Ensigne Spences house. | 5 |
| 31 | At Master Thomas Peirce his house by Mulbery Ile, himselfe | |
| and | 4 | |
| The whole number | 347. |
Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion,
For then true voyces issue from their hearts,
Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts,
The truth remaines, they cast off fained Arts.
This lamentable and so unexpected a disaster caused them all
beleeve the opinion of Master Stockam,
wits end: it was twenty or thirty daies erethey could resolve what to
doe, but at last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should
be abandoned, and drawne onely to make good five or six places,
where all their labours now for the most part must redound to the
Lords of those Lands where they were resident. Now for want of
Boats, it was impossible upon such a sudden to bring also their
cattle, and many other things, which with much time, charge and
labour they had then in possession with them; all which for the
most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by
the Salvages. Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not
five and thirty of all sorts with him, yet he thought himselfe sufficient
against what could happen, and so did to his great credit and the
content of his Adventurers. Master Samuel Jorden gathered together
but a few of the straglers about him at Beggers-bush, where he
fortified and lived in despight of the enemy. Nay, Mistrisse Proctor,
a proper, civill, modest Gentlewoman did the like, till perforce the
English Officers forced her and all them with her to goe with them,
or they would fire her house themselves, as the Salvages did when
they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it, and what they
had a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre; which was to
their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that
manner, onely to secure others pleasures. Now here in England it
was thought, all those remainders might presently have beene
reduced into fifties or hundreds in places most convenient with what
they had, having such strong houses as they reported they had,
which with small labour might have beene made invincible Castles
against all the Salvages in the Land, and then presently raised a
company, as a running Armie to torment the Barbarous and secure
the rest, and so have had all that Country betwixt the Rivers of
Powhatan and Pamaunke to range and sustaine them; especially all
the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact and Paspahege, from
Ozenies to that branch of Pamaunke, comming from Youghtanund,
which strait of land is not past 4. or 5. miles, to have made a
peninsula much bigger then the Summer Iles, invironed with the
broadest parts of those two maine Rivers, which for plenty of such
things as Virginia affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well
manured, more then sufficient for ten thousand men. This, were it
well understood, cannot but be thought better then to bring five or
six hundred to lodge and live on that, which before would not well
receive and maintaine a hundred, planting little or nothing, but
spend that they have upon hopes out of England, one evill begetting
another, till the disease is past cure: Therefore it is impossible but
such courses must produce most fearefull miseries and extreme
extremities; if it prove otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. I
confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other mens actions
being not present, but they have done as much of me; yea many
here in England that were never there, and also many there that
knowes little more then their Plantations, but as they are informed;
and this doth touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country,
faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry for speaking my
opinion, seeing the old Proverbe doth allow losers leave to speake;
and Du Bartas saith,
Wave hunteth Wave, and Billow Billow shoves,
|| So doe all Nations justell each the other,
And so one people doe pursue another,
And scarce a second hath the first unhoused,
Before a third him thence againe have roused.
Amongst the multitude of these severall Relations, it appeares
Captaine Nuse seeing many of the difficulties to ensue, caused as
much Corne to be planted as he could at Elizabeths city, and though
some destroyed that they had set, fearing it would serve the Salvages
for Ambuscadoes,
which hath ever beene one cause of our miseries, for from England
wee have not had much, and for trading, every one hath not Ships,
Shalops, Interpreters, men and provisions to performe it, and those
that have, use them onely for their owne private gaine, not the
publike good, so that our beginning this yeere doth cause many to
distrust the event of the next. Here wee will leave Captaine Nuse
for a while, lamenting the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant
industrious Gentleman, adorned with many good qualities, besides
Physicke and Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely
imparted to all gratis, but most bountifully to the poore; and let us
speake a little of Captaine Croshaw amongst the midst of those
broiles in the River of Patawomeke.
Being in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, under the command
of Captaine Spilman, at Cekacawone, a Salvage stole aboord them,
and told them of the Massacre, and that Opechancanough had
plotted with his King and Country to betray them also, which they
undertaken it; upon this Spilman went thither, but the Salvages
seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected themselves
discovered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude him,
so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught; but
seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek, where he
intended to stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long
acquaintance he had with this King that so earnestly entreated him
now to be his friend, his countenancer, his Captaine and director
against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks, and Moyaons his
mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw was glad, as well to
satisfie his owne desire in some other purpose he had, as to keepe
the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him unto
us, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies; so onely
Elis Hill stayed with him, and the Pinnace returned to Elizabeths
City; here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was
entertained in England.
It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to understand
of such a supposed impossible losse, as that so many should
fall by the hands of men so contemptible; and yet having such
warnings, especially by the death of Nemattanow, whom the
Salvages did thinke was shot-free, as he had perswaded them,
having so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt. But now
to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so
discourage the noble adventurers, nor divers others still to undertake
new severall Plantations, but that divers ships were dispatched away,
for their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine
Smith did intreat and move them to put in practise his old offer,
seeing now it was time to use both it and him,
heretofore both had beene regarded, and because it is not impertinent
to the businesse, it is not much amisse to remember what it was.
The project and offer of Captaine John Smith, to the Right
Honourable, and Right Worshipfull Company of Virginia.
IF you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers and
thirty Sailers by the next Michaelmas,
and such necessary provision, by Gods assistance, we would endevour
feare and subjection that every man should follow their businesse
securely, whereas now halfe their times and labours are spent in
watching and warding, onely to defend, but altogether unable to
suppresse the Salvages, because every man now being for himselfe
will be unwilling to be drawne from their particular labours, to be
made as pack-horses for all the rest, without any certainty of some
better reward and preferment then I can understand any there can
or will yet give them.
These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, and
tormenting the Salvages, and that they should be as a running
Army till this were effected, and then settle themselves in some such
convenient place, that should ever remaine a garison of that strength,
ready upon any occasion against the Salvages, or any other for the
defence of the Countrey, and to see all the English well armed, and
instruct them their use. But I would have a Barke of one hundred
tunnes, and meanes to build sixe or seven Shalops, to transport them
where there should bee occasion.
Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, and
what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged,
and many men and their purses much discouraged, how ever a
great many doe hasten to goe, thinking to bee next heires to all the
former losses, I feare they will not finde all things as they doe
imagine; therefore leaving those gilded conceits, and dive into the
true estate of the Colony; I thinke if his Majestie were truly informed
of their necessitie, and the benefit of this project, he would be
pleased to give the custome of Virginia,
according to their abilities would adde thereto such a contribution,
as would be fit to maintaine this garison till they be able to subsist,
or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it with
all expedition in practice; otherwise it is much to be doubted, there
will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to England
within these few yeares.
Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for ancient
Souldiers there bred, then such new commers as may goe with me;
you may please to leave that to my discretion, to accept or refuse
such voluntaries, that will hazard their fortunes in the trialls of
these events, and discharge such of my company that had rather
labour the ground then subdue their enemies: what releefe I should
have from your Colony I would satisfie and spare them (when I
could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these doubts, I hope to
feede them as well as defend them, and yet discover you more land
unknowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such
priviledges as of necessity must be used.
For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best
can be devised by your state there, but not that they shall either
take away my men, or any thing else to imploy as they please by
vertue of their authority, and in that I have done somewhat for
New-England as well as Virginia, so I would desire liberty and
authority to make the best use I can of my best experiences, within
the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them both in one Map,
and the Countries betwixt them,
Governors and government, as an Englishman doth in Scotland, or
a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the Low-countries
doe to the Governors of the Townes and Cities where they are
billited, or in Garrison, where though they live with them, and are
as their || servants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their
pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them, and for
my owne paines in particular I aske not any thing but what I can
produce from the proper labour of the Salvages.
Their Answer.
I CANNOT say, it was generally from the Company, for being
published in their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding
well of the motion, and some would have been very large Adventurers
in it, especially Sir John Brookes and Master David Wyffin,
there were such divisions amongst them, I could obtaine no answer
but this, the charge would be too great; their stocke was decayed,
and they did thinke the Planters should doe that of themselves if I
could finde meanes to effect it; they did thinke I might have leave
of the Company, provided they might have halfe the pillage, but I
thinke there are not many will much strive for that imploiment, for
except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is to be had, I
would not give twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got amongst
the Salvages in twenty yeeres: but because they supposed I spake
only for my owne ends, it were good those understand providents
for the Companies good they so much talke of, were sent thither to
make triall of their profound wisdomes and long experiences.
About this time also was propounded a proposition concerning
Tobacco, as a yeerely pension to bee paid to certaine Officers for
the erecting a new office, concerning the sole importation of Tobacco,
besides his Majesties custome, fraught, and all other charges. To
nominate the undertakers, favourers and opposers, with their
arguments pro and con would bee too tedious and needlesse being so
publikely knowne; the which to establish, spent a good part of that
yeere, and the beginning of the next. This made many thinke
wonders of Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few
here that were never there, and also in what state and pompe some
Chieftaines and divers of their associates live in Virginia, and yet no
money to maintaine a Garrison, pay poore men their wages, nor
yet five and twenty pence to all the Adventurers here, and very
little to the most part of the Planters there, bred such differences in
opinion it was dissolved.
Now let us returne to Captaine Croshaw at Patawomek, where
he had not beene long ereOpechancanough sent two baskets of
beads to this King, to kill him and his man, assuring him of the
Massacre he had made, and that before the end of two Moones
there should not be an Englishman in all their Countries: this
fearefull message the King told this Captaine, who replied, he had
seene both the cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough sufficiently
tried by Captaine Smith, therefore his threats he feared not, nor
for his favour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his
with their owne swords; if he were slaine, he would leave a letter
for his Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings;
two daies the King deliberated upon an answer, at last told him the
English were his friends, and the Salvage Emperour Opitchapam
now called Toyatan, was his brother, therefore there should be no
bloud shed betwixt them, so hee returned the Presents, willing the
Pamaunkes to come no more in his Country, lest the English,
though against his will, should doe them any mischiefe.
Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some releefe
amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such ill weather,
though the men were saved they lost their boat, which the storme
and waves cast upon the shore of Nandsamund, where Edward
Waters
the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in Virginia at this
Massacre, || hee and his wife these Nandsamunds kept Prisoners till
it chanced they found this Boat, at which purchase they so rejoyced,
according to their custome of triumph, with songs, dances and
invocations, they were so busied, that Waters and his wife found
opportunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the
English no lesse wondred and rejoyced, then the Salvages were
madded with discontent. Thus you may see how many desperate
dangers some men escape, when others die that have all things at
their pleasure.
All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine Hamer arriving
with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly
entertained both by him and the King; that Don Hamar
King he came for Corne: the King replied hee had none, but the
Nacotchtanks and their confederats had, which were enemies both
to him and them; if they would fetch it, he would give them 40. or
50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those Salvages with
some of the English they sent, who so well played their parts, they
slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they had
a long skirmish with them; where the Patawomeks were so eager of
revenge, they drive them not onely out of their towne, but all out
of sight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoiling
the rest, they retired to Patawomek, where they left Captaine
Croshaw, with foure men more, the rest set saile for James towne.
