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The third Booke. THE PROCEEDINGS AND ACCIDENTS OF The English Colony in Virginia, Extracted from the Authors following, by William Simons, Doctour of Divinitie.
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136

The third Booke.
[_]
1

THE PROCEEDINGS
AND ACCIDENTS
[_]
2
OF
The English Colony in Virginia,
Extracted from the Authors following,
[_]
3

by William Simons,
[_]
4

Doctour of Divinitie.

Chapter I.

IT might well be thought, a Countrie so
faire (as Virginia is) and a people so
tractable, would long ere this have beene
quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the
adventurers, and the eternizing of the
memory of those that effected it. But because
all the world doe see a defailement;

[_]
5

this following Treatise shall give satisfaction
to all indifferent Readers, how the
businesse hath bin carried: where no

137

doubt they will easily understand and answer to their question, how
it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.
[_]
1606.

[_]
Sir Thomas
Smith Treasurer.

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this
plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but
found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as
Captaine John Smith, Master Edward-Maria Wingfield, Master
Robert Hunt,

[_]
1
and divers others, who depended a yeare upon his
projects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and
industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie,
Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters patents,
gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to
governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare,
and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of
40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was
committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised
for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for government
were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne
untill they arrived in Virginia.
[_]
The first mover
of the action.

[_]
Orders for
government.

On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but
by unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England;
all which time, Master Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke,
that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie
myles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and
notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations
(of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst
us) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much
as a seeming desire to leave the busines, but preferred the service of
God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his
godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed)
|| had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did
then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly
exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched
those flames of envie, and dissention.

We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at
Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selves amongst
these west-India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in
it we boyled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called
Monica, we tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare two hogs-heads
full of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis,

[_]
2
Mona, and
the Virgin Isles, we spent some time, where, with a lothsome beast
like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and
fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the

138

company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3
dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine
Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the
helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God
the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme
to hull all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired
Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seene
that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where
thirtie of them
[_]
1
recreating themselves on shore, were assaulted by
five Salvages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That
night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew
Gosnoll, John Smith,
[_]
2
Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport,
John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be
the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare,
who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to
be examined by a Jury, but determined by the major part of the
Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Untill the 13 of
May they sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne,
Master Wingfield was chosen President, and an Oration made, why
Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest.
[_]
Monica an
unfrequented
Isle full of
Birds.

[_]
Their first
landing.

[_]
Matters of
government.

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort,
the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some
provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some
nets, etc. The Salvages often visited us kindly. The Presidents overweening
jealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification,
but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone
by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall.
Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to discover the head
of the river: by divers small habitations they passed, in six dayes
they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve
houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three fertile Isles, about
it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by
nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people
Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable: but higher within a
myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a
small Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all parts kindly
intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of James
towne, they gave just cause of jealousie, but had God not blessed the
discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene
an end of that plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the
next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages,
and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot

[_]
3
from the Ships strooke
downe a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to

139

retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke,
and their armes in dry fats.
[_]
1

[_]
The discovery
of the Falles
and Powhatan.

[_]
The Fort
assaulted by
the Salvages.

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be
pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised,
for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and
our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the
Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toyle
we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes,
watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to
relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant
our Corne, etc., I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes
being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely
for || our transportation) was to returne with the ships. Now Captaine
Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries
was restrained as a prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some
of the chiefe (envying his repute) who fained he intended to usurpe
the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe King,
that his confederats were dispersed in all the three ships, and that
divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it, for this
he was committed as a prisoner:

[_]
2
thirteene weekes he remained thus

140

suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they pretended
out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in
England to receive a check, rather then by particulating his designes
make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrow
his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and
publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie, he wisely prevented
their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so well
he demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his
innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse
him, accused his accusers of subornation; many untruthes were
alledged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a
generall hatred in the hearts of the company against such unjust
Commanders, that the President was adjudged to give him 200
[_]
1
. so
that all he had was seized upon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith
presently returned to the Store for the generall use of the Colony.
[_]
1

Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet
ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our
Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith
to be admitted of the Councell; the next day all received the Communion,
the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace,
and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving
in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607.
[_]
Captain Newports
returne
for England.

By this observe;

Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
But when evill men shall injuries beginne;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The judgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sake:
Then looke that Country cannot long have peace,
Though for the present it have rest and ease.
[_]
2

The names of them that were the first Planters,
were these following.

[_]
1607.
Sir Thomas
Smith Treasurer.


    Councel.

  • Master Edward Maria Wingfield.
  • Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll.
  • Captaine John Smith.
  • Captaine John Ratliffe.
  • Captaine John Martin.
  • Captaine George Kendall.

    Gentlemen.

  • Master Robert Hunt Preacher.
  • Master George Percie.

  • 141

  • Anthony Gosnoll.
  • George Flower.
  • Captaine Gabriell Archer.
  • Robert Fenton.
  • Robert Ford.
  • William Bruster.
  • Edward Harrington.
  • Dru Pickhouse.
  • Thomas Jacob.
  • John Brookes.
  • Ellis Kingston.
  • Thomas Sands.
  • Benjamin Beast.
  • Jehu Robinson.
    [_]
    1
  • Thomas Mouton.
  • Eustace Clovill.
  • Stephen Halthrop.
  • Kellam Throgmorton.
  • Edward Morish.
  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Edward Browne.
  • Robert Behethland.
  • John Penington.
  • Jeremy Alicock.
  • George Walker.
  • Thomas Studley.
  • Richard Crofts.
  • Nicholas Houlgrave.
  • Thomas Webbe.
  • || John Waller.
  • John Short.
  • William Tankard.
  • William Smethes.
  • Francis Snarsbrough.
  • Richard Simons.
  • Edward Brookes.
  • Richard Dixon.
  • John Martin.
  • Roger Cooke.
  • Anthony Gosnold.
  • Thomas Wotton, Chirurgian.
  • John Stevenson.
  • Thomas Gore.

  • 142

  • Henry Adling.
  • Francis Midwinter.
  • Richard Frith.

    Carpenters.

  • William Laxon.
  • Edward Pising.
  • Thomas Emry.
  • Robert Small.

    Labourers.

  • John Laydon.
  • William Cassen.
  • George Cassen.
  • Thomas Cassen.
  • William Rodes.
  • William White.
  • Old Edward.
  • Henry Tavin.
  • George Goulding.
  • John Dods.
  • William Johnson.
  • William Unger.
  • James Read, Blacksmith.
  • Jonas Profit, Sailer.
  • Thomas Cowper, Barber.
  • William Garret, Bricklayer.
  • Edward Brinto, Mason.
  • William Love, Taylor.
  • Nicholas Scot, Drummer.
  • William Wilkinson, Chirurgian.
  • Samuell Collier, boy.
  • Nathaniell Pecock, boy.
  • James Brumfield, boy.
  • Richard Mutton, boy.
  • With divers others to the number of 100.
    [_]
    1

Chapter II.
What happened till the first supply.

BEING thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes
scarce ten amongst us could either goe, or well stand, such extreame
weaknes and sicknes oppressed us. And thereat none need
marvaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this;


143

whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by
a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers would pilfer to sell,
give, or exchange with us, for money, Saxefras, furres, or love. But
when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house,
nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free
from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might have beene
canonized for Saints; But our President would never have beene
admitted, for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle,
Aquavitæ, Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed
he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of
wheat, and as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and
this having fryed some 26. weekes in the ships hold, contained as
many wormes as graines; so that we might truely call it rather so
much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings Castles
in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing
and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our
continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakened us,
as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native
Countrey, or any other place in the world. From May, to September,
those that escaped, lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in
this time we buried, the rest seeing the Presidents projects to escape
these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither
felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him;
and established Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall
deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his
care preserved and relieved, and the most of the souldiers recovered,
with the skilfull diligence of Master Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian
generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone,
all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages;
when God the patron of all good indevours, in that desperate extremitie
so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such
plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.
[_]
The occasion
of sicknesse.

[_]
The Sailers
abuses.

[_]
A bad President.

[_]
Plentie unexpected.


And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell
to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will
shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits;
first, the fault of our going was our owne, || what could be
thought fitting or necessary we had, but what we should find, or
want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing
to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to live, and the
advantage of the spring to worke; we were at Sea five moneths, where
we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie of the time, and
season to plant, by the unskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters,
that understood not at all, what they undertooke.

[_]
1


144

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject
to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties,
but nothing so difficult as to establish a Common-wealth so farre remote
from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward
as neither doe well themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.

The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake
judgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the
managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: who by his owne
example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others
to binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe
alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne share, so that
in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any
for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to
decrease (with some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the Shallop
to search the Country for trade. The want of the language, knowledge
to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient
power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men,
and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement.
Being but six or seaven in company he went downe the river
to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a famished man,

[_]
1

and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of
bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also
for their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was
nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie
inforced, though contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets,
ran his boat on shore, whereat they all fled into the woods. So
marching towards their houses, they might see great heapes of corne:
much adoe he had to restraine his hungry souldiers from present
taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the Salvages would assault
them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie
or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some
party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out
of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes,
stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper)
borne before them: and in this manner being well armed, with
Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that
so kindly received them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot,
that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the ground;
the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent one of their
Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smith told
them, if onely six of them would come unarmed and loade his boat,
he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and
give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which on both

145

sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him
Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had, singing
and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne
he discovered the Towne and Country of Warraskoyack.
[_]
The building
of James
Towne.

[_]
The beginning
of Trade
abroad.

Thus God unboundlesse by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.
[_]
1

Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any
regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered)
caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to
get provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made
3. or 4. journies and discovered the people of Chickahamania: yet
what he carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and
Kendall living in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the
absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their || Presidents weaknes,
and their small love to Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened
themselves with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their
former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the
Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to
alter her course and to goe for England. Smith unexpectedly returning
had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent
it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or
sinke in the river, which action cost the life of captaine Kendall.
These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better
forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were
better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines
beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President
and captaine Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned
the country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed
by Smith. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he
victuall, nor his souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to
keepe it. But finding plentie of Corne in the river of Chickahamania
where hundreds of Salvages in divers places stood with baskets expecting
his comming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers
became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we
daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and
putchamins,

[_]
3
fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we
could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists
[_]
4
desired

146

to goe for England. But our Comædies never endured long without
a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine
Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and
taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt.
The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by
cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge
could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of
shot, commanding none should goe a shore till his returne: himselfe
with two English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe,
but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want
of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages
to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed
not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of
that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie
myles in the desert, had his * two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping
by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall,
who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew,
still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom
he bound to his arme with his garters, and used him as a buckler,
[_]
1

yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes that
stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him
prisoner. When this newes came to James towne, much was their
sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes
[_]
2

those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurations
they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst
them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but
procured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such
estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more
then their owne Quiyouckosucks.
[_]
3
The manner how they used and
delivered him, is as followeth.
[_]
Amoris, a Salvage
his best
friend slaine
for loving us.
[_]
2

[_]
The Discovery
of Chickahamina.

[_]
Another project
to abandon
the country.

[_]
*Jehu Robinson
and
Thomas
Emry slaine.

The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether
Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity they followed
him with 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee,

[_]
4


147

who in divisions
[_]
1
searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson
and Emry by the fire side, those they shot full of arrowes and slew.
Then finding the Captaine, as is said, that used the Salvage that
was his guide as his sheld (three of them being slaine and divers
other so gauld
[_]
2
) all the rest would not come neere him. Thinking
thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched,
more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie
[_]
3
creeke and
his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till being neere
dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their
composition
[_]
4
they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his
men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his be- || nummed limbs. He
demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough,
King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass
Dyall.
[_]
5
Much they marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle,
which they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because of
the glasse that covered them. But when he demonstrated by that
Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare
of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the
night round about the world continually; the greatnesse of the Land
and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how
we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they
all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an
houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand
about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the
Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes,
and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks,
[_]
6
where he was
after their manner kindly feasted, and well used.
[_]
Captaine
Smith taken
prisoner.

Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves
all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords
borne before him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great
Salvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went
in fyle with their Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which
was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which
they remove as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children
staring to behold him, the souldiers first all in fyle performed the
forme of a Bissone so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers
as Serjeants to see them keepe their order. A good time they continued
this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing


148

in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish
notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver
of Arrowes, and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters
skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace; their heads and
shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones
[_]
1
mingled together,
which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome shew; his
Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad
dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long
feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their snakes
tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King
stood in the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three dances
they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where
thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread
and venison was brought him then would have served twentie men,
I thinke his stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left
they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set
the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would
eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much
more, and then did they eate all the old, and reserved the new as
they had done the other, which made him thinke they would fat
him to eat him.
[_]
2
Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the
cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some
beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia.
[_]
The order
they observed
in their triumph.


Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the
guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted
him to recover

[_]
3
the poore man then breathing his last.
Smith told them that at James towne he had a water would doe it,
if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that; but
made all the preparations they could to assault James towne, craving
his advice, and for recompence he should have life, libertie, land,
and women.
[_]
4
In part of a Table booke
[_]
5
he writ his minde to them
at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction
to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such
things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie
and danger, he told the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and
other Engins exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request
they went to James towne, in as bitter weather as could be of
frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer.
[_]
How he
should have
beene slaine
at Orapacks.

[_]
How he saved
James towne
from being
surprised.


149

But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as
he had told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came
againe to the same place where he had || told them they should receive
an answer, and such things as he had promised them, which
they found accordingly, and with which they returned with no small
expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could
either divine, or the paper could speake: then they led him to the
Youghtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds,
and Onawmanients upon the rivers of Rapahanock, and
Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other
severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee,

[_]
1
where they
entertained him with most strange and fearefull Conjurations;
[_]
How they did
Conjure him
at Pamaunkee.

As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.
[_]
2

Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a
long house,

[_]
3
and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on
the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the
house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted
over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels
skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they
met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell
was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head,
backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish
voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions
he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of
meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with
the like antique tricks,
[_]
4
painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their
eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's,
[_]
5

along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty
while, and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes,
and white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe
right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest,
and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song,
which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then
strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and
his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they

150

all gave a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After
that, began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever
laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed
the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for
that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every
song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of
Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and
then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make.
Three dayes they used this Ceremony; the meaning whereof they
told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle
of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of
the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to
be flat and round, like a trencher,
[_]
1
and they in the middest. After
this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder,
[_]
2
which they carefully
preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because
they would be acquainted with the nature of that seede.
Opitchapam
[_]
3
the Kings brother invited him to his house, where,
with as many platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts, as did environ
him, he bid him wellcome; but not any of them would eate a
bit with him, but put up all the remainder in Baskets. At his returne
to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children,
flocked about him for their parts, as a due by Custome, to be merry
with such fragments.

But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes,
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.
[_]
4

At last they brought him to Meronocomoco,

[_]
5
where was Powhatan
their Emperor. Here more then two hundred of those grim
Courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had beene a monster; till
Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest
braveries.
[_]
6
Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered
with a great robe, made of Rarowcun
[_]
7
skinnes, and all the tayles
hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares,
and along on each side the house, two rowes || of men, and behind
them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red;
many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but
every one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about
their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gave a

151

great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck
[_]
1
was appointed to bring
him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of
feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them: having feasted him after
their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was
held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before
Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him
to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their
clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest
daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes,
and laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the
Emperour was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and
her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him as well of all
occupations as themselves. For the King himselfe will make his
owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant, hunt, or doe any
thing so well as the rest.
[_]
2

[_]
How Powhatan
entertained
him.

[_]
How Pocahontas
saved
his life.

They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.
[_]
3

Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the
most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captaine Smith to be
brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat
by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that
divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever
heard; then Powhatan more like a devill then a man with some two
hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came unto him and told him
now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James towne,
to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would
give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him
as his sonne Nantaquoud.

[_]
4
So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan
sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still
expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment)
every houre to be put to one death or other: for all their feasting.
But almightie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the

152

hearts of those sterne Barbarians with compassion. The next morning
betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having used the
Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans
trusty servant two demi-Culverings and a millstone to carry
Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they
did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the
boughs of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches
came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe
dead with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them,
and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and
children such presents, as gave them in generall full content. Now
in James Towne they were all in combustion, the strongest preparing
once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazzard
of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the
third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had
plotted with the President, the next day to have put him to death
by the Leviticall law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending
the fault was his that had led them to their ends:
[_]
1
but he quickly
tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles
till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in
foure or five dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so
much provision, that saved many of their lives, that els for all this
had starved with hunger.
[_]
2

[_]
How Powhatan
sent
him to James
Towne.

[_]
The third
project to
abandon the
Countrey.

Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.
[_]
3

His relation of the plenty he had seene,

[_]
4
especially at Werawocomoco,
and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till
that time was unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially
the love of Pocahontas
[_]
5
) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus
you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indevour: and
the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the very
period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath
still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission,
that error could not be prevented by the Electors; there
being no other choise, and all strangers to each others education,
qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation

153

to have any mention made of those inormities, let them peruse the
Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they
may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissentions have accompanied
them, and crossed their attempts: which being knowne to be
particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and
contempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance
might produce; to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions
and valiant resolutions deserve a more worthy respect.
[_]
A true proofe
of Gods love
to the action.

Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to have
concluded with any of those severall projects, to have abandoned
the Countrey, with some ten or twelve of them, who were called
the better sort, and have left Master Hunt our Preacher, Master
Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman,
Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen

[_]
1

to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes,
and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe
possession of this large Country;) or starve himselfe with them for
company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make
them provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and
save all their lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider.
But
[_]
Of two evils
the lesse was
chosen.

We men imagine in our Jolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then anone wee alter this againe,
If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.
[_]
2

Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia,
Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and J. S.
[_]
3

Chapter III.
The Arrivall of the first supply, with their Proceedings,
and the Ships returne.

ALL this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey;
but the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent and
carefull to supply us. Two good ships they sent us, with neare a


154

hundred men,
[_]
1
well furnished with all things could be imagined
necessary, both for them and us; The one commanded by Captaine
Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man,
and an expert Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship
(that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy
contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies
was the next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood
and water. But Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not
long after the redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages,
as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently
did serve them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they
brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest
he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should
sell: so he || had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner;
[_]
2

and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as
directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and had
them at that submission he might command them what he listed.
That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God:
they would also in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine
Smith.
[_]
The Phænix
from Cape
Henry forced
to the West
Indies.

Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.
[_]
3
[_]
Their opinion of our God.

But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation
among the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated
with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages
understandings (by their great bounty in giving foure times more
for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatnesse
and authoritie as much exceeded his, as their bountie and liberalitie.
Now the arrivall of this first supply so overjoyed us, that wee could
not devise too much to please the Marriners. We gave them libertie
to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed,
that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was
sould us for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat
of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Captaine
Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially
by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could
prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him: so that this great Savage
desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward.
When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, and
Master Scrivener, a very wise understanding Gentleman, newly
arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen


155

men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports conceit
of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries,
which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well
appointed, undertooke to encounter the worst that could happen:
[_]
1

Knowing
[_]
Smiths revisiting
Powhatan.

All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.

    Gentlemen.

  • Nathaniell Powell
  • Robert Behethland
  • Michell Phittiplace
  • William Phittiplace
  • Anthony Gosnoll
  • Richard Wyffin

    Gentlemen.