Captaine Croshaw now with five men and himselfe found night and
day so many Alarums, he retired into such a convenient place, that
with the helpe of the Salvages, hee had quickly fortified himselfe
against all those wilde enemies. Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting
Hamar by the way understanding all this, came to see Captaine
Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of courtesies, Croshaw writ
to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but understanding by
them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they would send him
but a bold Shallop, with men, armes and provision for trade, the
next Harvest he would provide them Corne sufficient, but as yet it
being the latter end of June, there was little or none in all the
Country.
This being made knowne to the Governour and the rest, they
sent Captaine Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and some six and
thirtie men: those Croshaw a good time taught the use of their
armes, but receiving a letter from Boyse his Wife, a prisoner with
nineteene more at Pamaunke, to use meanes to the Governour for
their libertie;
great men to goe with him to James towne, and eight daies after to
send foure of his counsell to Pamaunke, there to stay till he sent one
of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send two of
his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners, and
Commanders, at James towne, it seemes, liked not of it, and so sent
the Patawomekes backe againe to their owne Countrie, and Captaine
Croshaw to his owne habitation.
All this time we have forgot Captaine Nuse,
where we lefthim but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his next
adjoyning dispersed neighbours together, he regarded not the
pestring his owne house, nor any thing to releeve them, and with all
speed entrenched himselfe, mounted three peece of Ordnance, so
that within 14. daies, he was strong enough to defend himselfe from
all the Salvages, yet when victuall grew scant, some that would
forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned a
mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaved himselfe so fatherly and
kindly to them all, they built two houses for them he daily expected
from England, a faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke,
because the River and Cricks are there brackish or salt; in all which
things he plaied the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any
thing; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled, he found
his body was not made of Iron, for hee had many sicknesses, and at
last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to himselfe, then sorrow to his Wife
and all under his government. These crosses and losses were || no
small increasers of his malady, nor the thus abandoning our Plantations,
the losse of our Harvest, and also Tobacco which was as our
money; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought to a good
forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed with Deere, and all things
erethey came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild
beasts; so that as we are I cannot perceive but the next yeere will
be worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and
covetousnesse as though they had vowed heere to keepe their Court
with all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, inchanted
with a conceited statelinesse, even in the very bottome of
miserable senselesnesse.
Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William Powel,
tooke each of them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and
others to seeke their enemies.
could see nothing but their old houses which he burnt, and so went
home: Powel searching another part, found them all fled but three
he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off, burnt their houses,
and so returned; for the Salvages are so light and swift, though
advantage of us though they be cowards.
I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose they are
grown invincible: but will any goe to catch a Hare with a Taber and
a Pipe?
and beasts, fish and fowle, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest,
cruellest, fiercest and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy,
courage and industry hath beene slaine, subjected or made tame,
and those are still but Salvages as they were, onely growne more
bold by our owne simplicities, and still will be worse and worse till
they be tormented with a continuall pursuit, and not with lying
inclosed within Palizados, or affrighting them out of your sights,
thinking they have done well, can but defend themselves: and to
doe this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and
experience. But to their proceedings.
About the latter end of June, Sir George Yearley accompanied
with the Councell, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the
Land, stayed three or foure daies with Captaine Nuse, he making
his moane
his Company, the great Commander replied hee should turne them
to his greene Corne, which would make them plumpe and fat:
these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded and
preserved then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call
them, was quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne
either to the greatnesse or goodnesse, they devoured it greene
though it did them small good. Sir George with his company went
to Accomack to his new Plantation, where he staied neere six
weekes; some Corne he brought home, but as he adventured for
himselfe, he accordingly enjoyed the benefit; some pety Magazines
came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or want
of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better
by them. So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part; but
now all being spent, and the people forced to live upon Oisters and
Crabs, they became so faint no worke could be done; and where the
Law was, no worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat,
no worke; some small quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had
of his owne, and that he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion;
I say gratis, for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready
paiment: those eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though
the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till they were hanged;
and this I protest before God is true that I have related, not to
flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I have lived in
Virginia, I have not seene nor heard that any Commander hath
taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good
for himselfe, and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and
compassionate according to her power. For my owne part, although
I found neither Mulberies planted, houses built, || men nor victuall
provided, as the honourable Adventurers did promise mee in
England; yet at my owne charge, having made these preparations,
and the silke-Wormes ready to be covered, all was lost, but my
poore life and children, by the Massacre, the which as God in his
mercy did preserve, I continually pray we may spend to his glory.
The 9. of September, we had an alarum, and two men at their
labours slaine; the Captaine, though extreme sicke, sallied forth,
but the Salvages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they
destroyed all they could, and killed two men more, much mischiefe
they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his
house though his men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this
was our first assault since the Massacre.
About this time Captaine Madyson passed by us, having taken
Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and
thus it happened;
Salvages as Croshaw did, built him a strong house within the Fort,
so that they were not so sociable as before, nor did they much like
Poole the Interpreter; many Alarums they had, but saw no enemies:
Madyson before his building went to Moyaones, where hee got
provision for a moneth, and was promised much more, so he returned
to Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the
Salvages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamaunke
for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but
they could neither deliver it nor see them: so long they stayed that
the King grew doubtfull of their bad usage, that hee swore by the
Skyes, if they returned not well, he would have warres with
Opechankanough so long as he had any thing: at this time two of
Madysons men ranne from him, to finde them he sent Master
John Upton and three more with an Indian guide to Nazatica,
where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of
his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks; this
yet hee loved not the King because he would not helpe him to
revenge his injuries, but to our Interpreter Poole hee protested great
love, promising if any treason were, he would reveale it; our guide
conducted this Bandyto with them up to Patawomek, and there
kept him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had taken and
brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamaunke;
not long after, this expulsed King desired private conference with
Poole, urging him to sweare by his God never to reveale what hee
would tell him, Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King,
those great men that went to Pamaunke, went not as you suppose
they pretended, but to contract with Opechankanough how to kill
you all here, and these are their plots.
First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing to their
furthest towne, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest; if that
faile, they will faine a place where are many strangers would trade
their Furres, where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade,
and there murder you and kill them at home; and if this faile also,
then they will make Alarums two nights together, to tire you out
with watching, and then set upon you, yet of all this, said he, there
is none acquainted but the King and the great Conjurer.
This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more
punctually upon our guard, at which the Salvages wondering,
desired to know the cause; we told them we expected some assault
from the Pamaunkes, whereat they seemed contented, and the next
day the King went on hunting with two of our men, and the other
a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from
James towne with the two Salvages, sent home with Captaine
Croshaw: by those the Governour sent to Madyson, that this King
should send him twelve of his great men; word of this was sent to
the King at another towne where he was, who not comming presently
with the Messenger, Madyson conceited hee regarded not the
message, and intended as he supposed the same treason. The next
morning the King comming home, being sent for, he came to the
Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then the
Captaine fained his returne to James towne, the || King told him he
might if he would, but desired not to leave him destitute of aid,
having so many enemies about him; the Captaine told him he
would leave a guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelve
great men for the Governour; the King replied, his enemies lay so
about him he could not spare them, then the Captaine desired his
sonne and one other; my sonne, said the King, is gone abroad
about businesse, but the other you desire you shall have, and that
other sits by him, but that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson
went forth and locked the doore, leaving the King, his sonne, and
foure Salvages, and five English men in the strong house, and
men, women and children; the King demanding the cause, Poole
told him the treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from
such cruelty: but having slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee
returned, taxing the poore King of treason, who denied to the death
not to know of any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them
that told it, onely to kill mee for being your friend. Then Madyson
willed him, to command none of his men should shoot at him as he
went aboord, which he presently did, and it was performed: so
Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and two more to
his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should returne
at libertie; notwithstanding he brought them to James towne,
where they lay some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine
Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for
New found Land.
Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene
supposed the King of Spaine would invade them, or our English
Papists indevour to dissolve them. But neither all the Counsels of
Spaine, nor Papists in the world could have devised a better course
to bring them all to ruine, then thus to abuse their friends,
could there ever have beene a better plot, to have overthrowne
Opechankanough then Captaine Chroshaws, had it beene fully
managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see Virginia
made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends
for victory.
Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer little was
done, but securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which passes
there as current Silver, and by the oft turning and winding
some grow rich, but many poore, notwithstanding ten or twelve
ships or more hath arrived there since the massacre, although it was
Christmas ereany returned, and that returne greatly revived all
mens longing expectation here in England: for they brought newes,
that notwithstanding their extreme sicknesse many were recovered,
and finding the Salvages did not much trouble them, except it were
sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the
better in securitie, they sought no revenge till their Corne was ripe,
then they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they
themselves amongst the Salvages to surprize their Corne, under the
conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in convenient
shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise, they went first
to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on their owne houses, and
spoiled what they could, and then fled with what they could carry;
so that the English did make no slaughter amongst them for revenge.
Their Corne fields being newly gathered, they surprized all they
found, burnt the houses remained unburnt, and so departed.
Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set, Samuell
Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very well acquainted
with their language and habitation, humors and conditions, and
Governor of a Towne, when the Watch was set going the round,
unfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine.
Thence they sailed to Pamaunke, the chiefe seat of Opechankanough,
the contriver of the massacre: the Salvages seemed
exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them Sara,
the English yet living, with all the Armes, and what they had to
restore, much desiring peace, and to give them any satisfaction they
could. Many such devices they fained to procrastinate the time ten
or twelve daies, till they had got away their Corne from all the other
places up the River, but that where the English kept their quarter:
at last, when they saw all those promises were but delusions, they
seised on all the Corne there was, set fire on their houses: and in
following the Salvages that fled before them, some few of those naked
Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men
marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt
some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning
their empty houses before them as they went to make themselves
sport: so they escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where
for our paines we had three bushels apeece, but we were enjoyned
before we had it, to pay ten shillings the bushell for fraught and
other charges. Thus by this meanes the Salvages are like as they
report, to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of our
men are returned to their former Plantations.
What other passages or impediments hapned in their proceedings,
that they were not fully revenged of the Salvages before they
returned, I know not; nor could ever heare more, but that they
supposed they slew two, and how it was impossible for any men to
doe more then they did: yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus
Mexico, where thousands of Salvages dwelled in strong houses:
but because they were a civilized people, had wealth, and those
meere Barbarians as wilde as beasts have nothing; I intreat your
patience to tell you my opinion, which if it be Gods pleasure I shall
not live to put in practice, yet it may be hereafter usefull for some,
but howsoever I hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is.
Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I would
have sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chroshaw to
Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, the which but
with daily exercising them, would have struck that love and admiration
into the Patowomeks, and terror and amazement into his
enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated upon the other
side the River, they would willingly have beene friends, or have
given any composition they could, before they would be tormented
with such a visible feare.
Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines
those to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and
neither my selfe that first found them, Captaine Argall, Chroshow,
nor Hamar, never found themselves in fifteene yeares trials: nor is it
likely now they would have so hostaged their men, suffer the building
of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them, had they
intended any villany; but suppose they had, who would have
desired a better advantage then such an advertisement, to have
prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a poore
Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but five men in
it durst discharge a peece: Therefore a man not well knowing their
conditions, may be as wel too jealous as too carelesse; Such another
Lope Skonce
men more to have made such another at Atquacke upon the River
of Toppahanock, which is not past thirteene miles distant from
Onawmanient: each of which twelve men would keepe, as well
as twelve thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there
should be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily
have beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion, especially
at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe, their
beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to
every creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want
victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should
have done the like at Ozinieke, upon the River of Chickahamania,
not past six || miles from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough.
of each of those Rivers to looke to themselves. Then
having so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was
at that present, with what facility might you have landed two
hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely five or six Boats in
one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more
that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randivous at
Pamaunke it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare
from each other within foure or five houres, and not any of those small
parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but
as sufficient as foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or
take or spoile all they had. For having thus so many convenient
randevous to releeve each other, though all the whole Countries had
beene our enemies, where could they rest, but in the depth of
Winter we might burne all the houses upon all those Rivers in two
or three daies? Then without fires they could not live, which they
could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly so tire them with
watching and warding, they would be so weary of their lives, as
either fly all their Countries, or give all they had to be released of
such an hourely misery. Now if but a small number of the Salvages
would assist us, as there is no question but divers of them would;
And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to
beleeve they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best
governed people in the world. All the Pamaunkes might have beene
dispatched as well in a moneth as a yeare, and then to have dealt
with any other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toile
and danger but a recreation.
If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe
I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house
with the people, if not a whole towne in a night, or incounter all
the power they could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large
hath beene related: And it seemes by these small parties last amongst
them, by Captaine Crashow, Hamar, and Madyson, they are not
growne to that excellency in policy and courage but they might bee
encountred, and their wives and children apprehended. I know I
shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe,
because the judiciall know there are few such Souldiers as are my
examples, have writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or can
tell my intents better then my selfe.
Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling
Irons in the fire some must burne; but I thinke no if they have men
enow know how to worke them, but howsoever, it were better some
burne then have none at all. The King of Spaine regards but how
many powerfull Kingdomes he keepes under his obedience, and for
the Salvage Countries he hath subjected, they are more then enow
for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three Mole-hills so
much to us; and so many Empires so little for him? For my owne
part, I cannot chuse but grieve, that the actions of an Englishman
should be inferior to any, and that the command of England should
not be as great as any Monarchy that ever was since the world
began, I meane not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendome, but to
suppresse her disturbers, and conquer her enemies.
The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land,
Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended,
And yet that Nation could not be contented.
Much about this time arrived a small Barke of Barnestable,
which had beene at the Summer Iles, and in her Captaine Nathaniel
Butler,
Commission expired, he tooke the opportunity of this ship to see
Virginia: at James Towne he was kindly entertained || by Sir
Francis Wyat the Governor. After he had rested there foureteene
daies, he fell up with his ship to the River of Chickahamania, where
meeting Captaine William Powell, joyning together such forces as
they had to the number of eighty, they set upon the Chickahamanians,
that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all they had,
not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to James towne, where
hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned
for England.
But riding at Kecoughtan, Master John Argent,
sonne to DoctorArgent, a young Gentleman that went with Captaine Butler
from England to this place, Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius
May, and one other going ashore with some goods late in a faire
River, in that place at least three or foure miles in bredth, where
the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating upon
the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and oft up to
the chin: So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir
of powder in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for
it being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so
benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a steele and a
stone hee had in his pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those
poore soules groping in the darke, it was Master Argents chance to
finde it, and with a few withered leaves, reeds, and brush, make a
small fire, being upon the Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies,
great was their feare to be discovered. The joyfull morning appearing,
they found their Boat and goods drive ashore, not farre from them,
but so split shee was unserviceable: but so much was the frost, their
clothes did freeze upon their backs, for they durst not make any
great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Salvages might
discry them, so that one of them died the next day, and the next
night digging a grave in the Sands with their hands, buried him.
In this bodily feare they lived and fasted two daies and nights, then
two of them went into the Land to seeke fresh water; the others to
the Boat to get some meale and oyle, Argent and his Comrado
found a Canow, in which they resolved to adventure to their ship,
but shee was a drift in the River before they returned: thus frustrate
of all hopes. Captaine Butler the third night ranging the shore in
his Boat to seeke them, discharged his Muskets, but they supposing
it some Salvages had got some English peeces, they grew more
perplexed then ever, so he returned and lost his labour. The fourth
day they unloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes with their
handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out the
water; but farre they went not erethe water grew upon them so fast,
and they so tired, they thought themselves happy to be on shore
againe, though they perceived the Indians were not farre off by
their fires. Thus at the very period of despaire, Fuller undertooke to
sit a stride upon a little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased
God the wind and tide served, by padling with his hands and feet
in the water, beyond all expectation God so guided him three or
foure houres upon this boord, he arrived at their ship, where they
no lesse amazed then he tired, they tooke him in. Presently as he
had concluded with his Companions, he caused them discharge a
peece of Ordnance if he escaped, which gave no lesse comfort to
Master Argent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations that
heard it, (being late) at such an unexpected alarum: but after, with
warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recovered
him, such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he
returned that night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to
pleased his Divine power, both they and their provision came safely
aboord, but Fuller they doubt will never recover his benumbed
legs and thighes.
Now before Butlers arrivall in England, many hard speeches
were rumored against him for so leaving his charge, before he
received order from the Company: Divers againe of his Souldiers
as highly commended him, for his good go- || vernment, art, judgement
and industry. But to make the misery of Virginia appeare that
it might be reformed in time, how all those Cities, Townes, Corporations,
Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberies, Glasse-houses,
Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes, Colleges, the Companies
great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of here, are rather
things in words and paper then in effect, with divers reasons of the
causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor shame could
not be too much: but if there bee such defects in the government,
and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath beene too
long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then disputation:
but however, it were not amisse to provide for the worst, for the
best will help it selfe.
hardly, and examined with that passion, that the brute thereof was
spread abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the
massacre; and the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be
attributed to the unwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of
the Countrey, as though all England were naught, because the
Fens and Marshes are unhealthy; or barren, because some will lie
under windowes and starve in Cheap-side, rot in Goales, die in the
street, high-waies, or any where, and use a thousand devices to
maintaine themselves in those miseries, rather then take any paines,
to live as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such like
are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those defailements.
In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this,
Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath lived in those
Countries thirteene or foureteene yeares, one of the best Interpreters
in the Land, being furnished with a Barke and six and twentie men,
hee was sent to trucke in the River of Patawomek, where he had
lived a long time amongst the Salvages, whether hee presumed too
much upon his acquaintance amongst them, or they sought to be
revenged of any for the slaughter made amongst them by the
severall relations, but it seemes but imaginary: for then returned
report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the
place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but five in
the Barke, the Salvages erethey suspected any thing, boorded
them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were
amazed, till a Sailer gave fire to a peece of Ordnance onely at
randome; at the report whereof, the Salvages leapt over-boord, so
distracted with feare, they left their Canowes and swum a shore;
and presently after they heard a great brute amongst the Salvages
a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke, whereupon
they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised
or slaine, is uncertaine.
How Captaine
Spilman was
left in the
River of
Patawomek.
The Earle of
Southampton
Treasurer.
A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or
single persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to Virginia,
whereby greater numbers may in part conceive the better how
to provide for themselves.
| Apparell. | |||
| A Monmoth Cap. | 1s. | 10d. | |
| 3 falling bands. | 1s. | 3d. | |
| 3 shirts. | 7s. | 6d. | |
| 1 Waste-coat. | 2s. | 2d. | |
| 1 suit of Canvase. | 7s. | 6d. | |
| 1 suit of Frize. | 10s. | ||
| 1 suit of Cloth. | 15s. | ||
| 3 paire of Irish stockings. | 4s. | ||
| 4 paire of shooes. | 8s. | 8d. | |
| 1 paire of garters. | 10d. | ||
| 1 dozen of points. | 3d. | ||
| || 1 paire of Canvas sheets. | 8s. | ||
| 7 ells of Canvas to make a bed and boulster, to be filled in Virginia, serving for two men. |
8s. | ||
| 5 ells of course Canvas to make a bed at Sea for two men. |
5s. | ||
| 1 course rug at sea for two men. |
6s. | ||
| 4l. |
| 8 bushels of meale. | 2l. | ||
| 2 bushels of pease. | 6s. | ||
| 2 bushels of Otemeale. | 9s. | ||
| 1 gallon of Aquavité. | 2s. | 6d. | |
| 1 gallon of oyle. | 3s. | 6d. | |
| 2 gallons of Vineger. | 2s. | ||
| 3l. | 3s. |
| 1 Armor compleat, light. | 17s. | ||
| 1 long peece five foot and a halfe, neere Musket bore. |
1l. | 2s. | |
| 1 Sword. | 5s. | ||
| 1 Belt. | 1s. | ||
| 1 Bandilier. | 1s. | 6d. | |
| 20 pound of powder. | 18s. | ||
| 60 pound of shot or Lead, Pistoll and Goose shot. |
5s. | ||
| 3l. | 9s. | 6d. |
| 5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. | 10s. | ||
| 5 narrow howes at 16d. a peece. |
6s. | 8d. | |
| 2 broad axes at 3s. 8d. a peece. |
7s. | 4d. | |
| 5 felling axes at 18d. a peece. | 7s. | 6d. | |
| 2 steele handsawes at 16d. a peece. |
2s. | 8d. | |
| 2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. |
10s. | ||
| 1 whipsaw, set and filed, with box, file and wrest. |
10s. | ||
| 2 hammers 12d. a peece. | 2s. | ||
| 3 shovels 18d. a peece. | 4s. | 6d. | |
| 2 spades at 18d. a peece. | 3s. | ||
| 2 Augers at 6d. peece. | 1s. | ||
| 6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. | 3s | ||
| 2 percers stocked 4d. a peece. | 8d. | ||
| 3 Gimblets at 2d. a peece. | 6d. | ||
| 2 Hatchets at 21d. a peece. | 3s. | 6d. | |
| 2 frowes to cleave pale 18d. each |
3s. | ||
| 2 hand Bills 20d. a peece. | 3s. | 4d. | |
| 1 Grindstone. | 4s. | ||
| Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2l. | |||
| 2 Pickaxes. | 3s. | ||
| 6l. | 2s. | 8d. |
| 1 Iron pot. | 7s. | ||
| 1 Kettell. | 6s. | ||
| 1 large Frying pan. | 2s. | 6d. | |
| 1 Gridiron. | 1s. | 6d. | |
| 2 Skellets. | 5s. | ||
| 1 Spit. | 2s. | ||
| Platters, dishes, spoones of wood | 4s. | ||
| 1l. | 8s. |
| For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at Sea for six men. |
12s. | 6d. | |
| So the full charge after this rate for each person, will amount about the summe of |
12l. | 10s. | |
| The passage of each man in 6l. | |||
| The fraught of these provisions for a man, will be about halfe a tun, which is |
1l. | 10s. | |
| So the whole charge will amount to about |
20l. |
Now if the number be great, Nets, Hooks and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon,
Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the usuall proportion the Virginia
Company doe bestow upon their Tenents they send.
A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Majesties
Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning
some aspersions against it.