  • John Taverner
  • William Dyer
  • Thomas Coe
  • Thomas Hope
  • Anas Todkill

These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten)

[_]
2
comming
a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they
were to passe such poore bridges, onely made of a few cratches,
[_]
3

thrust in the ose, and three or foure poles laid on them, and at the
end of them the like, tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that
it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which
caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first, keeping some
of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men was passed, to make a
guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things well, by two
or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their
towne. Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the utmost of his
greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of
protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide
to feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather
imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads)
his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his
head and feete a handsome young woman: on each side his house
sat twentie of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red,
with a great chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before
those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and
more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles
on each side the doore. Foure or five hundred people made a guard
behinde them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none

156

upon paine of death to presume to doe us any wrong or discourtesie.
With many pretty Discourses to re- || new their old acquaintance, this
great King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our
Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing
and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with
Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and received as
much content as those people could give him: a boy named Thomas
Salvage was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport called his
sonne; for whom Powhatan gave him Namontack his trustie servant,
and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes
more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan
carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his Salvage
manner) as made us all admire his naturall gifts, considering his
education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did; he bespake
Newport in this manner.
[_]
1

[_]
Powhatan his
entertainement.

[_]
The exchange
of a Christian
for a Salvage.

Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this
pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great
Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together;
what I like I will take, and in recompence give you what I
thinke fitting their value.

[_]
Powhatans
speech.

Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his
father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould us his intent
was but onely to cheate us; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out
brave this Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch
him with his bountie, as to have what he listed, it so hapned, that
Powhatan having his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I
thinke it better cheape in Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for
that we expected to have twentie hogsheads. This bred some unkindnesse
betweene our two Captaines; Newport seeking to please
the unsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to
please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Salvages suspition,
glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his
humor upon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately desired
them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as
being composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes,
and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made
him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange Jewells:

[_]
2
so that
ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought
over my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends.
The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of
Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates)

157

with blew beads, which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that
none durst weare any of them but their great kings, their wives and
children. And so we returned all well to James towne, where this
new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired their
quarters and so the towne, which being but thatched with reeds, the
fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or ten
yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much
private provision.
[_]
1
Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his
Library and all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none
never heard him repine at his losse. This happned in the winter in
that extreame frost, 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient I
meane onely of Oatmeale, meale and corne, yet the Ship staying
14. weekes when shee might as wel have beene gone in 14. dayes,
spent a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to be
landed. When they departed what there discretion could spare us,
to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes, to relish our
mouthes: of each somwhat they left us, yet I must confesse, those
that had either money, spare clothes credit to give billes of paiment,
gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to
this removing taverne, such was our patience to obay such vile
Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times the value,
suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine,
but fast, least we should incurre the censure of factious and seditious
persons: and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned
them losse, but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to
receave with all our hearts to make up the account, highly commending
their providence for preserving that, least they should discourage
any more to come to us. Now for all this plenty our ordynary
was but meale and water, so that this great charge little
releeved our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the || bitter
cold frost and those defects, more then halfe of us dyed; I cannot
deny but both Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what was
amisse, but with the President went the major part, that there
hornes were to short. But the worst was our guilded refiners with
their golden promises made all men their slaves in hope of recompences;
there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash
gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad
fellow desired to be buried in the sands least they should by there
art make gold of his bones: little neede there was and lesse reason,
the ship should stay, there wages run on, our victualls consume 14.
weekes, that the Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such
a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing
in 14. dayes. Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all
those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight
of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I have

158

heard him oft question with Captaine Martin and tell him, except
he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured
with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions,
never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary
busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much
guilded durt. Till then we never accounted, Captaine Newport a
refiner, who being ready to set saile for England, and we not having
any use of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, Recorders,
Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Justices of peace,
sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer home with him, that
had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment.
[_]
Differences of
opinions.

[_]
James towne
burnt.

[_]
A ship Idely
loytering 14.
weekes.

[_]
The effect of
meere Verbalists.

[_]
A needlesse
charge.

[_]
A returne to
England.

Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers!
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.
[_]
1

Chapter IIII.
The Arrivall of the Phœnix; her returne; and other Accidents.

THE authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still
sickly President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained
his estate, as an inheritable revenew.

[_]
2
The spring approaching, and
the Ship departing, Master Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided
betwixt them the rebuilding James towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes;
the cutting downe trees; preparing our fields; planting our
corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover our Store house. All
men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arrived with
his lost Phœnix; lost (I say) for that we all deemed him lost. Landing
safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing
the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuall to that we
had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our allowance sufficient
for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it,
which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused us admire him:
we would not have wished more then he did for us. Now to relade
this ship with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood
with the dignitie of his place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captaine
Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans
Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted them, the
which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained to their armes

159

and orders, that they little feared with whom they should incounter:
yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposit was Captaine
Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his
phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her
with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt,
or the hopes and reports of an uncertaine discovery, which he would
performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure.
[_]
1

[_]
The rebuilding
James Towne.

[_]
Sixtie appointed
to discover
the Monacans.
[_]
3

But,

The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.
[_]
2

Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.

Powhatan (to expresse his love to Newport) when he departed,
presented him with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him
twentie swords, which immediately was sent him; now after his departure
he presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not
finding his humor obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired,
he caused his people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last
by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce,
surprise us at worke, or any way;

[_]
3
which was so long permitted, they
became so insolent there was no rule; the command from England
was so strait not to offend them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping
their houses) would rather be any thing then peace-breakers. This
charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they medled with
Captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gave them such
an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Isle, some he
so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge
they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having
assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith
to redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained
prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he
sallied out amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred
their insolencies, they brought them his two men, desiring peace
without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he
examined, and caused them all beleeve, by severall vollies of shot
one of their companions was shot to death, because they would not
confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies.
[_]
4
And thus they

160

all agreed in one point, they were directed onely by Powhatan to
obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the manner
where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant:
yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas
with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash
untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time,
with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the
prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or
two after, and then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely
he fayned to have saved their lives, and gave them libertie. The
patient Councell that nothing would move to warre with the Salvages,
would gladly have wrangled with Captaine Smith for his
crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought
them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently
affright them;
[_]
1
where before, wee had sometime peace and
warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had some
trecherous villany or other.
[_]
An ill example
to sell swords
to Salvages.

[_]
The Presidents
weaknesse.

[_]
Smiths attempt
to suppresse
the Salvages
insolencies.

[_]
Powhatans
excuse.

The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the
diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed:
Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things
at the Fort; the Ship being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being
alwayes very sickly, and unserviceable, and desirous to injoy the
credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most
willingly admitted to returne for England.

[_]
2
For

He hath not fill'd his lapp
That still doth hold it oap.
[_]
3
[_]
A ship fraught with Cedar.

From the writings of Thomas Studley, and Anas Todkill.

Their Names that were landed in this Supply.

[_]
4

Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell.

[_]
1608.

[_]
Sir Thomas
Smith Treasurer.


    Gentlemen.

  • Michaell Phittiplace.
  • William Phittiplace.
  • Ralph Morton.
  • Richard Wyffing.

  • 161

  • John Taverner.
  • William Cantrell.
  • Robert Barnes.
  • Richard Fetherstone.
    [_]
    1
  • George Hill.
  • George Pretty.
  • Nathaniell Causy.
    [_]
    2
  • Peter Pory.
  • Robert Cutler.
  • Michaell Sicklemore.
  • William Bentley.
    [_]
    3
  • Thomas Coe.
  • Doctor Russell.
  • Jeffrey Abbot.
  • Edward Gurgana.
  • Richard Worley.
  • Timothy Leeds.
  • Richard Killingbeck.
  • William Spence.
  • Richard Prodger.
  • Richard Pots.
  • Richard Mullinax.
  • William Bayley.
  • Francis Perkins.
  • John Harper.
  • George Forest.
  • John Nichols.
  • William Grivell.

    Labourers.

  • Raymond Goodison.
  • William Simons.
  • John Spearman.
  • Richard Bristow.
  • William Perce.
  • James Watkins.
    [_]
    4
  • John Bouth.
  • Christopher Rods.
  • Richard Burket.
  • James Burre.
  • Nicholas Ven.
  • Francis Perkins.

  • 162

  • Richard Gradon.
  • Rawland Nelstrop.
  • Richard Savage.
  • Thomas Savage.
  • Richard Milmer.
  • William May.
  • Vere.
  • Michaell.
  • Bishop Wiles.

    Taylors.

  • Thomas Hope.
  • William Ward.
  • John Powell.
  • William Yong.
  • William Beckwith.
  • Larence Towtales.

    Apothecaries.

  • Thomas Field.
  • John Harford.
  • Daniel Stallings, Jeweller.
  • William Dawson, a refiner.
  • Abram Ransack, a refiner.
  • William Johnson, a Goldsmith.
  • Peter Keffer, a gunsmith.
  • Robert Alberton, a perfumer.
  • Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith.
  • Post Ginnat, a Chirurgion.
  • John Lewes, a Cooper.
  • Robert Cotton, a Tobacco-pipe-maker.
  • Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.

And divers others to the number of 120.

[_]
1

Chapter V.
1The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of the Bay of
Chisapeack.

THE prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe into our
small store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites
to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the
Presidents authoritie so overswayed the discretion of Master Scrivener,
that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idely consumed


163

to fulfill his phantasies. The second of June 1608. Smith left
the Fort to performe his Discovery with this Company.

    Gentlemen.

  • Walter Russell, Doctor of Physicke.
  • Ralfe Murton.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • William Cantrill.
  • Richard Fetherston.
  • James Burne.
  • Michell Sicklemore.

    souldiers.

  • Jonas Profit.
    [_]
    1
  • Anas Todkill.
  • Robert Small.
  • James Watkins.
  • John Powell.
  • James Read.
  • Richard Keale.

These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen, leaving
the Phœnix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne
shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines
name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages
upon Cape Charles, with long poles like Javelings, headed with bone,
|| they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but
after many circumstances they

[_]
2
seemed very kinde, and directed us
to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were
kindly intreated. This King was the comliest, proper, civill Salvage
we incountred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some small
creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told
us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was,
[_]
3
two children
being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies,
or affection moved their parents againe to revisit their dead
carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders
such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained
their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all
which being a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but
few escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they
made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did

164

us exceeding pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet,
and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the
midst of the Bay we bore up for them, but ere we could obtaine them,
such an extreame gust of wind, rayne, thunder, and lightening happened,
that with great danger we escaped the unmercifull raging of
that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the mayne, yet it was
but low, we called Keales hill, and these uninhabited Isles, Russels
Isles. The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find
none, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next Easterne Channell,
which brought us to the river of Wighcocomoco. The people at
first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs and
daunces and much mirth became very tractable, but searching their
habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes,
[_]
1
and that
such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good
water. We digged and searched in many places, but before two daies
were expired, we would have refused two barricoes of gold for one
of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which
are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a
high land upon the mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water,
but so exceeding hot wee supposed it some bath; that place we called
poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of Mousay
in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieved our Captaine.
From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken
Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten or twelve
in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule
in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood,
as is the rest of the Country.
[_]
2

[_]
A strange
mortalitie of
Salvages.

[_]
Russels Isles.

[_]
Wighcocomoco.

[_]
An extreame
want of fresh
water.

Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other
Isles, we discovered the winde and waters so much increased with
thunder, lightning, and raine, that our mast and sayle blew overbord
and such mighty waves overracked us in that small barge that
with great labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water.
Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite these uninhabited Isles
which for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and ill
wether we called Limbo. Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set
sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient river on the
East called Cuskarawaok,

[_]
3
the people ran as amazed in troups from
place to place, and divers got into the tops of trees, they were not
sparing of their arrowes, nor the greatest passion they could expresse

165

of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without
there reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next
day they came unarmed, with every one a basket, dancing in a ring,
to draw us on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but
villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot,
whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one
way, some another into a great cluster of reedes hard by; where
there companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the evening we wayed,
and approaching the shoare, discharging five or six shot among the
reedes, we landed where there lay a many of baskets and much
bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other
side the river, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little
houses, in each a fire, there we left some peeces of copper, beads,
bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay, but when it
was darke we came backe againe. Early in || the morning foure Salvages
came to us in their Canow, whom we used with such courtesie,
not knowing what we were, nor had done, having beene in the bay
a fishing, bade us stay and ere long they would returne, which they
did and some twentie more with them; with whom after a little conference,
two or three thousand men women and children came
clustring about us, every one presenting us with something, which
a little bead would so well requite, that we became such friends they
would contend who should fetch us water, stay with us for hostage,
conduct our men any whither, and give us the best content. Here
doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak
the best Marchants of all other Salvages. They much extolled
a great nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned
by Limbo:
[_]
1
this river but onely at the entrance is very narrow, and
the people of small stature as them of Wighcocomoco, the Land but
low, yet it may prove very commodious, because it is but a ridge of
land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne
shore, shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water,
we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore: so broad
is the bay here, we could scarce perceive the great high clifts on the
other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards
Cliftes.
[_]
2
30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding
any inhabitants, leaving all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes, but
overgrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond them so farre as wee
could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along
well watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very
fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much
frequented with Wolves, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. We
passed many shallow creekes, but the first we found Navigable for

166

a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places under the
clifts by the high water marke, did grow up in red and white knots
as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as
though they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest
of the earth on both sides being hard sandy gravell, which made us
thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set
sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine
would make too much hast home, but having lien in this small
barge not above 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread
spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their
stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall complaints
so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake
them in this manner.
[_]
Their Barge
neare sunke
in a gust.

[_]
Cuskarawaock.

[_]
The first notice
of the Massawomeks.

[_]
Bolus River.

Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir
Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed in
the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being
boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feede them in their returnes;
then what a shame would it be for you (that have bin so
suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne, with so much provision
as we have, and scarce able to say where we have beene, nor
yet heard of that we were sent to seeke? You cannot say but I have
shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to come,
of lodging, dyet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst
part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these
unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust;
abandon these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to
happen: and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede.
Regaine therefore your old spirits for returne I will not (if God
please) till I have seene the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or
the head of this water you conceit to be endlesse.

Two or 3. dayes we expected winde and wether, whose adverse
extremities added such discouragement, that three or foure fell sicke,
whose pittifull complaints caused us to returne, leaving the bay some
nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water.

[_]
The discovery
of Patawomek.

The 16. of June we fell with the river Patowomek: feare being
gone, and our men recovered, we were all content to take some
paines, to know the name of that seven mile broad river: for thirtie
myles sayle, we could see no inhabitants: then we were conducted
by two Savages up a little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient,
where all the woods were layd with ambuscade's to the number of
three or foure thousand

[_]
1
Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and
disguised, shouting, yelling and crying || as so many spirits from hell
could not have shewed more terrible. Many bravado's they made,

167

but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with as seeming a
willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our
bullets upon the water (many being shot on purpose they might
see them)
[_]
1
with the Ecco of the woods so amazed them, as downe
went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) James
Watkins was sent six myles up the woods to their Kings habitation.
We were kindly used of those Salvages, of whom we understood,
they were commanded to betray us, by the direction of Powhatan,
and he so directed from the discontents at James towne, because our
Captaine did cause them stay in their country against their wills.
[_]
2

[_]
Ambuscadoes
of Salvages.

The like incounters we found at Patowomek, Cecocawonee and
divers other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the
people did their best to content us.

[_]
3
Having gone so high as we could
with the bote, we met divers Salvages in Canowes, well loaden with
the flesh of Beares, Deere, and other beasts, whereof we had part,
here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places above the
grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and divers other solid quarries
of divers tinctures: and divers places where the waters had falne
from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured spangled skurfe,
[_]
4

that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the growne
above in the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so
mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pin-dust.
[_]
5
In
our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke
gave us guides to conduct us up a little river called Quiyough,
up which we rowed so high as we could. Leaving the bote, with six
shot, and divers Salvages, he marched seven or eight myle before
they came to the mine: leading his hostages in a small chaine they
were to have for their paines, being proud so richly to be adorned.
The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony; wherein they
digged a great hole with shells and hatchets: and hard by it, runneth
a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash a way the
drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and
sell it all over the country to paint there bodyes, faces, or Idols;
which makes them looke like Blackmores dusted over with silver.
[_]
6

With so much as we could carry we returned to our bote, kindly requiting
this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this
discovery was to search this mine, of which Newport did assure us

168

that those small baggs (we had given him) in England he had tryed
to hold halfe silver; but all we got proved of no value: also to search
what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so
much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissention
among the Salvages, as gold and silver amongst Christians; and what
other mineralls, rivers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall,
and what other commodities the land afforded: and whether the
bay were endlesse or how farre it extended: of mines we were all
ignorant, but a few Bevers, Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes we
found, and in divers places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke
with their heads above the water, as for want of nets (our barge
driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying
pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with: neither
better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of
us ever seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are
not to be caught with frying pans: some small codd also we did see
swim close by the shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Riccards
Clifts. And some we have found dead upon the shore.
[_]
A trecherous
project.

[_]
A myne like
Antimony.

[_]
An aboundant
plenty of fish.

To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters amongst
those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we
so incountred them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded
with presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at
our first meeting our Captaine ever observed this order to demand
their bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with some
childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceive, when
they intended any villany. Having finished this discovery (though
our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaintances
upon the river of Rapahanock, by || many called
Toppahanock, but our bote by reason of the ebbe, chansing to
grownd upon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many
fishes lurking in the reedes: our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling
them to the grownd with his sword, set us all a fishing in that
manner: thus we tooke more in owne

[_]
1
houre then we could eate in
a day. But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword
(not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornback,
but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon the middest is
a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a
saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his arme neere
an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little
blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure
houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with
much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his grave in an
Island by, as himselfe directed: yet it pleased God by a precious
oyle Docter Russell at the first applyed to it when he sounded it

169

with probe (ere night) his tormenting paine was so well asswaged
that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gave no lesse joy and
content to us then ease to himselfe, for which we called the Island
Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.
[_]
How to deale
with the Salvages.

[_]
Captaine
Smith neare
killed with
a Stingray.

Having neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery, but that preservative
oyle we presently set sayles for James towne, passing the mouthes of
the rivers of Payankatank, and Pamaunkee, the next day we safely
arrived at Kecougtan. The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine
hurt, and an other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of
bowes, arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine
we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie
them) but impatiently importuned us to know with whom. Finding
their aptnesse to beleeve we fayled not (as a great secret) to tell
them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we had got
and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster up the river
then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of July; where
trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises as we could,
we made them at James towne jealous of a Spanish Frigot, where
we all God be thanked safely arrived the 21 of July. There we found
the last Supply were all sicke, the rest some lame, some bruised, all
unable to doe any thing but complaine of the pride and unreasonable
needlesse crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed
the store: and to fulfill his follies about building him an unnecessary
building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that
misery; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented
him with revenge: but the good newes of our Discovery, and the
good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched
into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their fury; but
conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captaine
Smith would take upon him the government, as by course it did
belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Master Scrivener
his deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private
provisions the other had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers
to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture

[_]
1
)
and in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of
the yeare, they being unable to worke, he left them to live at ease,
to recover their healths, but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery.
[_]
The Salvages
affrighted with
their owne
suspition.

[_]
Needlesse
misery at
James towne.

Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.
[_]
2

170

Chapter VI.
The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener.
What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay.

THE 24 of July, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery
with twelve men: their names were

    Gentlemen.

  • || Nathaniell Powell.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • Richard Fetherston.
  • Michell Sicklemore.
  • James Bourne.
  • Anthony Bagnall, Chirurgian.

    souldiers.

  • Jonas Profit.
  • Anas Todkill.
  • Edward Pising.
  • Richard Keale.
  • James Watkins.
  • William Ward.
    [_]
    1

The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three dayes at
Kecoughtan: the King feasted us with much mirth, his people were
perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks.