HONOURABLE Gentlemen, for so many faire and Navigable Rivers
so neere adjoyning, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall
Land, free from any inundations, or large Fenny unwholsome
Marshes, I have not seene, read, nor heard of: And for the building
of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if they will use the meanes, where
there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature in few places affoords any
so convenient. For salt Marshes or Quagmires, || in this tract of
James Towne River I know very few; some small Marshes and
Swamps there are, but more profitable then hurtfull: and I thinke
there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then
Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty
miles
Being enjoyned by our Commission
not to unplant nor wrongthe Salvages, because the channell was so neere the shore, where
now is James Towne, then a thicke grove of trees; wee cut them
downe, where the Salvages pretending as much kindnesse as could
bee, they hurt and slew one and twenty of us in two houres: At this
time our diet was for most part water and bran, and three ounces
of little better stuffe in bread for five men a meale, and thus we lived
neere three moneths: our lodgings under boughes of trees, the
Salvages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor understood;
occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die.
Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try conclusions
amongst the Salvages, that we got provision which recovered
the rest being most sicke. Six weeks
Barbarians, though some of my men were slaine, and the rest fled,
yet it pleased God to make their great Kings daughter the means
to returne me safe to James towne, and releeve our wants, and then
our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty, the remainder of
one hundred and five.
Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelve
men in a boat of three tuns, I spent foureteene weeks in those large
waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted by the skale
of proportion, was about three thousand miles, besides the River
we dwell upon, where no Christian knowne ever was, and our diet
for the most part what we could finde, yet but one died.
The Salvages being acquainted, that by command from England
we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned; that famine and
their insolencies did force me to breake our Commission and
instructions, cause Powhatanfly his Countrey, and take the King
of Pamaunke Prisoner; and also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in
shackels, and put his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and
thirty
Salvages sent to James towne to punish at our owne discretions: in
the two last yeares I staied there, I had not a man slaine.
All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad events
of pride and idlenesse, having received another supply of seventie,
we were about two hundred in all, but not twentie work-men: In
following the strict directions from England to doe that was impossible
at that time; So it hapned, that neither wee nor they had
any thing to eat, but what the Countrey afforded naturally; yet of
eightie who lived upon Oysters in June and July, with a pint of
corne a week for a man lying under trees, and 120 for the most
part living upon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it to
powder for meale, yet in ten weeks but seven died.
It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, and Munition sufficient,
some Aquavitæ, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Otemeale, but in two
yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six moneths, though by the bils
of loading the proportions sent us, would well have contented us,
notwithstanding we sent home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope
Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion
and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and blacke Walnut, crowned
Powhaton, sought the Monacans Countrey, according to the
instructions sent us, but they caused us neglect more necessary
workes: they had better have given for Pitch and Sope ashes one
hundred pound a tun in Denmarke: Wee also maintained five or
six severall Plantations.
James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts more,
besides the Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie
severall houses to keepe us warme and dry, invironed with a palizado
men could carrie. We digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort,
where wee had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece of Ord-
||nance, of Culvering, Demiculvering, Sacar and Falcon, and most
well mounted upon convenient plat-formes, planted one hundred
acres of Corne. We had but six ships to transport and supply us,
and but two hundred seventy seven men, boies, and women, by
whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection,
the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small
meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our
Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed us
neere as many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither
knew us nor wee them, without our consents or knowledge; since
there have gone more then one hundred ships of other proportions,
and eight or ten thousand people. Now if you please to compare
what hath beene spent, sent, discovered and done this fifteene yeares,
by that we did in the three first yeares, and every Governor that
hath beene there since, give you but such an account as this, you
may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters in
Virginia.
Then came in Captaine Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship
of Master Cornelius,
provision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better
furnished then ever.
Not long after came in seven ships, with about three hundred
people; but rather to supplant us then supply us, their Admirall
with their authoritie being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry
they were we had made no better provision for them. Seven or
eight weekes we withstood the inundations of these disorderly
humors, till I was neere blowne to death with Gun-powder, which
occasioned me to returne for England.
In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas,
I left the Countrey, as isformerly related, with three ships, seven Boats, Commodities to
trade, harvest newly gathered, eight weeks provision of Corne and
powder, and match, with armes for more men then we had. The
Salvages their language and habitation, well knowne to two hundred
expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to
supply their wants: six Mares and a Horse, five or six hundred
Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but victuall
there remained.
Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred
pounds
neere as much more about New England, etc. Thus these nineteene
yeares I have here and there not spared any thing according to my
abilitie, nor the best advice I could, to perswade how those strange
miracles of misery might have beene prevented, which lamentable
experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would
beleeve me till now too deerely they have paid for it. Wherefore
hitherto I have rather left all then undertake impossibilities, or any
more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of
those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor the very house I
builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor ever any
content or satisfaction at all, and though I see ordinarily those two
Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor
knowes them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much
trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and divisions
which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present
remedy bee not found, as they have hindred many hundreds, who
would have beene there erenow, and makes them yet that are willing
to stand in a demurre.
For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him that
will shew me so much for so little recompence, and beare with their
errors till I have done better. For the materials in them I cannot
deny, but am ready to affirme them both there and here, upon such
grounds as I have propounded, which is to have but one hundred
fifty men to subdue againe the Salvages, fortifie the Countrey,
discover that yet unknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony,
which I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciall judgement,
and the most honourable Lords of his || Privy Councell, you his
trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable
company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England
and Sommer-Ilands.
Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners
for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to
these seven Questions.
Question 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation
hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse?
Answer. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in
three yeeres in six moneths to nothing, and of five hundred
I left, scarce threescore remained, and had Sir Thomas
Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene
all dead before they could be supplied.
Question 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though
the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco?
Answer. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes
every man make use of his time, and because Corne was
stinted
at three shillings the pound, and they value a mans labour
a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not
worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them
with all things; now make a mans labour in Corne worth
threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man,
then shall they have Corne sufficient to entertaine all
commers, and keepe their people in health to doe any thing,
but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose.
Question 3. What conceive you to have beene the cause of the
Massacre, and had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your
time, or when, or by whom they were taught?
Answer. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall
discipline, and because they would have all the
English had by destroying those they found so carelesly
secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves
against any enemy, being so dispersed as they were. In my
time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords
by truck, and many fugitives did the like, and some Peeces
they got accidentally, yet I got the most of them againe, and
it was death to him that should shew a Salvage the use of a
Peece. Since I understand they became so good shot, they
were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.
Question 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the
government both for defence and planting when you left it?
Answer. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good
labourers and mechanicall men, and have furnished them
with cattle and all necessaries, and 100. of them would have
done more then a thousand of those that went, though
the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas
Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary,
but when they had tried, they confessed their error.
Question 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the
charge?
Answer. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of
labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there
by next Michaelmas,
in five thousand pound, but if his Majesty would please to
lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serve,
besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage
all men.
Question 6. What thinke you are the defects of the government
both here and there?
Answer. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers
there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that
as much time is spent in complement
besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, having
six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for
every tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may
now better be procured then one at the first, when the
common stocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, provisions
and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions
much sicknesse, diseases and mortality, for though all
the Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then
all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses
and hopes. As for the letters of advice from hence, and
their answers thence, they are so well written, men would
beleeve there were no great doubt of the performance, and
that all things were wel, to which error here they have
beene ever much subject; and there not to beleeve, or not
to releeve the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose
fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and
this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are
not sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they
thinke, or will not take notice; but it is so with all men: but
howsoever they thinke or dispose of all things at their
others have not onely spent the most of their estates, but
the most part have lost their lives and all, onely but to
make way for the triall of more new conclusions, and he that
now will adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, shall
have better respect and as much favour then he that sixteene
yeere agoe adventured as much, except he have
money as the other hath, but though he have adventured
five hundred pound, and spent there never so much time,
if hee have no more and not able to begin a family of
himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.
But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of
one purse, till those new devices have consumed both
mony and purse; for at first there were but six Patentees,
now more then a thousand,
now not lesse then an hundred; I speake not of all, for
there are some both honourable and honest, but of those
Officers, which did they manage their owne estates no
better then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall
to decay so well as it; but this is most evident, few Officers
in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all
their complaints would leave their places, neither yet any
of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be
at home, but fewer Adventurers here will adventure any
more till they see the businesse better established, although
there be some so wilfully improvident they care for nothing
but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want
themselves, they die or live but poorely for want of necessaries,
and to thinke the old Planters can releeve them
were too much simplicity; for who here in England is so
charitable to feed two or three strangers, have they never
so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for
themselves. Now the generall complaint saith, that pride,
covetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that
ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the comminalty at what
rate they please, yea even men, women and children for
who will give most, occasions no small mischiefe amongst
the Planters.
As for the Company, or those that doe transport them,
provided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receive
should not have the same privilege over their servants as
here, but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore
pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or
ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be
maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is
odious, and their fruits sutable, therefore such merchants it
were better they were made such merchandize themselves,
then suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are
defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth
to misery, much more Virginia.
Question 7. How thinke you it may be rectified?
Answer. If his Majestie would please to intitle it to his
Crowne, and yearely that both the Governours here and
there may give their accounts to you, or some that are
not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke bee
not spent in || maintaining one hundred men for the
Governour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the
Treasurer, five and twenty for the Secretary, and more for
the Marshall and other Officers who were never there nor
adventured any thing, but onely preferred by favour to be
Lords over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and
must teach them what to doe. If any thing happen well, it
is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in all
dangers must endure the worst, yet not five hundred of them
have so much as one of the others; also that there bee some
present course taken to maintaine a Garrison to suppresse
the Salvages, till they be able to subsist, and that his
Majesty would please to remit his custome, or it is to be
feared they will lose custome and all, for this cannot be
done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but
with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them,
not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the
lawes in England. Yet when the foundation is laid, as I have
said, and a common-wealth established, then such there
may better be constrained to labour then here: but to rectifie
a common-wealth with debaushed
and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society,
that intends honestly, and knowes what he undertakes, for
there is no Country to pillage as the Romans found: all you
expect from thence must be by labour.
For the government I thinke there is as much adoe
about it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men
stately Offices as Officers with their attendants, as there are
labourers in the Countrey, where a Constable were as
good as twenty of their Captaines, and three hundred good
Souldiers and labourers better then all the rest that goe
onely to get the fruits of other mens labours by the title of an
office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer
Moone, and would gather their Harvest before they have
planted their Corne.
As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that
went never demanded any, but adventured good summes,
and it seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours,
besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand
pounds,
Officers could not maintaine themselves so well as the old
did, and having now such liberty to doe to the Salvages
what they will, the others had not. I more then wonder
they have not five hundred Salvages to worke for them
towards their generall maintenance, and as many more
to returne some content and satisfaction to the Adventurers,
that for all their care, charge and diligence, can heare nor
see nothing but miserable complaints; therefore under
your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to passe
the authority to them who will releeve them, lest all bee
consumed erethe differences be determined. And except
his Majestie undertake it, or by Act of Parlament some
small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a
Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny; two pence
upon every Chimney, or some such collection might be
raised, and that would be sufficient to give a good stocke,
and many servants to sufficient men of any facultie, and
transport them freely for paying onely homage to the
Crowne of England, and such duties to the publike good
as their estates increased reason should require. Were this
put in practice, how many people of what quality you
please, for all those disasters would yet gladly goe to spend
their lives there, and by this meanes more good might be
done in one yeere, then all those pety particular undertakings
will effect in twenty.
For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take
it from them that have it, then from us who had it first,
pretending to his Majesty what great matters they would
doe, and how little we did, and for any thing I can conceive,
had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could
have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments
are not without much charge, hazard and losse. If I
requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the
Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in their || Purses
and assistances many of them have beene to advance it, committing
the managing of the businesse to inferiour persons,
amongst whom questionlesse also many have done their
utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit,
opinion and understanding; yet grosse errors have beene
committed, but no man lives without his fault; for my
owne part, I have so much adoe to amend my owne, I
have no leisure to looke into any mans particular, but
those in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly
rest
Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among
themselves, nor yet by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines
of the noble and right worthy Commissioners,
Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Gofton, Sir Richard Sutton,
Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William Pit; a Quo warranto was
granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30. others of that
party to plead their causes before the Judges in Westminster hall:
now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations, and intercepting
of all Letters whatsoever came from thence, yet it seemes
they were so farre unsatisfied and desired to know the truth, as well
for the preservation of the Colony, as to give content and doe all
men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true
estate of the Colony. Upon whose returne after mature deliberation,
it pleased his royall Majesty to suppresse the course of the Court at
Deputy Farrars, and that for the present ordering the affaires of
Virginia, untill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the
Lord Viscount Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Privie
Councell, and also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding
Knights and Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the afternoone
meet at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane, where all men
whom it should concerne may repaire, to receive such directions
and warrant for their better security, as more at large you may see
in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great Seale of England,
dated the 15. of July, 1624. But as for the relations last returned,
and houses, cattle and horse they have, what fortifications or
discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Salvages; who are
their friends or foes, or what commodities they have more then
Tobacco, and their present estate or what is presently to be put in
execution, in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in
the one, nor resolved in the other, at this present time when this
went to the Presse, I must intreat you pardon me till I be better
assured.
Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not
being ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be wrested,
tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaves; that I have writ
too much of some, too little of others, and many such like objections.
To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to
doe it,
knowledge, they must excuse me: as for every fatherles or stolne
relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them
to the charge of them that desire them. I thanke God I never
undertooke any thing yet any could tax me of carelesnesse or
dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome?
Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places with me
but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be they
would judge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must
leave all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations,
of all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse
of the action and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.
FINIS.
1. Whether it was outside pressure to get copy ready for the "other printer" (Haviland,
who began his pagination with p. 105), uncertainty about what attitude to take toward
the Virginia Company (then in process of dissolution), or Smith's own indecision as
to where his real interests lay (Virginia vs. New England), Bk. IV is less well organized
than the rest of the Generall Historie, even including that random supplement appended to
his True Travels five years later (q.v.). Indeed, it is seldom more than a pastiche of borrowings
mixed with Smith's own material, loosely bound together by a determination to set
forth his expertise in colonial matters. Yet apart from its occasional irksomeness, Bk. IV is
extremely valuable, both as a primary source and as a key to Smith.
2. This section, through the notation "Out of the observations of William Simmons
Doctor of Divinitie" (p. 106), includes only material taken from the Proceedings, 104-107.
3. This seems to be Capt. James Davies (or Davis) who, with his brother Robert,
sailed with Gates's fleet in 1609 in the pinnace built at Sagadahoc (Maine). He was later
governor of the fort at Old Point Comfort (see Henry O. Thayer, ed., The Sagadahoc
Colony, Gorges Society [Portland, Me., 1892]; Hamor's "Discourse" [p. 110n, below]; and
p. 119, below). Smith "returned for England" c. Oct. 4, 1609 (Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages, II, 283-285; and p. 70n, above).
4. Smith apparently first learned that Sicklemore used Ratcliffe (variously spelled)
as an alias only after they had been in Virginia for some time (see the Biographical
Directory).
1. The details have evidently been supplied by someone who survived the winter (cf.
George Percy, "A Trewe Relacyon ...," Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine,
III [1922], 266-267), with an added statistical comment: "of fyve hundrethe men we
had onely lefte Aboutt sixty" (p. 269). "Carbonado'd" meant grilled over coals; "powdered,"
salted.
3. The passage beginning "whereby you may see ..." has been added to the account
in the Proceedings, 106, and could be attributed to William Symonds, as stated below, since
he was created D.D. in 1613, a year after the Proceedings was published. In that case, the
parenthetical comment should probably be punctuated with a question mark. If on the
other hand Smith himself added the observation, the question is rhetorical, and the punctuation
is correct according to the standard of the time.
1. This is probably based on William Strachey's "True Reportory," then in MS, but
printed in 1625 (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1752); see the Biographical Directory, s.v. Strachey,
William.
1. From Fotherby's translation of Manilius (Atheomastix, 329), a Roman poet of the
first century a.d. and the author of the Astronomica.
2. Again based on Strachey (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1754). Below, "restie" was a variant
of "resty"; lazy, indolent.
2. Box returned to England with Lord De La Warr (see p. 90n, above). Much of his
account parallels Percy's "Trewe Relacyon," Tyler's Qtly., III (1922), 270-275.
1. Figuratively used in the sense of "pretext"; the original "Relation" has, more
correctly, "the colour."
2. On De La Warr's sickness, see Wyndham B. Blanton, "Epidemics, Real and
Imaginary ...," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, XXI (1957), 455.
1. Isle of Wight, on the Solent; De La Warr arrived in London, June 21, 1611, and
reported to the council of Virginia, June 25 (see n., following).
3. I.e., Hamor's True Discourse. Smith's extracts are well put together, although they
are out of sequence and omit some interesting passages.
4. Hamor has "eight months" (ibid., 26); the two forts were on either side of modern
Hampton River. The rest of the sentence means that although they planted late in the
season, they had a reasonable crop.
1. This was the Lawes Divine, Morall and Martiall ..., ed. William Strachey (London,
1612), which was, and is, a controversial code (see the reprint, ed. David H. Flaherty
[Charlottesville, Va., 1969]).
2. Here for half a paragraph Smith rises to the defense of his friend Jeffrey Abbot
(see the Biographical Directory).
3. Cf. True Relation, sig. B4v, n. "w". For further discussion of Ocanahowan, see
Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments from
Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference,
1975 (Ottawa, 1976), 2-17.
1. Henrico was located in a great bend of the James now called Farrar's Island, where
a cutoff has changed the river's course (see Robert Hunt Land, "Henrico and Its College,"
WMQ, 2d Ser., XVIII [1938], 453-498; and Charles E. Hatch, Jr., The First Seventeen
Years: Virginia, 1607-1624, Jamestown 350th Anniversary Historical Booklet No. 6
[Williamsburg, Va., 1957], 50-52). Above, "pale" means "sturdy fence."
2. "Margin, edge." For houses or foundations "to bee built of Bricke," see J. C.
Harrington, "Seventeenth Century Brickmaking and Tilemaking at Jamestown, Virginia,"
VMHB, LXVIII (1950), 16-17, and nn, with soundly based surmises.
3. Read: "sufficient, if no more corn-ground were secured in the colony, to maintain
more men than will come there in three years." Smith has cut Hamor carelessly.
2. "Sick [person]"; a Spanish word Dale probably picked up in the Netherlands;
there was, however, a Mont Malade near Rouen in France.
3. This was the end of Opossunoquonuske's village; she herself had been killed a year
or so before (see p. 49n, above; and Strachey, Historie, 64).
1. Cf. "some forty and odde miles" (Hamor, True Discourse, 33); Smith's figure is
accurate by modern measurement.
4. Added by Smith, who must have known the man, although he did not mention
him in the Proceedings (cf. Hamor, True Discourse, 33). The episode is discussed in Barbour,
Pocahontas, 98-111.
1. Smith's melodrama; Hamor wrote merely that Pocahontas "began to be exceeding
pensive, and discontented" (ibid., 6).
1. Apparently the same town as the "MatchCot," 60 mi. from Jamestown "at the
head almost of Pamaunkie River," mentioned in Hamor, True Discourse, 38, which could
be the Muskunt of the Smith/Zúñiga map (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I,
290). This would have been about 15 mi. N by E of Richmond, though the Pamunkey is
little more than a brook at that point today.
1. Elsewhere in Smith, "uttasantasough[s]"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 46. Above, "offered them his service" obviously should read, "offered him
their service."
3. Hamor has "which may be at the least five hundred" (ibid.), making an annual
tribute of 1,000 bushels; but Smith estimated their manpower at only 200 or 250 (see p.
23n, above).
2. Cf. "cleere Corne ground, which every man is to mature [manure?] and tend,
being in the nature of Farmers (the Bermuda undertakers onely excepted)" (ibid.).
3. Parenthesis added by Smith, who had known him in Jamestown; Spence was also
praised by John Rolfe (see p. 127, below).
1. About mid-1612 London had learned of Frenchmen in Maine and sent word to
Gates in Virginia to eject them. Argall was chosen for the mission, which proved highly
successful. For the details, see Barbour, Pocahontas, 119-124; and cf. Description of N.E.,
56n; and p. 225, below.
3. See p. 113n, above; from Bermuda Hundred the beeline distance was 30-odd mi.;
by Indian trails, who knows?
3. Cf. "your Kings salute" (ibid., 41), which supplies an antecedent for "his pledges";
but the whole passage suffers from a poor original and from careless cutting.
1."Fare, food." In some copies a subtitle, "William Parker," has been inserted
below this paragraph.
2. Read: "came an Englishman there who had been surprised ..."; Smith has garbled
Hamor's wording.
3. "A paring-knife [or razor?], an iron frow to cleave boards"; Powhatan's proud
possession of a pocket notebook and his instructions to Hamor to write in it are interesting
details.
4. Smith added Rolfe's name, apparently in anticipation of the reference a couple of
lines below (cf. Hamor, True Discourse, 50).
1. The letters by Dale, Whitaker, and Rolfe are the "faithfull reports" appended to
Hamor's True Discourse. Smith has blended the Draconian lawmaker, Dale, and the pious
preacher, Whitaker, into an interesting mixture. (On Whitaker generally, see Harry
Culverwell Porter, "Alexander Whitaker: Cambridge Apostle to Virginia," WMQ, 3d
Ser., XIV [1957], 317-343.) The abruptness of the transition back to Smith's own narrative
betrays what was most on his mind: "How Pocahontas was taken prisoner" (p. 112,
above) and what happened to her, as revealed in the three letters mentioned.
1. This paragraph is restrospective. From Mar. 3 to Aug. 5, 1614, Smith was exploring
New England, and from then until late in 1615 was entangled in further New England
projects. For the moment, his mind was hardly on the Jamestown colony (Barbour, Three
Worlds, 306-319).
2. Smith's summary is a reasonably accurate condensation of A Declaration for the
certaine time of drawing the great standing Lottery, issued by the Virginia Company, Feb. 22,
1615 (n.s.), the sole surviving copy of which is in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries,
London (No. 151 in their Catalogue of Broadsides;) (see Robert C. Johnson, "The
Lotteries of the Virginia Company, 1612-1629," VMHB, LXXIV [1966], 259-297).
1. The Declaration for the Lottery reads: "our last of all standing Lotteries for this
Plantation, ... [and] shall be ..." (ibid.).