[_]
2

In the evening we fired a few rackets, which flying in the ayre so
terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing unpossible we
attempted; and desired to assist us. The first night we anchored at
Stingray Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted
to the river Bolus. We went not much further before we might see
the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided
in foure, all which we searched so farre as we could sayle them. Two
of them we found inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we incountred
7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks. We seeing them prepare to
assault us, left our Oares and made way with our sayle to incounter
them, yet were we but five with our Captaine that could stand, for
within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the
last supply) were sicke almost to death,
[_]
3
untill they were seasoned
to the Country. Having shut them under our Tarpawling, we put
their hats upon stickes by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a
man with two peeces, to make us seeme many, and so we thinke the
Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible
speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our
barge till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could

171

draw them to come unto us. At last they sent two of their company
unarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them if neede
required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought
aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with venison,
beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes.
We understood them nothing at all, but by signes, whereby they
signified unto us they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghes,
the which they confirmed by shewing us their greene wounds, but
the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning
to meete, but after that we never saw them.
[_]
The Salvages
admire fireworkes.

[_]
An Incounter
with the Massawomeks
at
the head of
the Bay.

Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, in a
fleete of boats, after their barbarous manner, round invironed us;
so it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan,
who perswaded the rest to a friendly parley. But when they saw us
furnished with the Massawomeks weapons, and we faining the invention
of Kecoughtan, to have taken them perforce; they conducted
us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees,
with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very formally.
Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits, furres,
and what they had, kindly welcommed us, spreading mats for us to
sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loves.

[_]
An Incounter
with the Tockwhoghs.

Many hatchets, knives, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw
amongst them, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks,
a mightie people and mortall enemies with the Massawomeks.
The Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the chiefe Spring of these foure
branches of the Bayes head, two dayes journey higher then our
barge could passe for rocks, yet we prevailed with the Interpreter to
take with him another Interpreter, to perswade the Sasquesahanocks
to come visit us, for their language are different. Three or foure dayes
we expected their returne, then sixtie of those gyant-like people
came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes three foot in
length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Five of their chiefe
Werowances came boldly aboord us to crosse the Bay for Tockwhogh,
leaving their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they durst
not passe.

[_]
Hatchets from
the Sasquesahanocks.

Our order was daily to have Prayer, with a Psalme, at which
solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being
done, a while they were busied with a consultation till they had contrived
their businesse. Then they began in a most pas- || sionate
manner to hold up their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull
song, then imbracing our Captaine, they began to adore him in like
manner: though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song
was finished: which done with a most strange furious action, and a
hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loves; that ended, with a
great painted Beares skin they covered him: then one ready with a
great chayne of white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven pound,


172

hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of divers
sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes they
layd at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke
for his Creation to be their Governour and Protector, promising
their aydes, victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay
with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we
left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised
the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses
they made us, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek, and other people,
signifying they inhabit upon a great water beyond the mountaines,
which we understood to be some great lake, or the river of Canada:
and from the French to have their hatchets and Commodities by
trade. These know no more of the territories of Powhatan, then his
name, and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks are on the
Ocean Sea.
[_]
1

[_]
The Sasquesahanocks
offer
to the English.

The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines
mount,

[_]
2
and a rocky river, where the Massawomeks went up,
Willowbyes river, in honor of the towne our Captaine was borne in,
and that honorable house the Lord Willowby, his most honored
good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we called Smiths falles; the
next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next it poynt Bourne.
Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and the little
Bay at the head Profits poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords
poynts are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore,
betwixt Patawomek and Pamaunkee, after the names of the discoverers.
[_]
3

In all those places and the furthest we came up the rivers,
we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places
made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places
crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had beene there.

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we
returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found
very tractable, and more civill then any. We promised them, as
also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but
our purposes were crossed.

[_]
Pawtuxunt,
River.

In the discovery of this river some call Rapahanock,

[_]
4
we were

173

kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we incountered
our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco
upon the river of Patawomek. We supposed him some French mans
sonne, because he had a thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages
seldome have any at all, of which he was not a little proud, to see
so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch us,
guide us any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe
us towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to
Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the
river, and occasioned our conduct
[_]
1
to the mine we supposed Antimony.
And in the place
[_]
2
he fayled not to doe us all the good he
could, perswading us in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks,
for they would kill us for being friends with the Moraughtacunds
that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women.
[_]
3
This we did
thinke was but that his friends might onely have our trade: so we
crossed the river to the Rapahanocks.
[_]
4
There some 12 or 16 standing
on the shore, directed us a little Creeke where was good landing,
and Commodities for us in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there:
but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in
signe of love, which after they had a little consulted, foure or five
came up to the middles, to fetch our man, and leave us one of them,
shewing we need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes,
nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore
to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had,
desired to goe over the playne to fetch some wood, but they were
unwilling, except we would come into the Creeke, where the boat
might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees || having got some two
stones throwes up the playne, perceived two or three hundred men
(as he thought) behind the trees, so that offering
[_]
5
to returne to the
Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called
to us we were betrayed, and by that he had spoke the word, our
hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the

174

water. Immediately we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, and
Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground
ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood
us in good stead, for upon Mosco's words, we had set them about the
forepart of our Boat like a forecastle, from whence we securely beat
the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they shot
more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into the woods.
Arming our selves with these light Targets (which are made of little
small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse,
as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce
them:) we rescued Todkill, who was all bloudy by
[_]
1
some of them
who were shot by us that held him, but as God pleased he had no
hurt; and following them up to the woods, we found some slaine,
and in divers places much bloud. It seems all their arrowes were
spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows we tooke; the
arrowes we found we broke, save them we kept for Mosco, to whom
we gave the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained us in the
best triumphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest
he could procure of the Moraughtacunds.
[_]
Rapahanock,
River.

[_]
The exceeding
love of the
Salvage Mosco.

[_]
Our fight with
the Rapahanocks.

The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead
of thoules

[_]
2
wee made stickes like Bedstaves, to which we fastened so
many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wast
clothes. The next morning we went up the river, and our friend
Mosco followed us along the shore, and at last desired to goe with
us in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and
Mecuppom, three Townes situated upon high white clay clifts; the
other side all a low playne marish, and the river there but narrow.
Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks, had so accommodated themselves
with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing
among the sedge, still seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and
dropped in the river: whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his
face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the
bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee
were neare halfe a myle from them, they shewed themselves dauncing
and singing very merrily.
[_]
The Salvages
disguised like
bushes fight.

The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen,
used us kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco
to bring us to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small
Isle or two, which causeth the river to be broader then ordinary;
there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Master
Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country, had
behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously, where in a
little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a volley


175

of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging,
crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but
alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths.
The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float,
[_]
1
there
setting up crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our Sentinell
saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and downe
more then an houre in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs,
and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe.

Upon the alarum by that we had recovered our armes, there
was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree,
letting fly their arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served us
for Baricadoes as well as they. But Mosco did us more service then
we expected, for having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to
the Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made them
pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there
were many Salvages. About halfe an houre this continued, then
they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco followed
them so farre as he could see us, till they were out of sight. As we
returned there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking
him up we found he had || life, which Mosco seeing, never was Dog
more furious against a Beare, then Mosco was to have beat out his
braines, so we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgian who went
with us to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this
Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat chearefully,
and did eate and speake. In the meane time we contented Mosco
in helping him to gather up their arrowes, which were an armefull,
whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know
what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the
poore Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga,
where there are three Kings more, like unto them, namely
the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of
Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting
Towne, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdome of the Mannahocks,
and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were.
We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that
came to them in peace, and to seeke their loves; he answered,
they heard we were a people come from under the world, to take
their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did
know, he replyed, he knew no more but that which was under the
skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans,


176

and the Massawomeks, that were higher up in the mountaines.
Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he answered
the Sunne: but of any thing els he knew nothing; *because the
woods were not burnt. These and many such questions wee demanded,
concerning the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne
Country, and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and
the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours and friends,
and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, living
upon rootes and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks
did dwell upon a great water, and had many boats, and so many
men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they
were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting: But
those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding
they would be altogether at night at Mahaskahod. For his
relation we gave him many toyes, with perswasions to goe with us,
and he as earnestly desired us to stay the comming of those Kings
that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother
to Hasinninga. But Mosco advised us presently to be gone, for they
were all naught, yet we told him we would not till it was night. All
things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as
diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked,
for the river was so narrow, had it beene light the land on
the one side was so high, they might have done us exceeding much
mischiefe. All this while the King of Hasinninga was seeking the
rest, and had consultation a good time what to doe. But by their
espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their
arrowes dropping on every side the Boat; we caused our Salvages to
call unto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that
they heard nothing, but now and then a peece, ayming so neare as
we could where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they
followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we found our
selves in a broad Bay,
[_]
1
out of danger of their shot, where wee came
to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them
till the Sunne was risen; being well refreshed, we untyed our Targets
that covered us as a Deck, and all shewed our selves with those
shields on our armes, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner
Amoroleck; a long discourse there was betwixt his Countrimen and
him, how good wee were, how well wee used him, how wee had a
Patawomek with us, loved us as his life, that would have slaine him
had we not preserved him, and that he should have his libertie would
they be but friends; and to doe us any hurt it was impossible. Upon
this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers upon the trees, and one
came swimming aboord us with a Bow tyed on his head, and another

177

with a Quiver of Arrowes, which they delivered our Captaine as a
present, the Captaine having used them so kindly as he could, told
them the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the great
King of our world should be their friend, whose men we were. It
was no sooner demanded but performed, so || upon a low Moorish
poynt of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came
and received Amoroleck: nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes,
Tobacco-bags, and Pipes: what we desired, none refused to give us,
wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done: our
Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did
content them with other Commodities, and so we left foure or five
hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making
merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund.
[_]
Our fight
with the
Manahaacks.
[_]
2

[_]
A Salvage shot
and taken
prisoner.

[_]
His relation of
their countries.
*They cannot
travell but
where the
woods are
burnt.

[_]
How we concluded
peace
with the foure
kings of
Monahoke.

In our returnes we visited all our friends,

[_]
1
that rejoyced much
at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had
Warres also with them, but now they were friends, and desired we
would be friends with the Rapahanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks.
Our Captaine told them, they had twise assaulted him that
came onely in love to doe them good, and therefore he would now
burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for ever hold them
his enemies, till they made him satisfaction; they desired to know
what that should be: he told them they should present him the
Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he
was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his
friends, and give him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it,
and then all King James his men should be their friends. Upon this
they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place
where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nantautacund
and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so
soone as we; where Rapahanock presented his Bow and Arrowes,
and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no more
but him he could not live without him, but in stead of his sonne he
would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolne. This
was accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could
went with us to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such
relations, and gave to his friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that
they no lesse loved him then admired us. The 3 women were brought
our Captaine, to each he gave a chayne of Beads: and then causing
Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid
Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund chuse
next, and to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away went their
Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision
they could, and they that wanted Boats swam over the river: the

178

darke commanded us then to rest. The next day there was of men,
women, and children, as we conjectured, six or seaven hundred,
dauncing, and singing, and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst
them. Mosco changed his name Uttasantasough, which we interpret
Stranger, for so they call us.
[_]
1
All promising ever to be our
friends, and to plant Corne purposely for us; and we to provide
hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed, giving them a
Volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths
could utter. That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and
discovered it so high as it was navigable, but the people were most
a hunting, save a few old men, women, and children, that were
tending their corne, of which they promised us part when we would
fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene.
[_]
How we became
friends
with the
Rapahanocks.

[_]
The discovery
of Payankatank.


In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored
in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night
with thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to have seene
James Towne. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the
Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we
kept from the splitting shore, untill it pleased God in that blacke
darknesse to preserve us by that light to finde poynt Comfort: there
refreshing our selves, because we had onely but heard of the Chisapeacks
and Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our
neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad.

So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled up a narrow
river up the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but
many shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or
seaven myles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their
houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest Pyne and Firre
trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any
people, and the river very narrow, we returned to the great river,
to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting || the shore towards
Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; at the mouth of that
river, we espied six or seaven Salvages making their wires, who
presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw
divers toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came
againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall us: and thus we
began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired us to goe
to his house up that river, into our Boat voluntarily he came, the
rest ran after us by the shore with all shew of love that could be.
Seaven or eight myles we sayled up this narrow river: at last on the
Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle,

[_]
2

and in it was abundance of Corne; the people he told us were all a

179

hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he invited us with
much kindnesse: to him, his wife, and children, we gave such things
as they seemed much contented them. The others being come, desired
us also to goe but a little higher to see their houses: here our
host left us, the rest rowed by us in a Canow, till we were so far
past the Isle the river became very narrow. Here we desired some
of them to come abord us, wherat pausing a little, they told us
they would but fetch their bows and arrowes and goe all with us,
but being a-shore and thus armed, they perswaded us to goe forward,
but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor
into our Boat. This gave us cause to provide for the worst. Farre
we went not ere seaven or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared
following us, staying to see the conclusion. Presently from
each side the river came arrowes so fast as two or three hundred could
shoot them, whereat we returned to get the open. They in the
Canowes let fly also as fast, but amongst them we bestowed so many
shot, the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two
or three escaped by rowing. Being against their playnes:
[_]
1
our
Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not
twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus
got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored
them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes
stucke in our Targets, and about the boat, yet none hurt, onely
Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeve.
But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the
Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were together, we thought it
best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were better
to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition,
[_]
2
till we were
provided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our
Colony: but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. In the
interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently
to lay downe their bowes, making signes of peace: peace we told
them we would accept, would they bring us their Kings bowes and
arrowes, with a chayne of pearle; and when we came againe give
us foure hundred baskets full of Corne, otherwise we would breake
all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all they had.
To performe all this they alledged onely the want of a Canow; so
we put one a drift and bad them swim to fetch her: and till they
performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their Canowes.
[_]
3

They cryed to us to doe no more, all should be as we would: which
presently they performed, away went their bowes and arrowes, and
tagge and ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry
we tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to James

180

Towne, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. There
we found Master Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many
dead; some sicke: the late President prisoner for mutiny: by the
honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the harvest gathered, but the
provision in the store much spoyled with rayne. Thus was that
summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing
done (such was the government of Captaine Ratliffe) but onely this
discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters
this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale
of proportion, about three thousand myles,
[_]
1
with such watery dyet
in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any
Christian utterly unknowne) I rather referre their merit to the
censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be
tedious or partiall being a partie.
[_]
A notable
trechery of the
Nandsamunds.

[_]
The fight with
the Chisapeacks
and
Nandsamunds.

[_]
How they became
friends.

[_]
The proceeding
at James
Towne.

|| But to this place to come who will adventure,
with judgements guide and reason how to enter:
Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
Ther's safer sayle then any where beside.
But 'cause to wanton novices it is
A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss;
Into the great vast deepe to venter out;
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
And by a small Boat learne there first, and marke,
How they may come to make a greater Barke.
[_]
2

Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell Powell, and Anas Todkill.

[_]
3

Chapter VII.
The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith: the Arrivall and
returne of the second Supply. And what happened.

THE tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request
of the Company, Captaine Smith received the Letters
Patents: which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he
was often importuned thereunto.

Now the building of Ratliffes Pallace stayed as a thing needlesse;
the Church was repaired; the Store-house recovered; buildings
prepared for the Supplyes, we expected; the Fort reduced to a


181

five-square forme;
[_]
1
the order of the Watch renewed; the squadrons
(each setting of the Watch) trained; the whole Company every
Saturday exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulwarke, prepared
for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes more then
an hundred Salvages would stand in an amazement to behold, how
a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to
shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with
Lieutenant Percy, in their Journey incountred the second Supply,
that brought them backe to discover the Country of Monacan. How
or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as
not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea,
or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know
not; nor why he brought such a five peeced Barge, not to beare us
to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which
how farre they extend is yet unknowne. As for the Coronation of
Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead,
Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had beene much better well
spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely
for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting,
made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as
much as nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch-men,
to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes when the
Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would have
done well, but to send them and seaventie more without victualls
to worke, was not so well advised nor considered of, as it should
have beene. Yet this could not have hurt us had they beene 200.
though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For we had
the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered)
that we feared not to get victuals for 500. Now was there no way
to make us miserable, but to neglect that time to make provision
whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from
England to performe this strange discovery, but a more strange
Coronation to loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and
starve our men, having no meanes to carry victuals, munition, the
hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by whom they were
invented I know not: but Captaine Newport we onely accounted the
Author, who to effect these projects, had so guilded mens hopes
with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded
his resolu- || tion for the most part: God doth know they little knew
what they did, nor understood their owne estates to conclude his
conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing President
alledged. Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one

182

Captaine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient
souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the busines,
(being but newly arrived.) Ratliffe was also permitted to have his
voyce, and Master Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so
that although Smith was President, yet the Major part of the Councell
had the authoritie and ruled it as they listed. As for clearing
Smiths objections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot, Clapbord,
Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship, or
provision got to live withall, when none was in the Country, and
that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects.
The answer was, Captaine Newport undertooke to fraught the
Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and returning in
his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from Werowocomoco of
Powhatan. Also promising a great proportion of victualls from the
Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions were onely devices to
hinder his journey, to effect it himselfe; and that the crueltie he
had used to the Salvages, might well be the occasion to hinder these
Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation all workes
were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard
in this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those
seeming suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was
pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their
authoritie they would have it so)
[_]
1
he was to assist them what he
could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he undertooke
himselfe their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come
to James Towne to receive his presents. And where Newport durst
not goe with lesse then 120. he onely tooke with him Captaine
Waldo, Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel
Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some
12 myles; there he passed the river of Pamaunkee in a Salvage
Canow. Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the
meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith
in this manner.
[_]
Powhatans
scorne when
his courtesie
was most deserved.

[_]
No better way
to overthrow
the busines
then by our
instructors.

[_]
A consultation,
where all the
Councell was
against the
President.

[_]
Captaine
Smith goeth
with 4. to
Powhatan,
when Newport
feared with
120.

In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting
upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous
noise and shreeking, that the English betooke themselves to their
armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing
Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But
presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were


183

intended,
[_]
1
and the beholders, which were men, women, and
children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then
presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young
women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and
before with a few greene leaves, their bodies all painted, some of
one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader had a
fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an Otters skinne at
her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her
backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand
a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the
rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most
hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves
in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most
excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and
solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent neare an houre
in this Mascarado, as they entred in like manner they departed.
[_]
A virginia
Maske.

Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited
him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but
all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding,
pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Love you
not me? love you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set,
consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise: some
attending, others singing and dauncing about them; which mirth
being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted
him to his lodging.

[_]
The Womens
entertainement.

Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
Some other us'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting.
[_]
2

The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his message
of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had
sent for England, desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to
accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans.
Whereunto this subtile Savage thus replyed.

[_]
Captaine
Smiths message.

If your King have sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this
is my land: eight dayes I will stay to receive them. Your Father is
to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite
at such a bait: as for the Monacans I can revenge my owne injuries,
and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was
slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for
any salt water beyond the mountaines, the Relations you have had
from my people are false.

[_]
Powhatans
answer.

Whereupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to
his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had


184

(yet both content to give each other content in complementall
Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer.

Upon this the Presents were sent by water

[_]
1
which is neare an
hundred myles, and the Captains went by land with fiftie good shot.
All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for
his Coronation, then the presents were brought him, his Bason and
Ewer, Bed and furniture set up, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with
much adoe put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would
not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to make him kneele
to receive his Crowne, he neither knowing the majesty nor meaning
of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions,
examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning
hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the
crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a
Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the
King start up in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then
remembring himselfe, to congratulate their kindnesse, he gave his
old shooes and his mantell to Captaine Newport: but perceiving
his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his
resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more then
Namontack; and so after some small complementall kindnesse on
both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a
heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and
as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we returned to
the Fort.
[_]
Powhatans
Coronation.

The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the
first Gentlewoman and woman-servant that arrived in our Colony
Captaine Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo,
Lieutenant Percie, Captaine Winne, Master West, and Master
Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the
President at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to
relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles we marched by land some
fortie myles in two dayes and a halfe, and so returned downe the
same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans,
called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither used
us well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings,
and led him bound to conduct us the way. And in our returnes
searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent
some time in refyning, having one William Callicut, a refyner fitted
for that purpose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded
us to beleeve he extracted some small quantitie of silver; and (not
unlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging. With this poore
tryall, being contented to leave this fayre, fertile, well watered
Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages fayned there


185

were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at James Towne.
Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not; for
they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived
at James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle,
famine, and discontent, to have onely but discovered our guilded
hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold us.
[_]
The discovery
of Monacan.

[_]
How the Salvages
deluded
Captaine
Newport.

But those that hunger seeke to slake,
Which thus abounding wealth would rake:
Not all the gemmes of Ister shore,
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,
|| Can fill their greedie appetite;
It is a thing so infinite.
[_]
1

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many
as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope
ashes, leaving them with the Fort to the Councels oversight, but
30 of us he conducted downe the river some 5 myles from James
towne, to learne to make Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in
woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and John
Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper
Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions; yet
lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing
as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so
pleasantly as within a weeke they became Masters: making it their
delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft
blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow
had a loud othe to drowne the eccho; for remedie of which sinne,
the President devised how to have every mans othes numbred, and
at night for every othe to have a Cann of water powred downe his
sleeve, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all)
that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke.

[_]
A punishment
for swearing.

For he who scornes and makes but jests of cursings, and his othe,
He doth contemne, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.
[_]
2

By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen
spent their times as common Wood haggers

[_]
3
at felling of
trees, or such other like labours, or that they were pressed to it as
hirelings, or common slaves; for what they did, after they were but
once a little inured, it seemed and some conceited it, onely as a
pleasure and recreation, yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentlemen
would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to

186

it by compulsion, but twentie good workemen had beene better then
them all.
[_]
1

[_]
3. Men better
then 100.

Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at
the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge.
The President returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time
consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a
great charge and did nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the
discovery barge, giving order to the Councell to send Lieutenant
Percie

[_]
2
after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort; two
Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania,
that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing
to trade, with as much scorne and insolency as they could expresse.
The President perceiving it was Powhatans policy to starve
us, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge
his imprisonment, and the death of his men murthered by them,
and so landing his men and readie to charge them, they immediately
fled: and presently after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish,
foule, and what they had to make their peace, (their Corne being
that yeare but bad) they complained extreamely of their owne wants,
yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in
like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not long after arrived, and
having done the best they could to content us, we parted good friends,
and returned to James towne.
[_]
The Chickahamania's
forced
to contribution.

Though this much contented the Company, (that feared nothing
more then starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they
rather desired to hazzard a starving, then his paines should prove
so much more effectuall then theirs. Some projects there were invented
by Newport and Ratliffe,

[_]
3
not onely to have deposed him,
but to have kept him out of the Fort; for that being President, he
would leave his place and the Fort without their consents, but their
hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselves more
narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.
[_]
A bad reward
for well-doing.

All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that
had either money or ware as could be desired: by this time they
were become so perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers,
and Salvages) as there was tenne times more care to maintaine their
damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things
|| that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in Newport and

[_]
4

the Marriners to report in England we had such plentie, and bring
us so many men without victuals, when they had so many private
Factors in the Fort, that within six or seaven weeks, of two or three
hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could

187

be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could
steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as
secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres,
Baskets, Mussaneeks,
[_]
1
young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange
them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua
vitæ, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle: and then fayne all was sent
them from their friends. And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for
the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this
indirect meanes, as he confessed to have sold in England for 30
[_]
1
.
[_]
A good Taverne
in Virginia.

[_]
A bad trade
of the masters
and saylers.

Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that have
notwithstanding all this meate, drinke, and wages; but now they
begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented;
none hath beene in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which
knowes not this to be true, and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery,
and shame, was the poore Officers, Gentlemen, and carelesse
Governours, who were all thus bought and sold; the adventurers
cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false excuses, informations,
and directions. By this let all men judge, how this businesse
could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions.
And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would
have discharged the ship, and caused him to have stayed one yeare
in Virginia, to learne to speake of his owne experience.

[_]
2

Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to
Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more readie to fight
then trade; but his vigilancy was such as prevented their projects,
and by the meanes of Namontack got three or foure hogsheads of
Corne, and as much Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was
esteemed an excellent Dye.

[_]
Master Scriveners
voyage
to Werowocomoco.

Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch,
Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with that Clapboord and
Waynscot that could be provided: met with Master Scrivener at
poynt Comfort, and so returned for England. We remaining were
about two hundred.

The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer
and Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith,
then President in Virginia.
[_]
3

Right Honorable, etc.

I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are
so set upon faction, and idle conceits in dividing the Country without


188

your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs and ands,
hopes, and some few proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of
the businesse to our selves: and that we must expresly follow your
instructions sent by Captain Newport: the charge of whose voyage
amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which if we cannot defray
by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men.
To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you
with my rude Answer.

For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away and
leave the Country, I cannot prevent them: because I do make many
stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent to my
Lord of Salisbury, by the President

[_]
1
and his confederats, for dividing
the Country etc. What it was I know not, for you saw no hand
|| of mine to it; nor ever dream't I of any such matter. That we feed
you with hopes, etc. Though I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy;
and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here doe
know, but that I have learned to tell you by the continuall hazard
of my life. I have not concealed from you any thing I know; but I
feare some cause you to beleeve much more then is true.

Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport,
though they be performed, I was directly against it; but according
to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the major
part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of us all; which now is
generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine Winne and
Captaine Waldo I have sworne of the Councell, and Crowned
Powhatan according to your instructions.

For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds,
we have not received the value of an hundred pounds. And for the
quartred Boat to be borne by the souldiers over the Falles, Newport
had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes,
one might have carried her in a bag; but as she is, five hundred
cannot, to a navigable place above the Falles. And for him at that
time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold; or any of them sent
by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as
likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie myles,
(which might as well have beene done by one man, and much more,
for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had
the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained
with me to serve the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun
workes of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord,
whereof some small quantities we have sent you. But if you rightly
consider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland, where
the woods are proper for naught els, and though there be the helpe
both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which


189

many an hundred yeares have used it, yet thousands of those poore
people can scarce get necessaries to live, but from hand to mouth.
And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will
fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect
from us any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable
soules, that are scarce able to get wherewith to live, and defend our
selves against the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a
tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians have.
For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him
such presents,
[_]
1
I know not; but this give me leave to tell you, I
feare they will be the confusion of us all ere we heare from you
againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly
gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being halfe sufficient
for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne
Newport promised to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but
foureteene Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most
of the men sicke and neare famished. From your Ship we had not
provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then
two hundred to live upon this: the one halfe sicke, the other little
better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare,
but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that.
Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in
the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake
and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we
much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you
should know, I have made you as great a discovery as he, for lesse
charge then he spendeth you every meale; I have sent you this
Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed || Relation of the
Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large.
Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron ore at
the least; so devided, as by their notes you may see in what places
I found them.
[_]
2
The souldiers say many of your officers maintaine
their families out of that you send us: and that Newport hath an
hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you
have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred
pounds might be spared, which is more then we have all, that helpe
to pay him wages. Captaine Ratliffe is now called Sicklemore, a
poore counterfeited Imposture. I have sent you him home, least
the company should cut his throat.
[_]
3
What he is, now every one
can tell you: if he and Archer
[_]
4
returne againe, they are sufficient to
keepe us alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you

190

rather send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher
men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well
provided; then a thousand of such as we have: for except wee be
able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with
want of necessaries before they can be made good for any thing.
Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the unnecessary
wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying
here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leave us victuals for
12 moneths, though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and
but a pinte of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to give
him three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to
send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men and the rest, till we
be able to sustaine our selves, and relieve them when they come. It
were better to give five hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities
in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary
things be provided.
[_]
1
For in over-toyling our weake and unskilfull
bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever
recover our selves from one Supply to another. And I humbly
intreat you hereafter, let us know what we should receive, and not
stand to the Saylers courtesie to leave us what they please, els you
may charge us with what you will, but we not you with any thing.
These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia, from laying such
a foundation, that ere this might have given much better content and
satisfaction; but as yet you must not looke for any profitable returnes:
so I humbly rest.

The Names of those in this Supply, were these:
with their Proceedings and Accidents.

    were appoynted to be of the Councell.

  • Captaine Peter Winne,
  • Captaine Richard Waldo,

Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.

    Gentlemen.

  • Thomas Graves.
  • Raleigh Chroshaw.
  • Gabriel Beadle.
  • John Beadle.
  • John Russell.
  • William Russell.
  • John Cuderington.
  • William Sambage.
  • Henry Leigh.
  • Henry Philpot.
  • Harmon Harrison.
  • Daniel Tucker.
  • Henry Collins.
  • Hugh Wolleston.
  • John Hoult.
  • Thomas Norton.
  • George Yarington.
  • George Burton.
  • Thomas Abbay.
  • William Dowman.
  • Thomas Maxes.
  • Michael Lowick.
  • Master Hunt.
  • Thomas Forrest.
  • John Dauxe.

191

    Tradesmen.

  • Thomas Phelps.
  • John Prat.
  • John Clarke.
  • Jeffrey Shortridge.
  • Dionis Oconor.
  • Hugh Winne.
  • David ap Hugh.
  • Thomas Bradley.
  • || John Burras.
  • Thomas Lavander.
  • Henry Bell.
  • Master Powell.
  • David Ellis.
  • Thomas Gibson.

    Labourers.

  • Thomas Dawse.
  • Thomas Mallard.
  • William Tayler.
  • Thomas Fox.
  • Nicholas Hancock.
  • Walker.
  • Williams.
  • Floud.
  • Morley.
  • Rose.
  • Scot.
  • Hardwyn.

    Boyes.

  • Milman.
  • Hilliard.

Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch men
and Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, etc.

[_]
1

These poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, that
the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine
Winne, and Master Scrivener, then returning from Captaine
Newport.

[_]
2
These people also long denied him not onely the 400
Baskets of Corne they promised, but any trade at all; (excusing
themselves they had spent most they had, and were commanded by
Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let us come into their
river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Upon
the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow;
the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceived,
they desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would give
us halfe they had: how they collected it I know not, but before
night they loaded our three Boats; and so we returned to our quarter
some foure myles downe the River, which was onely the open woods
under the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow,
and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire
in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we turned away the
fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warme.
To keepe us from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as
the winde turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew
cold we removed the fire. And thus many a cold winter night have
wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those that most commonly
went upon all those occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat.
For sparing them this yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant
purposely for us; and so we returned to James towne. About this time

192

there was a marriage betwixt John Laydon and Anne Burras;
which was the first marriage we had in Virginia.
[_]
Nandsamund
forced to contribution.

[_]
The first
marriage in
Virginia.

Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo
with two Barges. From Chawopo, Weanock, and all parts thereabouts,
all the people were fled, as being jealous of our intents; till
we discovered the river and people of Apamatuck; where we found
not much, that they had we equally divided, but gave them copper,
and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener
and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but could find nothing.

[_]
Apamatuck discovered.

The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course
to live, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure
in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the
unwillingnesse of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some
private respect, plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith, did
their best to hinder their project;

[_]
1
but the President whom no perswasions
could perswade to starve, being invited by Powhatan to
come unto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a
house, give him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and
a hen, with much copper and beads he would load his Ship with
Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet
unwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men
and two English, having so small allowance, few were able to
doe any thing to purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle
to effect this project,
[_]
2
tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second
him, if need required; Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth
with the Pinnace, two Barges, and fortie-six men, which onely were
such as voluntarily offered themselves for his Journey, the which by
reason of Master Scriveners ill successe, was censured very desperate,
they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie, if it were to be
had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to
find excuses to stay behinde.

Chapter VIII.
Captaine Smiths Journey to Pamaunkee.

The twentie-nine of December he set forward for Werowocomoco:
his Company were these;
In the Discovery Barge himselfe.

    Gentlemen.

  • Robert Behethland.
  • Nathanael Graves.
  • John Russell.
  • Raleigh Chrashow.
  • Michael Sicklemore.
  • Richard Worley.

193

    souldiers.

  • Anas Todkill.
  • William Love.
  • William Bentley.
  • Jeffrey Shortridge.
  • Edward Pising.
  • William Ward.

In the Pinnace.

[_]
1

  • Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland.
  • Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
  • William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace.

    Gentlemen.

  • Michael Phittiplace.
  • Jeffrey Abbot, Serjeant.
  • William Tankard.
  • George Yarington.
  • Jonas Profit, Master.
  • Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell.

    souldiers.

  • James Browne.
  • Edward Brinton.
  • George Burton.
  • Thomas Coe.
  • John Dods, Souldier.
  • Henry Powell, Souldier.

Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers. John Prat,
George Acrig, James Read, Nicholas Hancock, James Watkins, Thomas
Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by land
before to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrivall.

[_]
2

This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes,
lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke
sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from
seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised
in this manner. Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you
kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no oportunitie to
seize on your Armes; for he hath sent for you onely to cut your
throats. The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell: yet the
better to try his love, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would
send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this
journey was sent Master Sicklemore,

[_]
3
a very valiant, honest, and a
painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seeke
for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then
we departed thence, the President assuring the King perpetuall love;
and left with him Samuel Collier
[_]
4
his Page to learne the Language.
[_]
The good
counsell of
Warraskoyack.

So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adjur'd.
More wary proves, and circumspect by ods:
Fearing at least his double forfeiture;
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.
[_]
5


194

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan; six or seaven dayes
the extreame winde, rayne, frost and snow caused us to keepe
Christmas among the Salvages, where we were never more merry,
nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule,
and good bread; nor never had better fires in England, then in the
dry smoaky houses of Kecoughtan: but departing thence, when we
found no houses we were not curious in any weather to lye three or
foure nights together under the trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd.
An hundred fortie eight foules the President, Anthony Bagnall, and
Serjeant Pising did kill at three shoots. At Kiskiack the frost and
contrary winds forced us three or foure dayes also (to suppresse the
insolency of those proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet
guard our Barge, and cause them give us what we wanted; though
we were but twelve and himselfe, yet we never wanted shelter where
we found any houses. The 12 of January we arrived at Werowocomoco,
where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle from the
shore; but to neg- || lect no time, the President with his Barge so
far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him amongst
those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye there frozen to death, by
his owne example he taught them to march neere middle deepe, a
flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated,
he appoynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace.
Where for want of water in melting the ice, they made fresh water,
for the river there was salt. But in this march Master Russell,
(whom none could perswade to stay behinde) being somewhat ill,
and exceeding heavie, so overtoyled himselfe as the rest had much
adoe (ere he got ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed
spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Powhatan
for provision, who sent us plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison;
the next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began
to aske us when we would be gone: fayning he sent not for us,
neither had he any corne; and his people much lesse: yet for fortie
swords he would procure us fortie Baskets. The President shewing
him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions,
asked Powhatan how it chanced he became so forgetfull;
thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter,
asking for our Commodities, but none he liked without gunnes and
swords, valuing a Basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of
Copper; saying he could eate his Corne, but not the Copper.

[_]
Plentie of
victualls.

[_]
148 Foules
killed at three
shootes.

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage began
to deale with him after this manner.

[_]
Captaine
Smiths
discourse to
Powhatan.

Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision,
yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected
all to satisfie your desire: and to testifie my love, I send you my men
for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had you


195

have engrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you thinke by
consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill
your strange demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long
agoe I had none to spare; and you must know those I have can
keepe me from want: yet steale or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve
that friendship we have mutually promised, except you constraine
me by our bad usage.
[_]
1

The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised
that both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the
which within two dayes they should receive. Yet Captaine Smith,
sayth the King,

some doubt I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so
kindly seeke to relieve you as I would: for many doe informe me,
your comming hither is not for trade, but to invade my people, and
possesse my Country, who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing
you thus armed with your men. To free us of this feare, leave aboord
your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends, and
for ever Powhatans.

[_]
Powhatans
reply and
flattery.

With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that
night in the Kings houses. The next day he renewed his building,
which hee little intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding
his plentie, and knowing our want, and perceiving his preparations
to surprise us, little thinking we could escape both him and famine;
(to obtaine his favour) revealed to him so much as they knew of
our estates and projects, and how to prevent them. One of them
being of so great a spirit, judgement, and resolution, and a hireling
that was certaine of his wages for his labour, and ever well used both
he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not whom better
to trust; and not knowing any fitter for that imployment, had sent
him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his
honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare halfe a
yeare after.

Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we wrangled
out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which
the President perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much
greater rate; but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided
we should have as much more the next yeare, or els the Country
of Monacan.

[_]
2
Wherewith each seemed well contented, and Powhatan
began to expostulate the difference of Peace and Warre after this
manner.


196

Captaine Smith, you may understand that I having seene the
death of all my people thrice, and not any one living of those three
generations but my selfe; I know the difference of Peace and Warre
better then any in my Country. But now I am old and ere long must
die, my bre- || thren, namely Opitchapam, Opechancanough, and
Kekataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly
each others successors. I wish their experience no lesse then mine, and
your love to them no lesse then mine to you. But this bruit from
Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my Country, so much
affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What will it
availe you to take that by force you may quickly have by love, or to
destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre,
when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you
must famish by wronging us your friends. And why are you thus
jealous of our loves seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are willing
still to feede you, with that you cannot get but by our labours?
Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is better to eate good
meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children,
laugh and be merry with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I
want being your friend: then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold
in the woods, feede upon Acornes, rootes, and such trash, and be so
hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe; but my
tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every one cryeth
there commeth Captaine Smith: then must I fly I know not whether:
and thus with miserable feare, end my miserable life, leaving my
pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash unadvisednesse
may quickly as miserably end, for want of that, you never
know where to finde. Let this therefore assure you of our loves, and
every yeare our friendly trade shall furnish you with Corne; and
now also, if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not
thus with your guns and swords as to invade your foes.

[_]
Powhatans
discourse of
peace and
warre.

To this subtill discourse, the President thus replyed.

[_]
Captaine
Smiths Reply.

Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to
make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my
love, both my selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise I
find it every day violated by some of your subjects: yet we finding
your love and kindnesse, our custome is so far from being ungratefull,
that for your sake onely, we have curbed our thirsting desire of
revenge; els had they knowne as well the crueltie we use to our
enemies, as our true love and courtesie to our friends. And I thinke
your judgement sufficient to conceive, as well by the adventures we
have undertaken, as by the advantage we have (by our Armes) of
yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long erethis we could
have effected it. Your people comming to James Towne are entertained
with their Bowes and Arrowes without any exceptions; we
esteeming it with you as it is with us, to weare our armes as our
apparell. As for the danger of our enemies, in such warres consist
our chiefest pleasure: for your riches we have no use: as for the


197

hiding your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not
so unadvisedly starve as you conclude, your friendly care in that
behalfe is needlesse, for we have a rule to finde beyond your knowledge.


Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade.
But the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our
guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his
minde once more in this manner.