2. Purchas published this same account, in almost the same language (Pilgrimes, IV,
1773), implying on the next page that he had relied on Smith. In any case, Smith's "about
this time" is misleading. The Spanish ship sailed into Chesapeake Bay about the middle of
June 1611 (Barbour, Pocahontas, 92-93), and the news reached London before Nov.
1. George Yeardley had served under Gates in the Netherlands and been captain of a
company in Jamestown since June 10, 1610 (see the Biographical Directory).
2. Rarely used as a verb; this and the following paragraph hint at what is always on
Smith's mind in this work: the shabby way he felt he had been treated.
1. Note that this account is inconspicuously credited at the end to Nathaniel Powell,
William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, and Edward Gurganey. All of these but Boothe are
Known to have been companions of Smith, and even Boothe may have been John Bouth, a
laborer who arrived with Cantrill and Gurganey.
2. Samuel Argall put an end to this idea soon after his arrival as governor, to succeed
Yeardley (Proclamation of May 18, 1618, Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 93).
1. Pocahontas arrived at Plymouth by June 3, 1616 (see Dale's letter, in Barbour,
Pocahontas, 155), and went to London by coach (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1774). Smith,
learning of her arrival, undoubtedly saw an opportunity to do something for her and at the
same time promote his own interest. He had dedicated his Description of N.E. (just then at
the bindery) to Prince Charles; to whom should he now appeal but to Queen Anne? As
will be seen, this was not a superfluous gesture "so far as the interests of Pocahontas were
concerned," as Alexander Brown would have it (The Genesis of the United States [Boston,
1890], 11, 788n). Indeed, the Virginia Company as such treated "Mistress Rolfe" in anything
but princely style. At the same time, a pretext for attracting Queen Anne's attention
would come in handy. Sometime before Dec. 1616 John Smith applied for a license
from the queen's brother, King Christian IV of Denmark, "to accompany with two or
three vessels of his [own]" a fleet of Spanish ships to examine whale-fishing prospects "in
the region of the North [sc., New England?]" (See Fragment F, Vol. III).
1. Not a sober statement of fact, if that is the way the original letter read (cf. p. 46n,
above).
2. "Pochohuntas ... sometymes resorting to our Fort, ... [would] gett the boyes
forth with her into the markett place and make them wheele [do cartwheels]" (Strachey,
Historie, 72).
1. John Chamberlain wrote on Feb. 22, 1617: "you might thincke her and her worshipfull
husband to be somebody, yf you do not know that the poore companie of Virginia
out of theyre povertie are faine to allow her fowre pound a weeke for her maintenance"
(McClure, ed., Letters of Chamberlain, II, 57; and see p. 121n, above). In contrast, in 1611
Robert Shirley, acting as special envoy from Shah Abbas the Great of Iran to London,
received from the Levant Company £4 a day for food, plus £20 a month for house rent
(Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. Shirley, Robert).
2. So far as is known, Pocahontas was never accorded a formal audience with King
James, although she was received, as Purchas wrote, by "divers particular persons of
Honor" and entertained by the Lord Bishop of London "with festivall state and pompe,
beyond what I have seene in his great hospitalitie afforded to other Ladies" (Pilgrimes,
IV, 1774). Nevertheless, she was invited to attend the Twelfth Night masque, Jan. 6, 1617,
an occasion described by Chamberlain in these words: "The Virginian woman Pocahuntas,
with her fathers Councellor [Uttamatomakkin, or "Tomocomo"] hath been with
the King, and graciously used. And both she and her assistant well placed at the Masque"
(McClure, ed., Letters of Chamberlain, II, 50). Not a word about her "princely rank" or her
husband!
3. There is no question but that Smith was preoccupied with plans for another New
England voyage, or that he soon left London for the West Country -- Bristol, Plymouth,
Totnes, etc. (Barbour, Three Worlds, 333).
4. Brentford, Middlesex; just across the little river Brent stood Syon House, which
James I had granted to George Percy's brother, the earl of Northumberland, in July 1604
(see Barbour, Pocahontas, 164).
1. A later story went that King James was angry because Rolfe married a "royal
princess" without his permission (ibid., 162).
2. Part of the name Uttamatomakkin is missing in the marginal note; cf. the village
name Uttamussamacoma (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301).
2. Purchas expressed even more pious contentment (Pilgrimes, IV, 1774). The bulk
of the rest of this section seems to be based on letters from Argall and Rolfe, as stated by
Smith at the end and as is borne out by their surviving letters (e.g., Kingsbury, Va. Co.
Records, III, 70-74, 91-93). It is evident from what follows that Argall was delayed by
Pocahontas's death and had instructed his second-in-command, Ralph Hamor, to go on to
Plymouth and wait for him. Although they had left London on Mar. 20 or 21, it was Apr.
10, 1617, before they left Plymouth behind.
3. What is meant is uncertain. In 1620 John Pory wrote: "It is not long agone, since
the Governor made those that watched here at James Citty to contribute some labour to a
bridge" (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 302); possibly the thin neck of muddy sand that
tied Jamestown to the mainland was already partly awash.
1. "The Company's servants"; those who worked for the company, not those who
merely invested in it.
2. Though Smith's specific sources here are not known, the fact of De La Warr's
death on this voyage is confirmed by several contemporaries (e.g., Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV,
1774).
3. "Great house, temple"; see Strachey, Historie, 188; and Quinn, Roanoke Voyages,
I, 373, II, 889.
1. Probably the William Fairfax, yeoman, of James City, who with his wife got a
patent for 200 acres on Feb. 20, 1619 (Nell Marion Nugent, comp., Cavaliers and Pioneers:
Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1800 [Richmond, 1934], 109).
2. Edward Stallings, alias Rowcroft; the incident is continued on p. 126 (see the
Description of N.E., 45, 53; and New Englands Trials [1622], sig. B3r-v; also p. 229, below).
3. This page and more than half of the next (as far as "By me John Rolfe") seem to
be based on communications other than merely Rolfe's letter of Jan. 1619/20 (Kingsbury,
Va. Co. Records, III, 241-248), if indeed that was available to Smith.
4. The English legal year began on Mar. 25; Easter was on Mar. 28. Argall left four
or five days later. Ten or twelve days after that Yeardley arrived, and then it was Apr. 18.
The usual chronological fumbling!
5. The details are in Rolfe's letter to Sandys (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 242).
This must have happened soon after Yeardley's arrival, although Capt. Epps, who killed
Stallings, was not arraigned until July 30, 1619.
6. For the details, see ibid., 153-177, reprinted as Proceedings of the General Assembly of
Virginia July 30-August 4, 1619, facsimile of the original in John Pory's handwriting, ed.
William J. Van Schreeven and George H. Reese (Jamestown, Va., 1969).
7. Probably Capt. George Bargrave; the month was probably Apr., in spite of chronology.
Lownes (Christopher Lawne) was the foreman of the jury that tried Epps (see above),
but the identity of Euans (Ewans, Evans?) is uncertain.
1. Properly, Varinas, from the name of a district in Venezuela (now Barinas state)
that produced "luxury" tobacco (see p. 192, below).
2. Part of what follows is missing in Rolfe's letter (n. 3, above). Below, Monhegan
Island is off Penobscot Bay, Maine. The Dutch man-of-war was a privateer, and the
"twenty Negars" can hardly have been sold as literal slaves (see Wesley Frank Craven,
White, Red, and Black [Charlottesville, Va., 1971], 77-80).
1. "Hurtful, fever-breeding." Robert Poole (here spelled Poule) was apparently a
mischief-maker, but Smith has pared the account down almost to unintelligibility.
3. See Henry Chandlee Forman, "The Bygone 'Subberbs of James Cittie,'" WMQ,
2d Ser., XX (1940), 475.
4. The rest of this paragraph is not from Rolfe's letter to Sandys. Indeed, the passage
beginning "Now you are to understand..." reads very much as if it were by Smith himself;
cf. p. 166, below.
5. Note Smith's interest in the human element. The condition of the indentured
servants was such that he obviously felt compelled to refer to "buying and selling men and
boies," when it was their indentures that were traded ("set over from one to another")
for a price. In terms of 1624, the exaggeration was justified.
1. These two paragraphs are based on or taken from A Declaration of the State of the
Colonie and Affairs in Virginia ..., By His Majesties Counseil for Virginia (London, June
22, 1620). Smith's figures are from pp. 9-10, but omit the "Ship of Bristoll, ... with 45
persons," and the rest of his account is from pp. 11-12.
1. This section is composed of extracts from A True Relation of a Wonderfull Sea Fight
Betweene Two ... Spanish Ships ... and a Small ... English Ship ... (London, 1621; abridged
version, Amsterdam, 1621). A considerably altered account based on the London edition
was published in Dutch by Pieter van der Aa as No. 113 of his Naaukeurige Versameling
der Gedenk-waardigste Reysen Na Oost en West-Indien, XXVI (Amsterdam, 1707), which was
translated and published by Charles Edward Bishop in "Two Tragical Events," WMQ,
1st Ser., IX (1901), 203-214. As mentioned there (p. 203), Alexander Brown gives some
further details in The First Republic in America (Boston, 1898), 415-417. The only pertinence
in this narrative lies in the fact that the English ship was bound for Virginia. Capt. Chester
was mentioned in a letter from George Thorpe to Sandys (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III,
446), but seems otherwise unknown.
1. "In Men-of-War we use waving amain ... to make a sign to them [another ship]
that they should strike their top sails" (Sir Henry Mainwaring, "The Seaman's Dictionary,"
in G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring,
Navy Records Society [London, 1922], II, 87).
1. With few exceptions, this list accurately repeats the list in the Declaration of the
State of the Colonie, 23-54 (see p. 127n, above), but incorporates the additional names on pp.
51-54 into the main list.
2. James Montague, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1608-1616, was translated to Winchester,
where he died in 1618.
1. Canning's name was omitted from the list of adventurers in Kingsbury, Va. Co.
Records, III, 81-82.
1. This name and the following two names were printed, as was then customary, as
"Euans." It is impossible to be certain, due to the lack of distinction between "u" and
"v," how this would be pronounced. The spelling of "Ewens," three lines below, suggests
that "Evans" is correct here.
1. Henry Clinton (or Fiennes), earl of Lincoln, died Sept. 29, 1616. His son and heir
died Jan. 15, 1619, after which his grandson Theophilus succeeded.
2. Robert Sydney, Viscount Lisle, had been created earl on Aug. 2, 1618; he died
July 13, 1626. Below, Thomas West, Lord De La Warr, had died at sea in June or July
1618.
1. Dr. Mountain (or Montaigne) was translated to London, July 20, 1621. He was
later translated to York as archbishop, where he died Nov. 6, 1628.
2. William Parker, fourth baron Monteagle through his mother, succeeded his father
as 11th baron Morley in 1618.
3. This was probably the Henry Rolfe responsible for the upbringing of Thomas,
son of John Rolfe and Pocahontas.
2. Edward Seymour, earl of Hertford, does not appear in the Declaration of the State
of the Colonie. He died Apr. 6, 1621.
3. Mary Talbot (1556-1632), widow of Gilbert Talbot, 7th earl of Shrewsbury, was
confined to the Tower of London for (selfishly) befriending Arbella Stuart from 1610 to
1623. She was noted for her determination.
2. After Sir John Weld's name, the list in Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 336, has
Sir John Walter.