Captaine Smith, I never use any Werowance so kindely as your
selfe, yet from you I receive the least kindnesse of any. Captaine
Newport gave me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, tooles, or what I
desired; ever taking what I offered him, and would send away his
gunnes when I intreated him: none doth deny to lye at my feet, or
refuse to doe what I desire, but onely you; of whom I can have
nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will have whatsoever
you demand. Captaine Newport you call father, and so you call me;
but I see for all us both you will doe what you list, and we must both
seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send
hence your armes, that I may beleeve you; for you see the love I
beare you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe.

[_]
Powhatans
importunity to
have us unarmed
to betray
us.

Smith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat,
procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come
to fetch his corne and him: and gave order for more men to come
on shore, to surprise the King, with whom also he but trifled the
time till his men were landed: and to keepe him from suspicion,
entertained the time with this reply.

[_]
Captaine
Smiths discourse
to delay
time, till he
found oportunity
to
surprise the
King.

Powhatan you must know, as I have but one God, I honour
but one King; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend
to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me,
you gaine more then by trade: yet would you visit mee as I doe you,
you should know it is not our custome, to sell our curtesies as a
vendible commodity. Bring all your || countrey with you for your
guard, I will not dislike it as being over jealous. But to content you,
tomorrow I will leave my Armes, and trust to your promise. I call
you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you:
but the small care you have of such a childe caused my men perswade
me to looke to my selfe.

By this time Powhatanhaving knowledge his men were ready
whilest the ice was a breaking, with his luggage women and children,
fled. Yet to avoyd suspicion, left two or three of the women
talking with the Captaine, whilest hee secretly ran away, and his
men that secretly beset the house. Which being presently discovered
to Captaine Smith, with his pistoll, sword, and target hee made


198

such a passage among these naked Divels; that at his first shoot,
they next him tumbled one over another, and the rest quickly
fled some one way some another: so that without any hurt, onely
accompanied with John Russell,
[_]
1
hee obtained the corps du guard.
When they perceived him so well escaped, and with his eighteene
men (for he had no more with him a shore) to the uttermost of their
skill they sought excuses to dissemble the matter: and Powhatanto
excuse his flight and the sudden comming of this multitude, sent
our Captaine a great bracelet and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient
Oratour that bespoke us to this purpose, perceiving even then from
our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and comming unto us.
[_]
Powhatans
plot to have
murdered
Smith.

[_]
A chaine of
pearle sent the
Captaine for a
present.

Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes,
and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men,
sent these numbers but to guard his corne from stealing, that might
happen without your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by
your misprision, yet Powhatanis your friend and so will for ever
continue. Now since the ice is open, he would have you send away
your corne, and if you would have his company, send away also
your gunnes, which so affright his people, that they dare not come
to you as hee promised they should.

Then having provided baskets for our men to carry our corne
to the boats, they kindly offered their service to guard our Armes,
that none should steale them. A great many they were of goodly
well proportioned fellowes, as grim as Divels; yet the very sight of
cocking our matches, and being to let fly, a few wordes caused them
to leave their bowes and arrowes to our guard, and beare downe
our corne on their backes; wee needed not importune them to make
dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe, caused
us stay till the next high-water, so that wee returned againe to our
old quarter.

[_]
2
Powhatanand his Dutch-men brusting
[_]
3
with desire
to have the head of Captaine Smith, for if they could but kill him,
they thought all was theirs, neglected not any oportunity to effect
his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could devise,
spent the time till night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who
all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and
him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did
prevent him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest
jewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the irksome
woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be sent us by
and by: but Powhatanand all the power he could make, would
after come kill us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with

199

our owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would
live shee wished us presently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted
in, he would have given her: but with the teares running
downe her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to have any:
for if Powhatanshould know it, she were but dead, and so shee
ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within lesse then an houre
came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters of venison and
other victuall, very importunate to have us put out our matches
(whose smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But
the Captaine made them taste every dish, which done hee sent
some of them backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee
was prepared for his comming. As for them hee knew they came to
betray him at his supper: but hee would prevent them and all their
other intended villanies: so that they might be gone. Not long after
came more messengers, to see what newes; not long after them
others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was
high-water, yet seemed to the Salvages || as friendly as they to us:
and that wee were so desirous to give Powhatancontent, as hee
requested, wee did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him foule,
and the Dutch-men to finish his house; thinking at our returne
from Pamaunkee the frost would be gone, and then we might finde
a better oportunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet
of the Dutch-mens treachery, whose humor well suted this verse:
[_]
Pretending to
kill our men
loaded with
baskets, we
caused them
do it themselves.

[_]
Pocahontas bewrayes
her fathers
deceit to
kill us.

Is any free, that may not live as freely as he list?
Let us live so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best.
[_]
1

Chapter IX.
How wee escaped surprising at Pamaunkee.

WE had no sooner set sayle but Powhatanreturned, and sent
Adam and Francis (two stout Dutch-men) to James towne:
who faining to Captaine Winne that all things were well, and that
Captaine Smith had use of their armes, wherefore they requested
new (the which were given them) they told him their comming was
for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of apparell; by which
colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seavenmore to their confederacie,
such expert theeves, that presently furnished them with a
great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like:
Salvages they had at hand to carry it away, and the next day they
returned unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in
the interim to convay them such things as they could: for which
service they should live with Powhatanas his chiefe affected, free


200

from those miseries that would happen the Colony. Samuel their
other consort Powhatankept for their pledge, whose diligence had
provided them three hundred of their kinde of hatchets; the rest
fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes. Brynton and Richard
Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to accommodate the
Salvages with weapons, attempted to have gotten to James towne,
but they were apprehended, and expected ever when to be put to
death.
[_]
1

[_]
The Dutch
men deceive
Captaine
Winne.

[_]
The Dutch
men furnish
the Salvages
with Armes.

Within two or three dayes we arrived at Pamaunkee, the King
as many dayes entertained us with feasting and much mirth. And
the day appointed to beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant
Percie, Master West, Master Russell, Master Behethland, Master
Crashaw, Master Powell, Master Ford, and some others to the number
of fifteene, went up to Opechancanoughs house a quarter of a
mile from the river, where wee found nothing but a lame fellow
and a boy: and all the houses round about of all things abandoned.
Not long wee stayed erethe King arrived, and after him came
diverse of his people loaden with bowes and arrowes: but such
pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value, as our
Captaine began with the King after this manner.

Opechancanough, the great love you professe with your tongue,
seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly fraughted
our ship: but now you have invited mee to starve with hunger:
you know my want, and I your plenty; of which by some meanes I
must have part: remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise.
Here are my commodities, whereof take your choice, the rest I will
proportion fit bargains for your people.

[_]
Smiths Speech
to Opechancanough.

The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to
colour his project, sold us what they had to our owne content,
promising the next day more company, better provided. The Barges
and Pinnace being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace;
the President with his old fifteene marched up to the Kings house,
where wee found foure or five men newly arrived, each with a great
basket. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheerfulnesse
held us with discourse what paines he had taken to keep
his promise; till Master Russell brought us in newes that we were
all betrayed: for at least seven hundred Salvages

[_]
2
well armed, had
invironed || the house, and beset the fields. The King conjecturing
what Russell related, wee could well perceive how the extremity of
his feare bewrayed
[_]
3
his intent: whereat some of our company

201

seeming dismaied with the thought of such a multitude; the Captaine
encouraged us to this effect.
[_]
700. Salvages
beset the English
being but
16.

Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming
friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared were
they as many more: if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment,
that if I escape them, our malicious Councell with their open mouthed
Minions, will make me such a peace breaker (in their opinions in
England) as will breake my necke. I could wish those here, that
make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst
of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your opinions. Should wee
beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot keepe him and
defend well our selves. If wee should each kill our man, and so proceed
with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall wee get
no more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starve for victuall.
As for their fury it is the least danger; for well you know, being alone
assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the
helpe of God compound to save my life. And wee are sixteene, and
they but seavenhundred at the most; and assure your selves, God
will so assist us, that if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces,
the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever,
let us fight like men, and not die like sheepe: for by that meanes
you know God hath oft delivered mee, and so I trust will now. But
first, I will deale with them, to bring it to passe wee may fight for
something, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this
motion, promise me you will be valiant.

[_]
Smiths speech
to his Company.

The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute
whatsoever hee attempted, or die: whereupon the Captaine in
plaine tearmes told the King this.

I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it
not. As yet your men and mine have done no harme, but by our
direction. Take therefore your Armes, you see mine, my body shall
bee as naked as yours: the Isle in your river is a fit place, if you be
contented: and the conquerour (of us two) shall be Lord and Master
over all our men. If you have not enough, take time to fetch more,
and bring what number you will; so every one bring a basket of
corne, against all which I will stake the value in copper, you see
I have but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour take all.

[_]
Smiths offer to
Opechancanough.

The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men,
seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of unkindnesse, by a
great present at the doore, they intreated him to receive. This was
to draw him out of the doore, where the bait was guarded with at
least two hundred men, and thirty lying under a great tree (that lay
thwart as a barricado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot. The
President commanded one to go see what kind of deceit this was, and
to receive the present; but hee refused to doe it: yet the Gentlemen


202

and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he would not permit
them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded Lieutenant
Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house; Master
Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore,
and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest
of his men, with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest. Thus he
led the trembling King, neare dead with feare amongst all his
people: who delivering the Captaine his Vambrace,
[_]
1
Bow, and
Arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their
Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner have used their
King: who then to escape himselfe bestowed his presents in good
sadnesse, and causing a great many of them come before him unarmed,
holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd) he spake to them
to this effect.
[_]
Opechanca-
noughs device
to betray
Smith.

[_]
Smith taketh
the King prisoner.


I see (you Pamaunkees) the great desire you have to kill me,
and my long suffering your injuries hath imboldened you to this
presumption. The cause I have forborne your insolencies, is the
promise I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till
you give me just cause to be your enemy. If I keepe this vow, my
God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me, if I breake it, he will
destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one drop of
bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or Copper,
I spurne here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not cease
revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde
one of || your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamaunk. I
am not now at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you
tooke me prisoner; yet then for keeping your promise and your good
usage and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denyals of your
trechery, doe halfe perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the
marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised
to fraught my Ship ereI departed, and so you shall, or I meane to
load her with your dead carcasses, yet if as friends you will come and
trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me
the first occasion, and your King shall be free and be my friend,
for I am not come to hurt him or any of you.

[_]
2

[_]
Smiths discourse
to the
Pamaunkees.

Upon this away went their Bowes and Arrowes, and men,
women, and children brought in their Commodities: two or three
houres they so thronged about the President and so overwearied
him, as he retyred himselfe to rest, leaving Master Behethland and
Master Powell to receive their presents, but some Salvages perceiving
him fast asleepe, and the guard somewhat carelesly dispersed,
fortie or fiftie of their choise men each with a club,

[_]
3
or an

203

English sword in his hand began to enter the house with two or
three hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and
hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his
sleepe, and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, betooke
him strait to his sword and Target; Master Chrashaw and some
others charged in like manner; whereat they quickly thronged
faster backe then before forward. The house thus cleansed, the
King and some of his auncients we kept yet with him, who with a
long Oration, excused this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent
with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their presents
with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gave them they seemed
therewith well contented.
[_]
The Salvages
dissemble their
intent.

[_]
Their excuse
and reconcilement.


Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at our
Fort. Master Scrivener

[_]
1
having received Letters from England to
make himselfe either Cæsar or nothing, he began to decline in his
affection to Captaine Smith, that ever regarded him as himselfe,
and was willing to crosse the surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine
daies
[_]
2
after the Presidents departure, he would needs goe visit the
Isle of Hogs, and tooke with him Captaine Waldo (though the
President had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions)
with Master Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so violent was
the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where
or how none doth know. The Skiff was much over-loaden, and would
scarce have lived in that extreame tempest had she beene empty:
but by no perswasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and
an hundred others doubted as it hapned. The Salvages were the
first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged
them to effect their projects. To advertise the President of this
heavie newes, none could be found would undertake it, but the
Jorney was often refused of all in the Fort, untill Master Richard
Wyffin undertooke alone the performance thereof.
[_]
The losse of
Master
Scrivener and
others with a
Skiff.

In this Journey he was incountred with many dangers and difficulties
in all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with
Powhatan, perceiving such preparation for warre, not finding the
President there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended.

[_]
3

Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the
cleane contrary way to seeke him; but by her meanes and extraordinary

204

bribes and much trouble in three dayes travell, at length
he found us in the middest of these turmoyles. This unhappy newes
the President swore him to conceale from the company, and so dissembling
his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the
night approched went safely aboord with all his souldiers; leaving
Opechancanough at libertie, according to his promise, the better
to have Powhatanin his returne.
[_]
1

[_]
Master
Wyffins
desperate
journey.

Now so extreamely Powhatanhad threatned the death of his
men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith: that the
next day they appointed all the countrey should come to trade unarmed:
yet unwilling to be trecherous, but that they were constrained,
hating fighting with him

[_]
2
almost as ill as hanging, such feare they
had of bad successe. The next morning the Sunne had not long appeared,
but the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets,
to tempt us on shore; but nothing was to be had without his presence,
nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. || When the
President saw them begin to depart, being unwilling to loose such a
bootie, he so well contrived the Pinnace, and his Barges with
Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and
Master Russell, with their Armes went on shore; others he appointed
unarmed to receive what was brought. The Salvages flocked before
him in heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he
drew them fayre open to his Ambuscado's. For he not being to be
perswaded to goe visit their King, the King knowing the most of
them unarmed, came to visit him with two or three hundred men,
in the forme of two halfe Moones; and with some twentie men, and
many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they approached
somewhat neare us, their women and children fled. For when they
had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought
their purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse
able to nock their Arrowes: Smith standing with his three men
ready bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our
Ambuscado's, who upon the word discovered themselves, and he
retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages no sooner perceived, then
away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage.
[_]
Powhatan
constraineth
his men to be
trecherous.

[_]
The third attempt
to betray
us.

That night we sent Master Chrashaw, and Master Ford to
James towne to Captaine Winne. In the way betweene Werowocomoco
and the Fort they met foure or five of the Dutch-mens
Confederates going to Powhatan: the which to excuse those Gentlemens
suspition of their running to the Salvages, returned to the
Fort and there continued.


205

The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the
night, were so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more men (we
having so much threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses,
boats, and wires) that the next day the King sent our Captaine a
chayne of Pearle, to alter his purpose and stay his men: promising
though they wanted themselves, to fraught our ship and bring it
aboord to avoyd suspition. So that five or six dayes after, from all
parts of the Country within ten or twelve myles in the extreame
frost and snow, they brought us provision on their naked backes.

[_]
A chayne of
pearle sent to
obtaine peace.

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and
poyson beene sufficient, the President, with Master West, and some
others had beene poysoned; it made them sicke, but expelled it
selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected
for bringing this present of poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe
companions (seeing the President but with a few men at Potauncak)

[_]
1

so proudly braved it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge.
Which the President perceiving in the midst of his company, did
not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe
him any worse mischiefe. Whereupon all of them fled into the woods,
thinking they had done a great matter to have so well escaped: and
the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be rid
of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow,
(being sonne to their chiefe King, but Powhatan) and told us if we
would shew them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver
him to us to punish as we pleased. Men may thinke it strange there
should be such a stirre for a little corne, but had it beene gold with
more ease wee might have got it; and had it wanted, the whole
Colony had starved. Wee may be thought very patient to endure
all those injuries, yet onely with fearing them wee got what they
had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their losse, we
should have lost our selves. We searched also the Countries of
Youghtanund and Mattapanient, where the people imparted that
little they had with such complaints and teares from the eyes of
women and children, as he had beene too cruell to have beene a
Christian, that would not have beene satisfied and moved with
compassion. But had this hapned in October, November, and
December, when that unhappie discovery of Monacan was made,
and when we might have fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and twise
as much might have beene had from the Rivers of Rapahanock,
Patawomek, and Pawtuxunt.
[_]
The President
poysoned: the
offender punished.

[_]
The Salvages
want and povertie.


The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them was,
to part friends as we did, to give the lesse cause of suspition to
Powhatanto fly, by whom we now retur- || ned with a purpose to


206

have surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof (when
we came against the Towne) the President sent Master Wyffin and
Master Coe ashore to discover and make way for his intended
project. But they found that those damned Dutch-men had caused
Powhatanto abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, and to
carry away all his corne and provision: and the people they found
so ill affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with
their lives. So the President finding his intent frustrated, and that
there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to
revenge their abuses, sent Master Michael Phittiplace by Land to
James towne,
[_]
1
whether we sayled with all the speed we could; wee
having in this Journey (for 25.1 of Copper, and 50.1 of Iron and
Beads) enough to keepe 46 men
[_]
2
six weekes, and every man for his
reward a moneths provision extraordinary (no Trade being allowed
but for the store) we got neare 2001 waight of deere suet,
[_]
3
and delivered
to the Cape Merchant 479
[_]
4
Bushels of Corne.
[_]
The Dutchmen
did much
hurt.

Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too charitable,
to such a daily daring trecherous people: to others not pleasing,
that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed
such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, ransacking, and
destroying (as did the Spanyards) the simple bodies of such ignorant
soules; nor delightfull, because not stuffed with Relations of heapes
and mynes of gold and silver, nor such rare commodities, as the
Portugals and Spanyards found in the East and West Indies. The
want whereof hath begot us (that were the first undertakers) no
lesse scorne and contempt, then the noble conquests and valiant
adventures beautified with it, prayse and honour. Too much I
confesse the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit:
and to cleare us from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few
words may suffice any reasonable understanding.

It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts where
were infinite numbers of people, who had manured the ground
with that providence, it affoorded victualls at all times. And time
had brought them to that perfection, they had the use of gold and
silver, and the most of such commodities as those Countries affoorded:
so that, what the Spanyard got was chiefely the spoyle
and pillage of those Countrey people, and not the labours of their
owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as Salvage, as
barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and manured,
as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would have produced
as small profit as ours. But had Virginia beene peopled, planted,


207

manured, and adorned with such store of precious Jewels, and rich
commodities as was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done
as much as by their examples might be expected from us, the world
might then have traduced us and our merits, and have made shame
and infamy our recompence and reward.
[_]
An Apology
[_]
5

for the first
Planters.

But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we
found onely an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the
knowledge of gold or silver, or any commodities, and carelesse of
any thing but from hand to mouth, except bables of no worth;
nothing to incourage us, but what accidentally we found Nature
afforded. Which erewe could bring to recompence our paines,
defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers; we were to discover
the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable,
civill, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of
their labours might make us some recompence, or plant such Colonies
of our owne, that must first make provision how to live of themselves,
erethey can bring to perfection the commodities of the
Country: which doubtlesse will be as commodious for England as
the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly mannaged: notwithstanding
all our home-bred opinions, that will argue the contrary, as formerly
some have done against the Spanyards and Portugalls. But to conclude,
against all rumor of opinion, I onely say this, for those that
the three first yeares began this Plantation; notwithstanding all
their factions, mutinies, and miseries, so gently corrected, and well
prevented: peruse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master
Hackluit, and tell me how many ever with such small meanes as a
Barge of 2 tuns, sometimes with seaven, eight, or nine, or but at
most, twelve or sixteene men, did ever discover so || many fayre and
navigable Rivers, subject so many severall Kings, people, and Nations,
to obedience, and contribution, with so little bloudshed.

And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned where
wealth had beene, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution,
but if we have overskipped it, we will not envie them that
shall find it: yet can we not but lament, it was our fortunes to end
when we had but onely learned how to begin, and found the right
course how to proceed.

By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, Jeffrey Abbot,
[_]
1
and
Anas Todkill

208

Chapter X.
How the Salvages became subject to the English.

WHEN the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that
the President had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summers
rayne, and eaten with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges would
scarcely eate it. Yet it was the souldiers dyet till our returnes, so
that we found nothing done, but our victuals spent, and the most
part of our tooles, and a good part of our Armes conveyed to the
Salvages. But now casting up the Store, and finding sufficient till
the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and the
company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the businesse required;
six houres each day was spent in worke, the rest in Pastime and
merry exercises, but the untowardnesse of the greatest number
caused the President

[_]
1
advise as followeth.

Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is
sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe,
and thinke not that either my pains, nor the Adventurers purses,
will ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloath. I speake not this
to you all, for divers of you I know deserve both honour and reward,
better then is yet here to be had: but the greater part must be more
industrious, or starve, how ever you have beene heretofore tollerated
by the authoritie of the Councell, from that I have often commanded
you. You see now that power resteth wholly in my selfe: you must
obey this now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall not eate
(except by sicknesse he be disabled) for the labours of thirtie or
fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintaine
an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the
authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the lives
of any but my owne must answer it: the Letters patents shall each
weeke be read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary.
I would wish you therefore without contempt seeke to observe these
orders set downe, for there are now no more Counsellers to protect
you, nor curbe my endevours. Therefore he that offendeth, let him
assuredly expect his due punishment.

[_]
The Presidents
advice to the
Company.

He made also a Table, as a publicke memoriall of every mans
deserts, to incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the
rest to amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more
by punishment performed their businesse, for all were so tasked,
that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceive him: yet the
Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them powder, shot,
swords, and tooles, that though we could find the defect, we could
not finde by whom, till it was too late.


209

All this time the Dutch men remaining with Powhatan, (who
kindly entertained them to instruct the Salvages the use of our
Armes) and their consorts not following them as they expected; to
know the cause, they sent Francis their companion, a stout young
fellow, disguised like a Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the
woods neare a mylefrom James Towne; where was their Rendezvous
for all their unsuspected villany. Fortie men they procured to lie
in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no sooner heard of this
Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone) yet
to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently dispatched
20. || shot after him, himselfe returning from the Glasse-house
alone. By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most
strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade
him to his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but with a faucheon,

[_]
1

attempted to have shot him, but the President prevented his shoot
by grapling with him, and the Salvage as well prevented him for
drawing his faucheon, and perforce bore him into the River to have
drowned him. Long they strugled in the water,
[_]
2
till the President
got such hold on his throat, he had neare strangled the King; but
having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head, seeing how pittifully
he begged his life, he led him prisoner to James Towne, and put him
in chaynes.
[_]
The Dutchmens
plot to
murther
Captaine
Smith.

[_]
Smith taketh
the King of
Paspahegh
prisoner.

The Dutch-man erelong was also brought in, whose villany
though all this time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall
excuse, that for want of language Captaine Winne understood him
not rightly, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to save their
lives they were constrained to accommodate his armes, of whom
he extreamely complained to have detained them perforce, and
that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not
to have returned, but was onely walking in the woods to gather
Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance
of truth, and the plaine confession of Paspahegh of his trechery,

[_]
3

he went by the heeles:
[_]
4
Smith purposing to regaine the Dutch-men,
by the saving his life. The poore Salvage did his best by his daily
messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would
not returne, neither did Powhatanstay them; and to bring them
fiftie myles on his mens backes they were not able. Daily this Kings
wives, children, and people came to visit him with presents, which
he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in

210

the Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negligent,
though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to pursue
him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they
exchanged many vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. Captaine
Smith hearing of this in returning to the Fort, tooke two Salvages
prisoners, called Kemps and Tussore, the two most exact villaines
in all the Country. With these he sent Captaine Winne and fiftie
choise men, and Lieutenant Percie, to have regained the King, and
revenged this injury, and so had done, if they had followed his
directions, or beene advised with those two villaines, that would
have betrayed both King and kindred for a peece of Copper, but
he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by the
rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to fight: a good
time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt, onely they
tooke two Canowes, burnt the Kings house, and so returned to
James towne.
[_]
Captaine
Smith taketh
two Salvages
prisoners.

The President fearing those Bravado's would but incourage the
Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his conclusions; whereby six
or seavenwere slaine, as many made prisoners. He burnt their
houses, tooke their Boats, with all their fishing wires, and planted
some of them at James towne for his owne use, and now resolved
not to cease till he had revenged himselfe of all them had injured
him. But in his journey passing by Paspahegh towards Chickahamania,
the Salvages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes;
but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all shewed themselves
in their bravest manner. To try their valours he could not
but let fly, and erehe could land, they no sooner knew him, but
they threw downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was
a lustie young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse deserveth
to be remembred. And thus it was:

[_]
The Salvages
desire Peace.

Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company,
thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you, (of him he intended to
have beene revenged) having never offended him. If he hath offended
you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly,
and the very beasts strive to escape the snare and live. Then blame
not him being a man. He would intreat you remember, you being
a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save your life. If since he hath
injured you he was compelled to it: but howsoever, you have
revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and well know
you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire your
friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose
fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will have the worse by
our absence; for we can plant any where, || though with more
labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and
that reliefe we bring you. If you promise us peace, we will beleeve
you; if you proceed in revenge we will abandon the Country.

[_]
Okaning his
Oration.


211

Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till
they did us injury, upon condition they should bring in provision.
Thus all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left
the Countrey.

Arriving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President,
that the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and
seemed our friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeves. And
amongst other things a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there
was apprehended two proper young fellowes, that were brothers,
knowne to be his confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one
was imprisoned, the other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe
within twelve houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the President
pittying the poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall
and some Char-coale for a fire: eremidnight his brother returned
with the Pistoll, but the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so
smoothered with the smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt,
that wee found him dead. The other most lamentably bewayled his
death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the President
to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steale, he
would make him alive againe: but he little thought he could be
recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vitæ and Vineger, it
pleased God to restore him againe to life, but so drunke and affrighted,
that he seemed Lunaticke, the which as much tormented
and grieved the other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie
upon promise of their good behaviour, the President promised to
recover him: and so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe, who
in the morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect senses,
and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece of Copper
given them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread
among all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could
make a man alive that was dead.

[_]
A Salvage
smoothered at
James towne,
and recovered.

Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great
bag of Powder, and the backe of an Armour,

[_]
1
at Werowocomoco
amongst a many of his companions, to shew his extraordinary skill,
he did dry it on the backe as he had seene the souldiers at James
Towne. But he dryed it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill,
it tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more, and
the rest so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any more with
powder.
[_]
Two or three
Salvages slaine
in drying
Powder.

These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and
affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts
with presents they desired peace; returning many stolne things
which we never demanded nor thought of; and after that, those


212

that were taken stealing, both Powhatanand his people have sent
them backe to James towne, to receive their punishment; and all
the Country became absolute as free for us, as for themselves.

Chapter XI.
What was done in three moneths having Victualls. The Store
devoured by Rats, how we lived three moneths of such naturall
fruits as the Country affoorded.

Now we so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths
wee made three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes;
produced a tryall of Glasse; made a Well in the Fort of excellent
sweet water, which till then was wanting; built some twentie
houses; recovered our Church; provided Nets and Wires for fishing;
and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeves, and the Salvages,
built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison to
entertaine || the Salvages trade, and none to passe nor repasse
Salvage nor Christian without the presidents order. Thirtie or forty
Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in eighteene
moneths,

[_]
1
increased 60, and od Piggs. And neere 500. chickings
brought up themselves without having any meat given them: but
the Hogs were transported to Hog Isle: where also we built a block-house
with a garison to give us notice of any shipping, and for their
exercise they made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees.
We built also a fort for a retreat neere a convenient River upon a
high commanding hill, very hard to be assalted and easie to be
defended, but ereit was finished this defect caused a stay.

In searching our casked corne, we found it halfe rotten, and
the rest so consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased
so fast, but there

[_]
2
originall was from the ships, as we knew not how
to keepe that little we had. This did drive us all to our wits end, for
there was nothing in the country but what nature afforded. Untill
this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and did double
taske and taught us how to order and plant our fields: whom now
for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so well they liked our
companies they did not desire to goe from us. And to expresse their
loves for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people brought us
(when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other
wilde beasts: But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our
works, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or 80. with
Ensigne Laxon was sent downe the river to live upon Oysters, and

213

20. with liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Poynt Comfort: but in
six weekes they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being
sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder.
[_]
1
Master West with as many
went up to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acornes;
of that in store every man had their equall proportion. Till this
present, by the hazard and indevours of some thirtie or fortie, this
whole Colony had ever beene fed. We had more Sturgeon, then
could be devoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by
drying and pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other
wholesome hearbes would make bread and good meate: others
would gather as much Tockwhogh roots, in a day as would make them
bread a weeke, so that of those wilde fruites, and what we caught,
we lived very well in regard of such a diet. But such was the strange
condition of some 150, that had they not beene forced nolens, volens,
perforce to gather and prepare their victuall they would all have
starved or have eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages
often brought us, and for that, the President would not fullfill the
unreasonable desire, of those distracted Gluttonous Loyterers, to
sell not only our kettles, hows, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, pieces,
and the very Ordnance and howses, might they have prevayled to
have beene but Idle: for those Salvage fruites, they would have had
imparted all to the Salvages, especially for one basket of Corne
they heard of to be at Powhatans, fifty myles from our Fort. Though
he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humors, yet to have had
the other halfe, they would have sould their soules, though not
sufficient to have kept them a weeke. Thousands were their exclamations,
suggestions and devises, to force him to those base inventions
to have made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce
constrained him to indure their exclaiming follies, till he found out
the author, one Dyer a most crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner,
whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued the case
in this maner.
[_]
Great extremitie
by Rats.

[_]
Bread made of
dried Sturgeon.

[_]
Their desire to
destroy themselves.


Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so
many to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to
starve you, or that Powhatanat this present hath corne for himselfe,
much lesse for you; or that I would not have it, if I knew where it
were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as now I see
a great many; yet it shal not so passionate me, but I will doe my
best for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine
hope from Powhatan, nor that I will longer forbeare to force you,
from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any
more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly
looke to arive at the Gallows.

[_]
2
You cannot deny but that by the

214

hazard of my life many a time I have saved yours, when (might
your owne wills have prevailed) you || would have starved; and will
doe still whether I will or noe; But I protest by that God that made
me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your
selves those fruites the earth doth yeeld, you shall not onely gather
for your selves, but those that are sicke. As yet I never had more
from the store then the worst of you: and all my English extraordinary
provision that I have, you shall see me divide it amongst
the sick. And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine at; being
put in your mouthes your stomackes can disgest, if you would have
better you should have brought it;
[_]
1
and therefore I will take a
course you shall provide what is to be had. The sick shall not starve,
but equally share of all our labours; and he that gathereth not
every day as much as I doe, the next day shall be set beyond the
river, and be banished from the Fort
[_]
2
as a drone, till he amend his
conditions or starve.
[_]
The Presidents
order for the
drones

But some would say with Seneca.

I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,
But fury forceth me to follow worse.
My minde is hurried headlong up and downe:
Desiring better counsell, yet finds none.
[_]
3

This order many murmured was very cruell, but it caused the
most part so well bestirre themselves, that of 200. (except they were
drowned) there died not past seven: as for Captaine Winne and
Master Leigh they were dead erethis want hapned, and the rest
dyed not for want of such as preserved the rest. Many were billetted
amongst the Salvages, whereby we knew all their passages, fields
and habitations, how to gather and use there fruits as well as
themselves; for they did know

[_]
4
wee had such a commanding power
at James towne they durst not wrong us of a pin.
[_]
But seven of
200 dyed in
nine moneths.

So well those poore Salvages used us that were thus billetted,
that divers of the souldiers ran away to search Kemps and Tassore

[_]
5

our old prisoners. Glad were these Salvages to have such an oportunity
to testifie their love unto us, for in stead of entertaining them,
and such things as they had stollen, with all their great Offers, and
promises they made them how to revenge their injuryes upon
Captaine Smith; Kemps first made himselfe sport, in shewing his
countrie men (by them) how he was used, feeding them with this
law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere starved
indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death: neither
could they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them

215

perforce to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished
them, as many others that intended also to follow them, were
rather contented to labour at home, then adventure to live idlely
amongst the Salvages; (of whom there was more hope to make
better Christians and good subjects, then the one halfe of those that
counterfeited themselves both.) For so affraide was al those kings
and the better sort of the people to displease us, that some of the
baser sort that we have extreamly hurt and punished for there
villanies would hire us, we should not tell it to their kings, or
countrymen, who would also repunish them, and yet returne them
to James towne to content the President for a testimony of their
loves.
[_]
The Salvages
returne our
fugitives.

Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but
found little hope and lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter
Raleigh.

[_]
1
The river, he saw was not great, the people few, the
countrey most over growne with pynes, where there did grow here
and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the river
the ground was good, and exceeding furtill;
[_]
Master Sicklemores
Journey
to Chawwonoke

Master Nathanael Powell and Anas Todkill were also by the
Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them
there: but nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This
honest proper good promise-keeping king, of all the rest did ever
best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet
he would confesse our God as much exceeded his as our Gunns did
his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President many presents, to
pray to his God for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods
were angry. Three dayes jorney

[_]
2
they conducted || them through
the woods, into a high country towards the Southwest: where they
saw here and there a little corne field, by some little spring or smal
brooke, but no river they could see: the people in all respects like
the rest, except there language: they live most upon rootes, fruites
and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the
fatter countrys for dryed fish and corne, for skins.
[_]
Master Powels
jorney to the
Mangoags.

All this time to recover the Dutch-men and one Bentley another
fugitive, we imployed one William Volday, a Zwitzar by birth, with
Pardons and promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected
this double villane, of any villany; who plainly taught us, in the
most trust was the greatest treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by
the seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed
country men, (having this oportunity by his imployment to regaine
them) convayed them every thing they desired to effect their


216

projects, to distroy the Colony. With much devotion they expected
the Spaniard, to whom they intended good service, or any other,
that would but carry them from us. But to begin with the first
oportunity; they seeing necessitie thus inforced us to disperse our
selves, importuned Powhatanto lend them but his forces, and they
would not onely distroy our Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our
Pinnace; but bring to his service and subjection the most of our
company. With this plot they had acquainted many Discontents,
and many were agreed to there Devilish practise. But one Thomas
Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at
such an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith,
who caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to
proceed in their confedracie: onely to bring the irreclamable Dutch
men and the inconstant Salvages in such a maner amongst such
Ambuscado's as he had prepared, that not many of them should
returne from our Peninsula. But this brute comming to the eares
of the impatient multitude they so importuned the President to cut
off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offered to cut their
throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy,
[_]
1

and Master John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute
spirits as could possibly be found. But the President had occasion of
other imploiment for them, and gave way to Master Wyffin and
Sarjeant Jeffrey Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them. But
the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday whom they
supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot would not, yet
Wyffing would, perceiving it but deceit. The King understanding of
this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to Captaine
Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his
men from executing his command: nor did he nor would he mantaine
them, or any to occasion his displeasure.
[_]
The Dutch
mens projects.

[_]
Two Gentlemen
sent to
the Germans.

But whilst this businesse was in hand, Arrived one Captaine
Argall, and Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to
truck with the Collony,

[_]
2
and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well

217

furnished, with wine and much other good provision. Though it was
not sent us, our necessities was such as inforced us to take it. He
brought us newes of a great supply and preparation for the Lord
La Warre, with letters that much taxed our President for his heard
dealing with the Salvages,
[_]
1
and not returning the shippes fraughted.
Notwithstanding we kept this ship tell the fleete arrived. True it is
Argall lost his voyage, but we revictualled him, and sent him for
England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and
how imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected, or
observe there instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe
any thing to any purpose, except they would send us men and
meanes that could produce that they so much desired: otherwise all
they did was lost, and could not but come to confusion. The villany
of Volday we still dissembled. Adam upon his pardon came home
but Samuell still stayed with Powhatanto heare further of there
estates by this supply. Now all their plots Smith so well understood,
they were his best advantages to secure us from any trechery, could
be done by them or the Salvages: which with facility he could
revenge when he would, because all those countryes more feared
him then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering
neighbours: and many of the rest for love or feare would have done
any thing he would have them, upon any commotion, || though
these fugitives had done all they could to perswade Powhatan,
King James would kill Smith, for using him and his people so
unkindly.
[_]
The first arrivall
of Captaine
Argall.

By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, and dissentions,
how hee wrestled and overcame (without bloudshed) all that
happened: also what good was done; how few dyed; what food the
Countrey naturally affoordeth; what small cause there is men
should starve, or be murthered by the Salvages, that have discretion
to mannage them with courage and industrie. The two first yeares,
though by his adventures, he had oft brought the Salvages to a
tractable trade, yet you see how the envious authoritie ever crossed
him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it wrought in him that
experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had
bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding
the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had
oft and long endured in the wide world, yet in this case he was
againe to learne his Lecture by experience. Which with thus much


218

adoe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but
onely learned how to begin. And though he left those unknowne
difficulties (made easie and familiar) to his unlawfull successors,
(who onely by living in James Towne, presumed to know more then
all the world could direct them:) Now though they had all his
souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better meanes;
by what they have done in his absence, the world may see what
they would have done in his presence, had he not prevented their
indiscretions: it doth justly prove, what cause he had to send them
for England; and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor
dishonest. But they have made it more plaine since his returne for
England; having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with
all the advantages and opportunitie that his labours had effected.
As I am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling
to say what reason doth compell me, but onely to make
apparant the truth, least I should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and
malicious.
[_]
1

[_]
Note these inconveniences.


Chapter XII.
The Arrivall of the third Supply.

To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings,

[_]
2
the Treasurer, Councell,
and Company of Virginia, not finding that returne, and
profit they expected; and them ingaged there, not having meanes
to subsist of themselves, made meanes to his Majestie, to call in
their Commission, and take a new in their owne names, as in their
owne publication, 1610. you may reade at large.
[_]
3
Having thus
annihilated the old by vertue of a Commission made to the right
Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall
of Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers,
Admirall; Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall; Sir Fardinando Wainman,
Generall of the Horse; and so all other offices to many other
worthy Gentlemen, for their lives: (though not any of them had
ever beene in Virginia, except Captaine Newport, who was also
by Patent made vice Admirall:) those noble Gentlemen drew in

219

such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates,
Sir George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and
five hundred people, who had each of them a Commission, who
first arrived to call in the old, without the knowledge or consent of
them, that had endured all those former dangers to beat the path,
not any regard had at all of them. All things being ready, because
those three Captaines could not agree for place,
[_]
1
it was concluded
they should goe all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were
in that Ship with them called the Sea-Venture. They set sayle from
England in May 1609. A small Catch perished at Sea in a Hericano:
the Admirall with an hundred and fiftie men, with the two Knights,
and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, with all manner
of directions, and the most part of their provision arrived not. With
the o- || ther seavenShips as Captaines arrived Ratliffe, whose
right name (as is sayd) was Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer, with
Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine
King, Captaine Davis, and divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and
great parentage.
[_]
2
But the first as they had beene troublesome at
Sea, began againe to marre all ashore: for though (as is said) they
were formerly sent for England, yet now returning againe, graced
by the titles of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the Admirall
wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthened themselves
with those new companies, so exclaiming against Captaine Smith,
that they mortally hated him ereever they saw him. Who understanding
by his Scouts the arrivall of such a Fleet, little dreaming
of any such supply, supposed them Spanyards. But he quickly so
determined and ordered our affaires, as we little feared their
Arrivall, nor the successe of our incounter; nor were the Salvages
any way negligent for the most part, to ayd and assist us with their
best power. Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would
not have trusted them but as our foes, where receiving them as our
Countreymen and friends, they did what they could to murther
our President, to surprise the Store, the Fort, and our lodgings, to
usurpe the government, and make us all their servants and slaves,
till they could consume us and our remembrance; and rather indeed
to supplant us then supply us, as master William Box
[_]
3
an
honest Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth.
[_]
The alteration
of the government.