1. Yeardley, appointed in 1618, was governor of Virginia from Apr. 1619 until Nov.
18, 1621, and again from Mar. 1626 until his death in Nov. 1627.
2. Southampton was elected Treasurer on June 28, 1620, replacing Sir Edwin Sandys,
and John Ferrar was again chosen deputy (see A. L. Maycock, Nicholas Ferrar of Little
Gidding [London, 1938, repr. 1963], 79-104).
3. Perhaps read: "to have a vigilant care that the familiarity of the Savages living
amongst them made them not a way to betray. ..."
4. George Thorpe, Capt. Thomas Newce (Nuce), William Tracy, David Middleton,
Capt. Bluett (not Blunt), John Pountis, and [Sir] Edward Horwood were active members
of the Virginia Company, all or nearly all of whom appear to have been in Virginia.
1. A number of the council's letters have survived, but it is difficult to attribute
details here and in the following paragraph to specific ones (see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records,
III, Index, s.v. "Company, Virginia, Council for").
2. Wyatt was chosen to succeed Yeardley, Jan. 31, 1620/21, in some measure at least
because his wife was Sir Edwin Sandys's niece. Although reputedly "mild" by nature, he
proved to be persistent in securing representative government for the colony, perhaps more
than Sir Edwin.
1. It should be noted that Smith's digression was an immediate reaction to the preceding
paragraph, stemming from thoughts he had long harbored.
2. Jonas Stockham (Stogden, Stockton) was appointed minister of Elizabeth City in
1624, on the death of Thomas White (George MacLaren Brydon, Virginia's Mother Church
[Richmond, 1947], 48). Circumstances require that the date "May 28," in the subtitle
below, refer to the year 1621, since Stockham sailed from England in Sept. 1620, and the
massacre was on Mar. 22, 1622. The text is obviously garbled, but the passage 6-7 lines
below the subtitle can be read: "this Virginia Firmament, in which some, and I hope in
short time many more, glorious Starres will shine," after which something is missing.
3. Stockham's "quotation" from Darius I was apparently based on one of two biblical
passages: the apocryphal book, 1 Esdras 6: 32, or Ezra 6: 11 (for a study of Esdras vs.
Ezra, see R. H. Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English
[Oxford, 1913], I, 1-5). The passage in Ezra, readily available in all English versions of
the Old Testament or the Holy Scriptures, appeared as follows in the Geneva Bible
(London, 1590): "And I [Darius] have made a decree, that whosoever shall alter this
sentence [these orders], the wood shall bee pulled downe from his house, and shall be set
up, and hee shalbe hanged thereon ..." (with little change in the "King James" Bible
of 1611). The passage in Esdras has similar wording in the Bishop's Bible (London, 1576)
and is available in modern English in the New English Bible, inter alia. The preliminary
remarks about "peace" and "monipolicall patens" ("monopolistic patents"), however,
were added by Stockham, and the text otherwise adjusted to suit the thesis of his "relation."
2. For the general story, see Richard Beale Davis, George Sandys: Poet-Adventurer (New
York, 1955), 119-125. George Sandys was the youngest brother of Sir Edwin; Christopher
Davison was secretary; Dr. John Pott acted as physician; and Master William Claiborne
was sent as surveyor, not surgeon.
1. On Gookin's arrival, see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 587. The spelling "Nuport"
is consistently used in the True Relation, sig. D1v to end, and appears sporadically
elsewhere; Newports-Newes replaced Point Hope as the name of the point W of Kecoughtan
sometime before Nov. 1619 (see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 227).
2. The source of this was evidently the Virginia Company's broadside of the end of
May 1622, repr. in Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 639-643, which includes a complete
list of the gifts summarized on p. 141, below.
2. From Fotherby's translation of Claudius Claudianus (Atheomastix, 174) (see Barbour,
"Smith and the Bishop," 12, 22).
3. Pory was granted 500 acres on May 17, 1620, "and 20 Tennantes to be planted
there uppon," with ten to be sent that year and ten more the following (Kingsbury, Va.
Co. Records, I, 349). Capt. John Wilcocks located his "dividend" near Accomac in 1621
(Davis, Sandys, 133, 151).
1. The whole sentence was possibly added by Smith. Attoughcomoco seems to be a
miscopy of Assacomoco (see p. 142 below; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt.
I, 286).
1. Thomas Graves came over with the second supply (see p. 72, above). The account
is obscured by contraction.
2. Savage arrived on Jan. 2, 1608; Smith's digression is carelessly written (see
Jennings Cropper Wise, Ye Kingdome of Accawmacke ... [Richmond, 1911], 28-34).
1. Usually Kiptopeke (see p. 141, above); the slip could have been the printer's, or
Pory's, or Smith's.
4. Rickahake, near modern Portsmouth, is not to be confused with Righkahauk, on
or near the Chickahominy River, though the Indian words may have been identical (see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298-299).
5. Wyatt succeeded Yeardley as governor on Nov. 18, 1621, a few weeks after his
arrival (see p. 139n, above).
2. Smith is confused. Capt. Thomas Barwicke sailed after June 10, 1622, but before
word of the massacre had reached London (see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 646-652,
with further pertinent information).
3. So called because "the summe of 70li towardes the buildinge of a free schoole in
Virginia" had been bestowed by "the gentlemen and Mariners of the [ship] Royall James
belongeing to the East India Company" (ibid., 531). It was to be located in Charles City,
approximately at modern Hopewell (ibid., 540), but the massacre changed the company's
plans (see ibid., 666-673; and a letter of Joseph Mead, dated July 13, 1622, in VMHB,
LXXI [1963], 408-409).
1 Smith's account is based on A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in
Virginia ..., prepared by Edward Waterhouse for the company (London, 1622; repr. in
Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 541-577), with an introductory paragraph based on a
"M[aster] Wimp" (unidentified) and scattered insertions by Smith. A condensed version
of the Declaration of the State of the Colony was printed in van der Aa's Naaukeurige Versameling
following Capt. Chester's "Sea Fight" (see p. 128n, above).
3. George Thorpe; see p. 145, below. In the next line, some such connective as "and"
should be inserted before "put."
4. From here to the reference to Capt. Powell, p. 145, below, Smith has merely condensed
Waterhouse's account.
4. Causie and his wife were living at Jordan's Journey, Charles City, on Jan. 21,
1624/25 (Walter Camden Hotten, The Original Lists of Persons of Quality ... and Others Who
Went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600-1700 ... [New York, 1874], 213).
2. Martin's Hundred lay on the north side of the James between Archer's Hope and
Mulberry Island, at the site of present-day Carter's Grove plantation.
1. Richard Beale Davis calls attention to the fact that "more than one friendly Indian
warned the settlers" (Sandys, 126n, referring to Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 673).
1. These "Memorandums" were largely condensed from the reasons adduced by
Waterhouse to show that the massacre "must needs be for the good of the Plantation
after" (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 556-559), with a final word from Smith. (A poetical
"memorandum" not mentioned by Smith, but written in the same vein, was
Christopher Brooke's A Poem on the Late Massacre in Virginia [London, 1622], reproduced
in facsimile with an introduction by Robert C. Johnson in VMHB, LXXII [1964],
259-292.)
1. From here to the table of those slain (p. 149, below), Smith quotes Waterhouse at
greater length, the subject and style of writing being particularly appealing to him
(Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 559-564).
1. Variant of "contractation," an awkward English adaptation of Spanish contratacion,
by way of French. The "Contraction House" in Seville handled contracts involving the
Indies. Below, "Cochanele" was a variant of "cochineal."
1. The total of the figures is 340, to which must be added 9 individuals (e.g., "Master
Thorp and ..."), making a grand total of 349. Curiously, the detailed list prepared for the
Virginia Company by Edward Waterhouse reaches the same 347 as Smith, though it
varies in particulars (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 564-571). In any case, Smith's
"eleven parts of twelve remaining [alive]" seems to have been based on John Wroth's
contemporary estimate of 4,270 transported to Virginia in 1619-1621, one twelfth of which
would be 350-odd. But Smith ignored the rest of Wroth's estimate: "the Remainder [alive]
being about 1240 about the tyme of the Massacre" (ibid., 537). In short, nearly one third
of the colony had been wiped out.
4. The apparent meaning is that "the abandonment of the petty plantations meant
that their labors now were for the benefit of the Indians who owned the land before."
Surviving records point to a delay of three weeks before Wyatt began issuing commands
to bring order, and four weeks before the outlying plantations were abandoned. Six settlements
would be maintained: the Jamestown area; Southampton Hundred; the area from
Newport News to Old Point Comfort; Flowerdieu Hundred; Samuel Jordan's plantation;
and Shirley Hundred (see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 609-615; and Hatch, First
Seventeen Years, 34-41, 47-49, 67-68, 71-73, 79-83, 93-101).
1. Mistress John Proctor fought off the Indians in her husband's absence, only to be
forced by Wyatt to give up their plantation as being too isolated (Hatch, First Seventeen
Years, 60).
2. Smith had long advocated walling off the peninsula between the James and York
rivers with a palisade and "strong houses" more or less along a line from modern Charles
City to West Point.
1. This "old Proverbe" is the sole convincing bit of evidence that Smith had read
Shakespeare, most likely in the first folio of 1623. Of at least eight versions of the proverb
in print before 1624, only Shakespeare put it "leave to speake" (editor's italics; Henry VI,
Part II, III, i, 182). All others phrase it differently.
3. From Fotherby (Atheomastix, 276), from Du Bartas. Smith knew that Du Bartas
was popular and so gave him credit for the lines quoted (from Fotherby).
4. Capt. Nuce's point is echoed in Wyatt's letter of Apr. 1622, to the effect that corn
must not be planted at random, since the Indians "may hide themselves therin" (Kingsbury,
Va. Co. Records, III, 614). This was Capt. Thomas Nuce (Newce), a member of the
council in Virginia.
5. Apparently Capt. William Norton, who was sent over with a crew of Italian
technicians to set up a glass-house. He died early in 1623, and he is not recorded elsewhere
in this humanitarian light.
6. Raleigh (Rawley) Crashaw, an old friend and admirer of Smith. Apparently he
learned of the massacre on a trading voyage with Henry Spelman (see the Biographical
Directory). In a rear-guard action, he sailed up the Potomac to reaffirm the English
alliance with the local werowance "as an opposite to Opechancanough."
1. These three tribes, located on the Maryland side of the Potomac, were independent
of and inimical to Powhatan. Smith had certainly visited Nacotchtank (modern Anacostia)
in June 1608, but there is confusion about Moyaons, and he certainly was not aware of the
existence of the Pazaticans (also known as Nazatica). See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 292-294, 296, under the various names, for an attempt to untangle the knot.
Below, Ellis Hill may be the Edward Hill who died in 1624.
1. In 1624 there were available in London at best only rough sketches of the coast
between Chesapeake Bay and Massachusetts Bay (Adriaen Block's map of 1614 excepted,
but this may not have been known), although both Henry Hudson and Samuel Argall
had reconnoitered it. Smith's proposal in any case was a sound one.