[_]
1609.
Sir Thomas
Smith Treasurer.

[_]
The losse of
Virginia.

[_]
The Salvages
offer to fight
under our colours.


In the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from the Admirall,
which although it was but the remainder of that Storme, there is
seldome any such in England, or those Northerne parts of Europe.


220

Some lost their Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards;
the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our provision was spoyled,
our Fleet separated, and our men sicke, and many dyed, and in
this miserable estate we arrived in Virginia.

But in this Storme,

When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds;
Did not the saylers poore, and Masters proud
A terror feele as strucke with feare of God?
Did not their trembling joynts then dread his rod?
Least for foule deeds and black mouth'd blasphemies,
The rufull time be come that vengeance cryes.
[_]
1

To a thousand mischiefes

[_]
2
those lewd Captaines led this lewd
company, wherein were many unruly Gallants, packed thither by
their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and
determine of the government, sometimes to one, the next day to
another; to day the old Commission must rule, to morrow the new,
the next day neither, in fine they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in
charitie we must endure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting
their follies, have brought the worlds censure upon us to be guiltie
of their blouds. Happie had we beene had they never arrived, and
we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to our fortunes: for on
earth for the number was never more confusion, or misery, then
their factions occasioned.
[_]
Mutinies.

The President seeing the desire those Braves had to rule; seeing
how his authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly
have left all, and have returned for England. But seeing there was
small hope this new Commission would arrive, longer he would not
suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedious, too
strange, and almost incredible; should I particularly relate the
infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this
factious crew; the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till
his leasure better served to doe them justice: and to take away all
occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request granted
to returne for England, being very sicke; and Master West with an
hundred and twentie of the best he could chuse, he sent to the
Falles; Martin with neare as many to Nandsamund, with their due
proportions of all provisions according to their numbers.

[_]
The planting
Nandsamund.

Now the Presidents yeare being neare expired, he made Captaine
Martin President to follow the order for the election of a
President every yeare: but he knowing his owne insufficiency, and


221

the companies untowardnesse and little regard of him, within three
houres after resigned it againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nandsamund
thus proceeded.
[_]
1
The people being contributers used him
kindly; yet such was his jealous feare, in the midst of their mirth, he
did surprise this poore naked King, with his Monuments, houses,
and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himselfe; but so
apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the Salvages to
assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and carry away
a thousand bushels of Corne, he not once offering to intercept them;
but sent to the President then at the Falles for thirtie good shot;
which from James Towne immediately was sent him. But he so
well imployed them they did just nothing, but returned complaining
of his tendernesse: yet he came away with them to James Towne,
leaving his company to their fortunes.
[_]
The breach
of peace with
the Salvages.

Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had
seaventeene Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet
lived sixe or seavendayes, as if he had small hurt, then for want of
Chirurgery dyed.

[_]
2

Master West having seated his men by the Falles, presently
returned to revisit James Towne: the President followed him to see
that company seated; met him by the way, wondering at his so
quicke returne; and found his company planted so inconsiderately,
in a place not onely subject to the rivers inundation, but round
invironed with many intollerable inconveniences.

[_]
3

For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatanto sell him
the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the
Monacans.

[_]
4
And these should be his Conditions (with his people)
to resigne him the Fort and houses, and all that Countrey for a
proportion of Copper; that all stealing offenders should be sent him,
there to receive their punishment; that every house as a Custome
should pay him a Bushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper,
and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute to King James for
their protection, as a dutie; what else they could spare to barter at
their best discretions.
[_]
Powhatan
bought for
Copper.

But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did
those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kinde care and
authoritie. So much they depended on the Lord Generals new
Commission, as they regarded none: the worst they could doe to
shew their spights they did; supposing all the Monacans Country,
gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased. I doe
more then wonder to thinke how onely with five men, he either


222

durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie they were
of his bloud ) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment
all the Chieftaines of those mutinies, till by their multitudes being
an hundred and twentie they forced him to retyre: yet in that
interim he surprised one of their Boates, wherewith he returned to
their ship; where in deed was their provision, which also he tooke,
and well it chanced he found the Marriners so tractable and constant,
or there had beene small possibilitie he had ever escaped. There
were divers other of better reason and experience, that from their
first landing, hearing the generall good report of his old souldiers,
and seeing with their eyes his actions so well mannaged with discretion,
as Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone,
Captaine FitzJames, Master William Powell, Master Partridge,
Master White, and divers others, when they perceived the malice
of Ratliffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and
ever rested his faithfull friends. But the worst was that the poore
Salvages, that daily brought in their contribution to the President,
that disorderly company so tormented those poore soules, by
stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking
their houses and keeping some prisoners; that they daily complained
to Captaine Smith, he had brought them for Protectors, worse
enemies then the Monacans themselves: which though till then, for
his love they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they
defended themselves; since he would not correct them, as they had
long expected he would. So || much they importuned him to
punish their misdemeanors, as they offered (if he would leade them)
to fight for him against them. But having spent nine dayes in seeking
to reclaime them; shewing them how much they did abuse themselves
with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines, commodities,
or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing would
prevaile, he set sayle for James Towne.
[_]
Mutinies.

[_]
Five suppresse
an hundred
and twentie.

[_]
Breach of
peace with
the Salvages
at the Falles.

Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little griefe,
A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit reliefe:
For thus themselves they did beguile, and with the rest play'd theefe.
[_]
1

Now no sooner was the Ship under sayle, but the Salvages
assaulted those hundred and twentie in their Fort, finding some
stragling abroad in the woods: they slew many, and so affrighted
the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they safely retyred, with the
swords and cloakes of those they had slaine. But erewee had sayled
halfe a league, our ship grounding, gave us once more libertie to
summon them to a parley; where we found them all so strangely
amazed with this poore silly assault of twelve Salvages, that they
submitted themselves upon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy;


223

who presently put by the heeles sixe or seavenof the chiefe offenders:
the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Salvage Fort,
readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and barkes of trees,
sufficient to have defended them from all the Salvages in Virginia,
dry houses for lodgings and neere two hundred acres of ground
ready to be planted, and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant
and delightfull in Virginia for which we called it Non-such. The
Salvages also hee presently appeased, redelivering to either party
their former losses. Thus all were friends.
[_]
An assalt by
the Salvages

[_]
The planting
of Non-such.

New officers appointed to command, and the President againe
ready to depart, at that instant arrived Captaine West, whose
gentle nature (by the perswasions and compassion of those mutinous
prisoners, alledging they had onely done this for his honor) was so
much abused, that to regaine their old hopes, new turboyles

[_]
1
did
arise. For they a-shore being possessed of all there victuall, munition,
and every thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the
President left them to their fortunes: they returned againe to the
open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and he to James
towne with his best expedition, but this hapned him in that Journey.
[_]
The Salvages
appeased.

Sleeping in his Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies
before) accidentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the
flesh from his body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most
pittifull manner; but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in
his cloaths he leaped over-boord into the deepe river, where erethey
could recover him he was neere drowned. In this estate without
either Chirurgian, or Chirurgery he was to goe neere an hundred
myles. Arriving at James towne, causing all things to be prepared
for peace or warres to obtaine provision, whilest those things were
providing, Ratliffe, Archer, and the rest of their Confederates,

[_]
2

being to come to their trials; their guiltie consciences, fearing a just
reward for their deserts, seeing the President, unable to stand, and
neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted
to have murdered him in his bed. But his heart did faile him that
should have given fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. So not finding that
course to be the best, they joyned together to usurpe the government,
thereby to escape their punishment.
[_]
3
The President, had notice of
their projects, the which to withstand, though his old souldiers
importuned him but permit them to take their heads that would
resist his command, yet he would not suffer them, but sent for the
Masters of the ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for
England. Seeing there was neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in
the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart the next day, his

224

Commission to be suppressed he knew not why, himselfe and
souldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a || new commission
granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that authority
he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they did:)
besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruell his torments
(few expecting he could live) nor was hee able to follow his busines
to regaine what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range
the countries for provision as he intended; and well he knew in
those affaires his owne actions and presence was as requisit as his
directions, which now could not be, he went presently abroad,
resolving there to appoint them governours, and to take order for
the mutiners, but he could finde none hee thought fit for it would
accept it.
[_]
1
In the meanetime, seeing him gone, they perswaded
Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for England, and be
their President. Within lesse then an houre was this mutation begun
and concluded. For when the Company understood Smith would
leave them, and saw the rest in Armes called Presidents and
Councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders, that
now bent all their wits to get him resigne them his Commission:
who after much adoe and many bitter repulses; that their confusion
(which he tould them was at their elbowes) should not be attributed
to him, for leaving the Colony without a Commission, he was not
unwilling they should steale it, but never would he give it to such
as they.
[_]
Captaine
Smith blowne
up with powder.

[_]
A bloud y
intent.

[_]
The causes
why Smith
left the Countrey
and his
Commission.

And thus,

Strange violent forces drew us on unwilling:
Reason perswading 'gainst our loves rebelling.
We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst!
That notwithstanding we imbrace the worst.
[_]
2

But had that unhappie blast not hapned, he would quickly have
qualified the heate of those humors, and factions, had the ships but
once left them and us to our fortunes; and have made that provision
from among the Salvages, as we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage,
nor famine; nor would have left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie,
but at as deare a price as we had bought it, and payd for it. What
shall I say but thus, we left him, that in all his proceedings, made
Justice his first guide, and experience his second, even hating
basenesse, sloath, pride, and indignitie, more then any dangers;
that never allowed more for himselfe, then his souldiers with him;
that upon no danger would send them where he would not lead
them himselfe; that would never see us want, what he either had, or
could by any meanes get us; that would rather want then borrow,


225

or starve then not pay; that loved action more then words, and
hated falshood and covetousnesse worse then death; whose adventures
were our lives, and whose losse our deaths.

Leaving us thus with three ships, seavenboats, commodities
readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in
the store, foure hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure
Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets, Snaphances, and
Firelockes, Shot, Powder, and Match sufficient, Curats, Pikes,
Swords, and Morrions, more then men; the Salvages, their language,
and habitations well knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert
souldiers; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke; apparell to
supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; five or sixe hundred
Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens; some Goats; some sheepe;
what was brought or bred there remained. But they regarding
nothing but from hand to mouth, did consume that wee had, tooke
care for nothing, but to perfect some colourable complaints against
Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof three weekes longer they
stayed the Ships,

[_]
1
till they could produce them. That time and
charge might much better have beene spent, but it suted well with
the rest of their discretions.
[_]
2

Besides James towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing
some fiftie or sixtie houses, he left five or sixe other severall Forts and
Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors
expected, they were better then they provided any for us. All this
time we had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three o- || thers
that could doe little, but desired to be learners: two Blacksmiths;
two saylers, and those we write labourers were for most part footmen,
and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or
such as they could perswade to goe with them, that never did know
what a dayes worke was, except the Dutch-men and Poles, and some
dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentlemen, Tradsmen,
Serving-men, libertines,

[_]
3
and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle
a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine
one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor
displeasure of their friends could rule them here, there is small hope
ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there. Notwithstanding,
I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes
and grew much more industrious then was expected: yet ten good
workemen would have done more substantiall worke in a day, then
ten of them in a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we
could doe so much, then use us so badly, because we did no more,

226

but leave those examples to make others beware, and the fruits of
all, we know not for whom.

But to see the justice of God upon these Dutch-men; Valdo
before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, where perswading
the Merchants what rich Mines he had found, and great service he
would doe them, was very well rewarded, and returned with the
Lord La Warre: but being found a meere Imposter, he dyed most
miserably.

[_]
1
Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled againe to
Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrivall of my Lord, what
wonders they would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him.
But the King seeing they would be gone, replyed; You that would
have betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely betray me to
this great Lord for your peace: so caused his men to beat out their
braines.
[_]
The ends of
the Dutch-men.

To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the
greatest Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions, and erecting
Common-weales. Yet howsoever any of them have attributed to
themselves, the Conquerors of the world: there is more of the world
never heard of them, then ever any of them all had in subjection:
for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia,
nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed
had a great part of both, as well as Affrica: but as for all the Northerne
parts of Europe and Asia, the interior Southern and Westerne parts
of Affrica, all America and Terra incognita, they were all ignorant:
nor is our knowledge yet but superficiall. That their beginnings,
ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is most
evident: but to consider of what small meanes many of them have
begun is wonderfull. For some write that even Rome her selfe,
during the Raigne of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a
thousand houses. And Carthage grew so great a Potentate, that at
first was but incirculed in the thongs of a Bulls skinne, as to fight
with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the
admiration of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by poore
Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes, Babylon, Delus, Troy,
Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small beginnings to be
most famous States, though now they retaine little more then a
naked name. Now this our yong Common-wealth in Virginia, as
you have read once consisted but of 38 persons, and in two yeares
increased but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved
the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy
Knights, and brave Gentlemen pretended to see it, and some did,
and now after the expence of fifteene yeares more, and such massie
summes of men and money, grow they disanimated? If we truely


227

consider our Proceedings with the Spanyards, and the rest, we have
no reason to despayre, for with so small charge, they never had
either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of more severall
Commodities, then in this short time hath beene returned from
Virginia, and by much lesse meanes. New England was brought out
of obscuritie, and affoorded fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships,
where there is now erected a brave Plantation. For the happines
of Summer Isles, they are no lesse then either, and yet those have
had a far lesse, and a more difficult beginning, then either Rome,
Carthage, or Venice.

Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell,
William Tankard, and G.P.
[_]
1

|| Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare,

[_]
2
that you should
not be altogether cloyed with Prose; such Verses as my worthy
Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you, because
with honestie I can neither reject, nor omit their courtesies.

In the deserved Honour of the Author,
Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.

Damn'd Envie is a sp'rite, that ever haunts
Beasts, mis-nam'd Men; Cowards, or Ignorants.
But, onely such shee followes, whose deare WORTH
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.
If this faire Overture, then, take not; It
Is Envie's spight (deare friend) in men of wit;
Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse,
Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse.
If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise;
Thy *Letters are as Letters in thy praise;
[_]
*Hinderers.


228

Who, by their vice, improve (when they reproove)
Thy vertue; so, in hate, procure thee Love.
Then, On firme Worth: this Monument I frame;
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.
John Davies, Herefordshire

To his worthy Captaine the Author,

That which wee call the subject of all Storie,
Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine gives glorie
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight
Of Envie; which doth no mans Merits right.
My sword may helpe the rest: my Pen no more
Can doe, but this; I'ave said enough before.
Your sometime Souldier, J. Codrinton, now Templer.

To my Worthy Friend and Cosen,
Captaine John Smith.

It over-joyes my heart, when as thy Words
Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare.
Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords,
None should the due desert thereof impare:
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,
Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good,
In Climes unknowne, 'Mongst Turks and Salvages,
T'inlarge our bounds; though with thy losse of blood.
Hence damn'd Detraction: stand not in our way.
Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay.
N. Smith.

In the deserved Honour of my honest
and worthy Captaine, John Smith,
and his Worke.

Captaine and friend; when I peruse thy Booke
(With Judgements eyes) into my heart I looke:
And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew)
A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true.

229

Some fight for wealth; and some for emptie praise;
But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise.
|| With due discretion, and undanted heart,
I (oft) so well have seene thee act thy Part
In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie,
As forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie.
Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert
Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start
From the true Owner: for, all good mens tongues
Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs.
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get
Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt:
A part whereof (least able though I be)
Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee.
Raleigh Crashaw.

Michael Phettiplace, William Phettiplace, and
Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and souldiers under
Captaine Smiths command: In his deserved
honour for his Worke, and Worth.

Why may not wee in this Worke have our Mite,
That had our share in each black day and night,
When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kept'st unstaind;
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind.
Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take.
Pamaunkees King wee saw thee captive make
Among seavenhundred of his stoutest men,
To murther thee and us resolved; when
Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grim,
Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him:
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest
(Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrest)
That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retir'd
Unto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd)
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send
To James his Towne, thy censure to attend:
And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings,
Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings
To gaine thy grace; so dreaded thou hast beene:
And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene;
So, making Valour Vertue, really;
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or slie;

230

If in the sleight be not the truest Art,
That makes men famoused for faire desert.
Who saith of thee, this savors of vaine glorie,
Mistakes both thee and us, and this true Storie.
If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe;
Then, is ill in Us, to praise thee too.
But, if the first be well done; it is well,
To say it doth (if so it doth) excell.
Praise is the guerdon of each deare desert
Making the praised act the praised part
With more alacritie: Honours Spurre is Praise;
Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies.
And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather,
That future Times may know who was the father
Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring,
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King.
[_]

1. In contrast with Bk. II (largely a reprint), Bk. III adds new material to the
Proceedings in an amount of nearly 30% (Emerson, Smith, 78; and the editor, independently),
with 85% of this new material made up of 10 major additions, ranging from 60 to
3,300 words each. These major additions are indicated in the notes below, along with all
significant changes.

[_]

2. The words, "and accidents [fortunes]" have been added (cf. Proceedings, 1).

[_]

3. Smith printed two lists of authors: that for the title page of the Map of Va. and
that for the Proceedings, one of which was evidently intended to be included here. These
agree (although not literatim) in the following names: Thomas Studley, "provant
maister"; Walter Russell, "Doctor of Physicke"; Nathaniel Powell, gentleman; William
Phettyplace, gentleman; Richard Wiffin, gentleman; Richard Pots, gentleman; and Anas
Todkill, soldier and onetime "servant" of Capt. John Martin. In addition, the Proceedings
lists Thomas Hope, gentleman (or tailor), who does not appear elsewhere as an author,
and Thomas Abbay, gentleman, author only of the addresses "To the Reader" prefixed
to both books; the Map of Va. adds only Jeffrey Abbot, gentleman, who appears as an
author in the Generall Historie, 83.

[_]

4. William Simons, properly Symonds, D.D., preacher, author, and editor of the
Proceedings (see the Proceedings, 110n; and the Biographical Directory).

[_]

5. "Failure."

[_]

1. Smith has put himself ahead of Wingfield here, and added the preacher, Master
Robert Hunt (cf. Proceedings, 1).

[_]

2. Modern Nevis.

[_]

1. "Master Wingfeild, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others" (Proceedings, 3).

[_]

2. Again Smith has put his name ahead of Wingfield's (cf. ibid.).

[_]

3. "A round shot with a spike" (see the Proceedings, 5n).