2. Since Smith's project was surely presented in writing, it would have been made
known ("published") at a meeting ("court"). Sir John Brooke had taken out a patent
for a plantation in Virginia on May 22, 1622 (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 624-628),
and David Wyffin was an old friend of Smith's from Virginia days.
3. Read: "it would be well if those understanding providers for the Company's good
(which they talk about so much)...."
2. There is a reference to this in a letter of Jan. 20, 1622/23, from the council in
Virginia to the company in London (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, IV, 9). Mistress Boyce
was returned to Jamestown before Apr. 4 (ibid., 98).
1. Capt. Thomas Nuce (Newce) and his brother Sir William came from Ireland,
along with Master Daniel Gookin, and settled in a place they apparently called New Porte
Newce (now Newport News), in Elizabeth City (Brown, First Republic, 459). Little is known
about them.
3. Capt. William Powel, not related to Nathaniel, came over in 1611 and was apparently
killed on this expedition, or soon after (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, IV, 9, 23).
2. "Make moan" was standard English for "complain" since the 13th century.
Smith's sources from here to p. 158 are uncertain or unknown, but surviving documents
indicate that Yeardley's commission was for Chesapeake Bay (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records,
III, 656-657). Weanock territory lay just up the James River from Jamestown. Under the
circumstances it is impossible to know where the two went.
3. "Small magazine-ships, ships laden with stores"; the bitter tone of the paragraph
has its parallel in Richard Frethorne's letter posted on Apr. 2-3, 1623 (ibid., IV 58-62).
2. On Nov. 12, 1622, Wyatt issued plenary authority to Isack Maddison and his
shipmaster Robert Bennett to acquire corn from the Potomac villages by fair means or
foul (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, IV, 700-701).
1. A rewritten couplet from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 2), from Silius Italicus. The second
line would read better as: "They neither understood nor knew what was amisse"; but
that would be one foot too long.
2. The lack of sense among the English in handling the Indians (with few exceptions)
often drives Smith to further self-assertiveness.
4. Obviously Cortés. The thought here seems to be that it is easier for a well-knit,
determined unit to conquer a relatively civilized and certainly disciplined body politic than
for bands of English marauders to subdue the yet untamed body politic of tidewater
Virginia.
2. This establishes the location of Atquack (or Acquack); see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 285.
3. Although the site of Ozinieke (or even its correct name) is still uncertain, Smith
appears to have underestimated its distance from Opechancanough's residence(s).
1. The specific numbers in this sentence seem to hark back to the instructions the
first colonists received just before sailing in 1606: "Six Score men" (120, not 220) were to
be divided into three parts of 40 each for three separate missions (see Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages, I, 51).
2. To this day Smith's critics have accused him of just that, but they do not seem to
have noticed that he himself admitted it, and explained why.
1. This aphorism apparently originated with Smith (Burton Stevenson, ed., The
Home Book of Proverbs, Maxims and Familiar Phrases [New York, 1948], 1255, 4).
3. Barnstaple (Devon) is on the Bristol Channel; Barnstable (Mass.) was not settled
until 1637. Capt. Nathaniel Butler left Bermuda on Oct. 25, 1622, arrived in Virginia
about Nov. 10, and sailed for London about the middle of Jan. 1623.
4. This is another of those "narratives of adventures, full of encounters with the
Indians" (Emerson, Smith, 72) that have annoyed more than one modern critic, but which
still give us more of the flavor of the times than many a strictly factual note in the minutes
of company meetings. A John Argent was a country physician in Sandwich, Kent, c. 1620
(John H. Raach, A Directory of English Country Physicians 1603-1643 [London, 1962], 23).
Michael Fuller has not been identified. William Gany and Cornelius May are listed as
arriving in Virginia in 1616 (Hotten, Original Lists, 247, 250).
1. Smith's cautious neutrality was clearly wise. For a modern study of what happened,
see Craven, Dissolution of Va. Co., 251-336.
2. "Bruit, noise, report (noised abroad)"; variant spelling. The word occurs in the
other sense below.
3. This anticlimactic note and paragraph echo bits found in several communications
(Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, IV, 89, 108, 234, 450).
3. This list is taken from a broadside, The Inconveniences That Have Happened to Some
Persons ... Wherein Is Contained a Particular of Such Necessaries, as [they] ... Shall Have Cause
to Furnish Themselves With ... (London, 1622). The column headed "Tooles" should total
£6.5.8, but Smith copied the original; also, the grand total should be £18.15.8. Smith is
not to blame here.
8. Undoubtedly "trews" -- -close-fitting breeches combined with stockings, made of
coarse cloth, worn in Ireland and Scotland in the winter season, especially by soldiers. See
David Beers Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), plates 7 and 8.
1. The text from here to the top of p. 168 has been discussed and evaluated in Craven,
Dissolution of Va. Co., 295-298.
3. "The Instructions Given by Way of Advice" to the settlers before they sailed
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 51).
4. A boy was killed, and 16 to 18 were hurt, including 3 or 4 of the council (True
Relation, sig. A4v); Newport and Smith of the council were away.
6. "30 or 40 others," out of 105 (ibid., 15, 8). Below, by "the contents of the way of my
boat" Smith meant the extent, or total length, of the route he followed; by "protracted
by the skale of proportion" he meant plotted out or expanded according to the "rule of
three" -- x is to c as a is to b. Applied to the case in point, the total Chesapcake Bay mileage
was estimated from a measured portion (e.g., Rickards Cliffs to Bolus River) on the basis
of the James River to the falls against the section from Kecoughtan to Jamestown. That
Smith's total was 1/3 to 1/2 again as great as that shown by modern reckoning is due to
inaccuracies in his basic measurements.
1. There are 56 "King's houses" on the Smith/Hole map; by no means did all of
these pay "contribution."
1. Cf. Proceedings, 85-87: "a blocke house in the necke of our Ile, ... 30 or 40 acres
of ground we digged, and planted; ... [at] hog Ile, ... we built a blocke house. ... We
built also a fort... upon a high commanding hill. ..." The "two hundred seventy
seven men, boies, and women" have been explained by Arber as due to round numbers
(Smith, Works, cxxix). I believe that "seventy" was a misprint for "twenty." The 38 survivors
of the original 105 (?), plus 190 who arrived with the 1608 "supplies," would total
close to 227 (not 277).
2. "Sandys' supporters estimated [May 7, 1623] that a total of 6,000 persons had been
sent to the colony since the organization of the company" (Craven, Dissolution of Va. Co.,
300), but that figure may be far short. For a pertinent general study, see Edmund S.
Morgan, "The First American Boom: Virginia, 1618 to 1630," WMQ, 3d Ser., XXVIII
(1971), 169-198.
1. 1604/5-1608/9, but counting both ends, as was then customary. Referring to the
"five hundred pounds," see New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B4v and n.
3. Although Smith refused to name names here, Samuel Argall did not hesitate to
blame Yeardley (see Barbour, Pocahontas, 185, 185n).
1. Sept. 29, 1624; the insistence on Michaelmas is to get newcomers to Virginia before
the winter set in.
1. Smith appeared as an adventurer in the second charter (1609), and in 1618 was
recorded as having adventured £9 in the enterprise (although a share then was fixed at
£12.10.0). This seems to be a veiled reference to his claims that he had spent £500
promoting the colony.
2. There were originally four patentees for "South" Virginia: Gates, Somers, Hakluyt,
and Wingfield. The number of persons named in subsequent charters runs into the hundreds.
Smith's figures are exaggerated, but not entirely fanciful.
3. In this sentence and the paragraph that follows, Smith comments on a situation
already mentioned on p. 127, above, attributed to Rolfe, but possibly by Smith himself.
The general situation is discussed in Morgan, "First American Boom," WMQ, 3d Ser.,
XXVIII (1971).
1. In this and the following paragraphs, it is obvious that Smith thought that the only
way to solve the problem of governing Virginia was to place it in the hands of James I.
The endless bickering among the nobles and merchants had proven the impracticality of
running the colony as "private enterprise."
1. At a Quarter Court held on May 17, 1620, it was said that about £75,000 had
already been "spent into utter consumption [wasted]" (Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, I, 350).
Three lines below, read: "... what they will, which the others had not."
1. The entry in the Patent Roll, dated May 9, 1623, reads: "Sir William Jones
knight one of our Justices of our Courte of Common Pleas[,] Sir Nicholas Fortescue
knight[,] Sir Francis Gofton knight[,] Sir Richard Sutton knight[,] Sir William Pitt
knight[,] Sir Henry Bourchier knight[,] and Sir Henry Spiller" (Kingsbury, Va. Co.
Records, IV, 575).
2. July 15, 1624, was a Thursday; for this "proclamation," or "Commission to
certain Lords of the Privy Council...," see ibid., 490-497. The commissioners met the
following day at Sir Thomas Smythe's house and, among other matters, decided that
meetings would be held every Thursday at 2:00 P.M.
1. It is difficult to know what Smith had in mind. If "this discourse" refers to the
whole Generall Historie, he has forgotten that his own share of the book was already in
print: the True Relation, the Map of Va., the Proceedings, the Description of N.E., and two
versions of New Englands Trials. This leaves only Bk. IV (the continuation of the Proceedings,
so to speak) and Bk. V (on Bermuda, an unknown land to Smith) as texts the company
(or some friend in the company) asked him to prepare. But if "this discourse" refers to the
mere idea of pulling it all together, and adding the two books mentioned, then it seems
possible, if not even highly probable, that some unnamed person suggested "in the Companies
name" that Smith do what he could with it. The haste with which the volume was
finally put through the press only lends weight to this hypothesis (cf. Emerson, Smith, 69).
3. A "Petition to the King," signed by Sir Francis Wyatt and 28 members of the
council and assembly, dated July 3, 1624[?], apparently did not reach London in time to
be mentioned in the Generall Historie. This document contains a summary of the history of
the colony, along with an appeal to the king not to allow the colonists to fall back into the
hands of Sir Thomas Smythe and his friends (MS in P.R.O., S.P. Colonial, C.O. 1/83,
fol. 78-86; see Virginia [Colony] House of Burgesses, Journals 1619-1658/9, ed. H. R.
McIlwaine and J. P. Kennedy [Richmond, 1915], I, 25-26).
In view of the historical importance of the last four pages of Bk. IV, it should be noted
that Smith's "Observations" are analyzed in Craven, Dissolution of Va. Co., 195-198 (cf.
p. 161n, above). Sir John Brooke, who had supported Smith's proposals (p. 153, above),
had been elected to the council for Virginia, Nov. 20, 1622, and a year later was associated
with Ludovick Stuart, duke of Richmond and Lennox, when Smith was soliciting
financial aid from the duchess, Frances Howard. Smith would hardly have published a
fantasy under such circumstances. (A letter from a friend of Brooke in Virginia independently
backed Smith's idea [Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, IV, 37-39].) Smith's remarks on
past shortcomings in the administration of Virginia gain additional support from the fact
that he was not challenged but was referred to as a responsible person in an official
document of May 1623 (ibid., 150).
| The Fourth Booke.1
TO MAKE PLAINE THE TRUE
PROCEEDINGS
of the Historie for 1609. we must follow the
examinations of Doctor Simons, and two
learned Orations published by the Companie;
with the relation of the Right Honourable
the Lord De la Ware. | |