[_]

1. Casks for stacking guns.

[_]

2. This incident was summed up by Samuel Purchas long after the event: "Captaine
Smith was suspected for a supposed Mutinie, though never no such matter" (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 129). The facts of the case, so far as they are known or can
soundly be surmised, are these. Smith was placed under arrest during the voyage from
England to Virginia. Most likely this occurred when the fleet anchored off one of the
Canary Islands for water, wood, and food, needed because of the delay in the Downs
(Barbour, Three Worlds, 112-113). Because he had been there before (True Travels, 39), he
may have made brash suggestions; or, he may merely have concurred with Stephen
Calthorp, a fellow colonist, in chafing under the social order maintained by Wingfield,
Percy, and other class-conscious gentlemen. Calthorp's own social standing was such that
Wingfield thought it better to vent his spite on Smith, though he later mentioned a mutiny
led by Calthorp. When the fleet stopped again for water, wood, and food at Nevis in the
West Indies, a gang of Smith's adversaries took advantage of full shore leave to set up "a
paire of gallowes ..., but Captaine Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be
perswaded to use them" (ibid., 57). A month later the colonists landed near Cape Henry,
and that night the secret orders were opened and read. In them it was stated that Smith
had been appointed a member of the local council for Virginia. Wingfield, probably as the
only patentee of the undertaking who was present, was acclaimed president. Even then,
however, he refused to take Smith's oath of office, or to seat him. Late in May, Capt.
Newport took Smith with him on the first significant voyage of exploration up the James
River, leaving Wingfield in charge of the settlement. Shortly after their return, "the
Gentlemen and all the Company" protested, so that Smith was finally freed from restraint
on June 10 and "sworne one of the Counsell, who was elected in England" (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, 96-97). To throw a permanent shadow of uncertainty over the whole
matter, Stephen Calthorp died on Aug. 15 of the epidemic that had assailed the colony.
Finally, on or about Sept. 17, Wingfield, deposed from the presidency, was hauled before a
summary court "to answere a Complaint exhibited" against him by John Robinson, as
well as charges brought by John Smith regarding the alleged mutiny; the jury found
Wingfield guilty in both cases, and on Smith's complaint he was fined £200 for slander
(ibid., 223). For other "mutinies" see the Proceedings, 94-99; these disturbances in the
peace grew out of the turmoil that occurred when the third supply arrived without the
flagship and the new governor.

[_]

1. The passage beginning "that the President was adjudged" has been added (cf.
Proceedings, 6). The fine was confirmed by Wingfield himself (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 223) and was evidently paid in goods.

[_]

2. The six lines are from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 268-269), from a Latin version of
Theognis of Megara.

[_]

1. "John Rob[b]inson" in the True Relation (sig. B4r) and the Proceedings (p. 7), but
"Jehu" in Wingfield's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 223) and on p. 46,
below. It is virtually impossible to distinguish the two names in the handwriting of the
time, but "Jehu" was rare.

[_]

1. There are 82 names in this list, as against 67 in the Proceedings, but 3 in the latter are
missing here: Anas Todkill, John Herd (a bricklayer), and John Capper. (The only other
mention of Capper is in Wingfield's "Discourse" [Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 224].)
Note that the total is 105 in the Proceedings, 8.

[_]

1. The clause beginning "by the unskilfull presumption ..." has been added. It was
possibly deleted from the Proceedings (see p. 10n) as impolitic. The company's mismanagement
came fully to light only in 1623-1624 (see Craven, Dissolution of the Va. Co., 251-336).

[_]

1. From here to the end of the paragraph is "new" material, although Purchas used
most of it, with acknowledgment to Smith (Pilgrimes, IV, 1707). Note the abrupt close,
however, in place of 32 words on the "Weraskoyks" in the Proceedings, 11.

[_]

1. This is one of the two poetical interludes in the Generall Historie that do not seem to
come ready-made from Fotherby, although the basic idea is in Atheomastix, 175 (see
Barbour, "Smith and the Bishop," 19-20).

[_]

2. The note was added, obscure as it is. Who slew him? Was it he who revealed to
Smith the plot to seize the pinnace and "goe for England" (p. 46, below)? The only
other reference to the man is in the True Relation, sig. E3v, where his name is spelled
Amocis.

[_]

3. Persimmons.

[_]

4. "Charlatans dressed in tufted taffeta."

[_]

1. "Shield." The following passage, "yet he was shot ... no great hurt," has been
added, but immediately afterwards a phrase has been dropped: "slipping into a bogmire,
they tooke him" (i.e., the "oasie creeke," below) (cf. Proceedings, 13).

[_]

2. "A month" (ibid., 14). According to Wingfield, Smith started out on Thursday,
Dec. 10, 1607, and, according to fact, returned on Saturday, Jan. 2, 1608 (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 226-227, 159). Finally, according to the usual reckoning of the time,
both the first and last weeks were counted, making four weeks, or "a month." The rest
is exaggeration.

[_]

3. Cf. "admired him as a demi-God" (Proceedings, 14). From here to the bottom of
p. 49 is all added, or "new," material, with a bit of rewriting at the end to tie it all together.
Because these pages include the Pocahontas episode, it is "Smith's most famous addition"
(Emerson, Smith, 80) and has been widely reprinted. Yet, as Smith wrote, he "procured
his owne liberty" (Proceedings, 14), and Pocahontas's role was at best more symbolic or
histrionic than vital (cf. Emerson, Smith, 81; and Barbour, Three Worlds, 167-168).

[_]

4. Opechancanough, Powhatan's half-brother. The account that follows is based on
the True Relation, sig. B3v-C3r, with an admixture of fresh material from Smith's notes.

[_]

1. "Bands" -- an undoubted exaggeration. Smith could not have been all that difficult
for an Indian chieftain to find in a region where a deer hunt was in progress anyway.

[_]

2. "Galled, harassed with shot."

[_]

3. "Oozy, slimy, boggy, thickly muddy."

[_]

4. "Agreement, based on Smith's surrender."

[_]

5. See the True Relation, sig. B4r and n. What follows is much expanded from that
passage.

[_]

6. Orapaks was located near Rassawek, a temporary hunting village (see ibid.,
sig. C1r).

[_]

1. "Puccoon," a vegetable dye.

[_]

2. A suspicion not previously expressed; it was some time before the English were
convinced that the PowhatanIndians were not cannibals.

[_]

3. "Restore to life or consciousness." The Indians had already seen enough of English
cures to believe that anything was possible for them.

[_]

4. A clear hint of one reason why Smith was spared; if he were taken into the tribe
and made a werowance, he might help them get rid of the obnoxious colonists.

[_]

5. "Pocket notebook"; this episode is barely understandable in the True Relation,
sig. B4v.

[_]

1. The details of Smith's trek in captivity are found only in the True Relation, sig.
C1r-v.

[_]

2. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 280).

[_]

3. This is the passage from the Map of Va., 31-32, that was omitted from Bk. II (see
p. 36n). Printed originally in the True Relation, sig. C3r, and included in Purchas (Pilgrim-
age
[1613], 638), the passage was abbreviated in both cases. Here it seems to be complete.

[_]

4. "Bizarre"; "antics" and "antiques" were spelled indiscriminately although they
were separate words from the start.

[_]

5. "Mustaches, moustaches"; the odd spelling was common in Smith's day and may
have been due to confusion of Italian mostaccio with Spanish muchacho, "boy."

[_]

1. Originally a flat piece of wood to slice meat on, it was applied to any platter of
wood, metal, etc.

[_]

2. Perhaps read: "they brought in his bag of gunpowder."

[_]

3. Opitchapam was Powhatan's heir; Opechancanough, the next younger.

[_]

4. From Fotherby's translation of Lucretius (Atheomastix, 127).

[_]

5. "Werowocomoco"; Smith's majuscule "W" seems to have been curiously made;
it was often printed "M" in Indian words.

[_]

6. "Finest attire."

[_]

7. "Raccoon"; a frequent early spelling.

[_]

1. Opossunoquonuske, sister of the werowance of the Appamatucks. She had entertained
the English (including Smith) in her village near modern Bermuda Hundred on
May 25, 1607, but evidently did not love them.

[_]

2. For recent interpretations of this episode, see Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and
Her World (Boston, 1969), 23-26; and Emerson, Smith, 80-81.

[_]

3. From Fotherby's translation of Euripides (Atheomastix, 112).

[_]

4. The scene with Powhatanhas been added, and the detail about Capahowasick,
located a few miles downstream, varies from the True Relation, sig. C2v. "Nantaquoud,"
or Nantaquaus, already mentioned as "Naukaquawis" in the True Relation, sig. C4r, gets
high praise on p. 121, below.

[_]

1. Cf. the account in True Relation, sig. C3v. Wingfield confirms that Smith's life was
saved by Newport's return (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 227), but there is no independent
evidence that anyone was sent back to England, prisoner or otherwise, on such
grounds.

[_]

2. Also unconfirmed elsewhere, but the statement seems plausible. Powhatanhad
certainly heard of Newport's arrival and wanted to beguile him.

[_]

3. The first line seems to be Smith's, based on Fotherby, while the second is from
Fotherby (Atheomastix, 125), from a phrase of Euripides quoted by Plutarch.

[_]

4. At this point Smith picks up the narrative in the Proceedings, 14.

[_]

5. Parenthesis added, probably referring merely to Pocahontas's acts of kindness
(cf. ibid.).

[_]

1. The addition of Master Wotton, the surgeon, and the lowering of the number of
"others" from 30 or 40 (see the Proceedings, 15) is possibly only a reconsideration of what
Smith had printed before.

[_]

2. From Fotherby's translation of Solon (Atheomastix, 132).

[_]

3. According to George Percy, Studley died on Aug. 28, four days after Edward
Harrington (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). Nothing is known about Robert Fenton,
but "J.S." must be John Smith. While Studley (and perhaps Harrington) may have left
some notes used by Smith, are all three of them just "names"? Only Studley is listed as an
author on the title pages of the Map of Va. and the Proceedings.

[_]

1. See p. 55, below, which specifies 120. Newport alone may have brought "neare a
hundred"; Nelson, the rest.

[_]

2. Several lines of the Proceedings, 16, have been omitted here, and the rest reworded.

[_]

3. From Fotherby's translation of Boethius (Atheomastix, 174).

[_]

1. Here Smith has omitted "there names were" (Proceedings, 18) to hurry on to his
quotation from Fotherby (Atheomastix, 245), from Ovid.

[_]

2. Curiously, Smith "forgot" Michael Phettiplace in the Proceedings, 18, although
that young man had been his loyal supporter in Virginia and had collaborated with his
brother William and Richard Wiffin in a long commendatory poem for Smith's Descrip-
tion of N.E.
The next several lines (down to "two or three hundred Salvages") have been
added (cf. Proceedings, 18), perhaps to help "create the impression that the Indians were
a constant threat" (Emerson, Smith, 81).

[_]

3. "Wooden frames or racks"; the word came from Old French crèche, "manger
[where the Christ child lay]."

[_]

1. For the type of oratory that follows, see the True Relation, sig. C4vn.

[_]

2. The passage beginning with "as being composed" and ending with "such strange
Jewells:" has been added (cf. Proceedings, 20).

[_]

1. For the fire, see the True Relation, sig. C3vn.

[_]

1. Here Smith, quoting Fotherby (Atheomastix, 205, 204), has combined a couplet
from Virgil with one from Juvenal.

[_]

2. Cf. Proceedings, 22. It is evident that Smith had little use for both Martin and
President Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore.

[_]

3. The note means: "explore the land of the Monacans and make their acquaintance."

[_]

1. The final, palliative clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 23).

[_]

2. From Fotherby's translation of Homer (Atheomastix, 278).

[_]

3. The Proceedings, 23, has a marginal note: "Powhatans trecherie."

[_]

4. This sentence and the first clause of the next have been greatly expanded (cf.
ibid., 24).

[_]

1. Cf. ibid., 25 (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 396n). Some such thought, and
perhaps the rest of the sentence, appears to have been cut from the ending of the True
Relation
, sig. E4v (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 208).

[_]

2. See the Proceedings, 25, for a fuller account of Martin's return to England, the most
signal outgrowth of which was that Anas Todkill was no longer in Martin's service.

[_]

3. From Fotherby's translation of Juvenal (Atheomastix, 205); cf. Barbour, "Smith
and the Bishop," 20. "Oap" is a variant of "ope," open.

[_]

4. This list seems to be more accurate than the one in the Proceedings, 25-28.

[_]

1. One of the four "unclassified" arrivals listed in the Proceedings, 27.

[_]

2. "William Causey" (ibid., 26), apparently in error.

[_]

3. William Bentley, William Spence, and Francis Perkins were listed as "labourers"
in the Proceedings, 27. Perkins's son, also named Francis, remained among the laborers
here as well.

[_]

4. James Watkins, Christopher Rods, and James Burre were unclassified in the
Proceedings, 27.

[_]

1. See p. 50n, above.

[_]

1. Jonas Profit is a "fisher" in the Proceedings, 29, while the last two in this list are a
"blackesmith" and "fishmonger," respectively (see ibid.).

[_]

2. "In time" inserted after "they" (ibid., 29).

[_]

3. The knotty syntax of this long sentence seems to call for repunctuation of the clause
"and it was" (see ibid., 29n). The editor suggests placing it in parentheses, followed by a
full stop, giving the meaning: "and it was strange indeed." The rest of the account is
relatively clear.

[_]

1. "Cask, keg"; another importation from Spanish.

[_]

2. A few minor changes have been made in this paragraph, including the addition
of the bit about the "Isles of Morap" (a misreading of "morase," for "morass"), or
"marshy isles." For the original account, see the Proceedings, 29-30.

[_]

3. Some 300 words on the Cuskarawaoks, to the mention of Sarapinagh, p. 57, below,
have been added (cf. ibid., 31). The Cuskarawaok village (also spelled Kuscarawaoke)
was on or near to the Nanticoke River, probably in the neighborhood of Seaford, Del.
(see the Map of Va., 10n).

[_]

1. From here to "the maine Ocean," below, a few valuable details have been added
(cf. Proceedings, 31).

[_]

2. An extremely common by-form of "cliff" (OED).

[_]

1. "3 or 400" (Proceedings, 32); Smith had estimated 100 warriors for Onawmanient
(p. 23, above). Onawmanient was on or near modern Nomini Bay, Potomac River.

[_]

1. The added parenthesis makes the point clear (cf. Proceedings, 33).

[_]

2. The last clause hints that Smith believed that the faction that wanted to abandon
the colony would even seek Indian help in removing him from the scene.

[_]

3. The rest of this long paragraph is greatly expanded, incorporating only occasional
bits from the Proceedings, 33. For an attempt to elucidate it, see Barbour, Three Worlds,
207-209, 450-451.

[_]

4. "Deposit."

[_]

5. "Dust from grinding [brass] pins"; Smith may have come upon washings from
small gold deposits and distrusted them because of Martin and his gold fever. For "Matchqueon,"
of uncertain meaning, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36.

[_]

6. Perhaps inspired by some play or masque Smith had seen.

[_]

1. "One"; an unusual spelling for the 17th century.

[_]

1. "Fever"; probably intestinal.

[_]

2. Momford has been added (cf. Proceedings, 36); he was one of the party.

[_]

1. Ward came as a tailor but joined the militia.

[_]

2. See p. 33, above. Below, "racket" was a variant of "rocket."

[_]

3. Only Powell, Profit, Todkill, and Pising were seasoned colonists, along with Smith.

[_]

1. The final clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 40). Smith had been mistaken
about their identity (see ibid., 45; and p. 68, below). Possibly they were the Aquauachuques
later recorded in middle New Jersey.

[_]

2. This entire paragraph has been added (cf. Proceedings, 40). "Perigrines mount"
was most likely named for Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, lord of the manor where
Smith was born. Below, note "Willowbyes river."

[_]

3. Of all Smith's companions on the two expeditions, only Todkill and Bagnall seem
not to have been thus honored.

[_]

4. "Toppahannock" (Proceedings, 40). At this point begins the longest single addition
made in the Generall Historie, of which it has been said that Smith here presents "a lively
story of four battles against Indians." It is "part of the argument ... indirectly urged ...
in Book III and directly urged in Book IV: send Smith with troops to subdue the Indians"
(Emerson, Smith, 82-83). This suggestion is plausible if we picture Smith as farsighted in
fundamental policies. But given Smith's inability to convince his congeners of the validity
of his proposals, it seems more likely that he had no basic plan but was again merely recounting
what happened in Virginia as he saw it, with something of the vague hopefulness
of Purchas, who always longed for somebody to do something about converting the Indians.
In any case, the abrupt introduction of Mosco just below is evidence that Smith had
further notes on the subject.

[_]

1. "Safe-conduct, or escort"; Smith was referring to his Potomac voyage.

[_]

2. "Immediately [upon seeing us again]." After the aside on Mosco's previous services,
Smith resumes the story of their Rappahannock expedition.

[_]

3. Disputes over women were one of the chief causes of intertribal warfare (see p. 33,
above). Mosco's native village was about 18 mi. E by N of Moraughtacund by land.

[_]

4. The so-called Smith/Zúñiga map shows the chief village of the Toppahannocks/
Rappahannocks (the spellings are interchangeable) roughly at the modern town of Tappahannock,
15 mi. upstream and across the river from where Smith's map shows the
Toppahannock king's house. Quite possibly it is a case of engraver's error.

[_]

5. "Making an attempt."

[_]

1. "From."

[_]

2. "Thole pins." Below, "wast clothes" were "colored cloths for decoration, or to
screen the men aboard" (OED).

[_]

1. I.e., to the rapids or falls at Fredericksburg, Va.

[_]

2. The Manahoacs were very likely a Siouan people (as were the Monacans to their
south), unrelated to the Powhatans, an Algonkian group. Although some doubts have
latterly been expressed regarding their ethnological background, the somewhat dated
monograph of David I. Bushnell ("The Manahoac Tribes in Virginia, 1608," Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections
, XCVIII, No. 8 [Washington, D.C., 1935]) seems still to be
valid. Smith's account contains practically all that is known about them.

[_]

1. This bay must have dried up since, at least to the extent of forming only a "neck"
in the river; in this instance probably Corbins Neck, just below Moss Neck and the crossroads
of that name.

[_]

1. These presumably were the Algonkian Indians of the villages from the "broad
Bay" downstream towards Nantaughtacund and Pissaseck, but well above Toppahannock.

[_]

1. Another example of name-changing (see p. 6n, above). The word "Uttasantasough"
still defies analysis.

[_]

2. Probably Dumpling Island, Nansemond River, where a small Indian site has been
uncovered.

[_]

1. "Facing their [treeless] meadow lands."

[_]

2. "A cease-fire."

[_]

3. Making dugout canoes was an arduous task; see the True Relation, sig. B2vn.

[_]

1. Even by Smith's "scale," this is unusual exaggeration.

[_]

2. This is the longest quotation in the Generall Historie. Smith rewrote the first three
lines of Fotherby's translation from Prosper's De Providentia (Atheomastix, 11-12), then
quoted the rest almost verbatim.

[_]

3. Although Bagnall, Powell, and Todkill went on the expedition(s) and probably
wrote much of the account, Smith himself surely had a good deal to do with the end
product.

[_]

1. It is significant that the Purchas reprint of the Proceedings, 41, here has a marginal
note: "The figure is left out" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717), while the Proceedings itself has a printer's
"QUERE" regarding the form. Only here it is stated that the Jamestown fort was
pentagonal (not triangular) in Sept. 1608.

[_]

1. Smith was president of the council in Virginia. The council in London, however,
sized up the situation in terms of European practice and sent Newport with instructions to
overrule Smith if necessary. Newport obeyed London, regardless of what Smith thought,
and Smith tried to remedy what he saw as ill-advised by exerting what influence he could
on Powhatan. The added parenthesis and the clause about Newport and the 120 men
reflect Smith's subsequent disgust, as events long after 1612 seemed to him to underline
the soundness of his stand in 1608 (cf. Proceedings, 43-44).

[_]

1. The detail about Pocahontas has been added (cf. ibid., 44). A marginal note again
shows Smith's interest in masques.

[_]

2. From Fotherby's translation of Homer (Atheomastix, 342).

[_]

1. Note that Newport's name, mentioned in the Proceedings, 46, is omitted here.

[_]

1. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 205).

[_]

2. From Fotherby (ibid., 43; but see p. 74n, below), from Antiphanes as quoted by
Joannes Stobaeus.

[_]

3. "Hag" is northern dialect for "hack"; "hackers" in the Proceedings, 48.

[_]

1. The last clause has been added (cf. ibid., 49).

[_]

2. "Master Persey" (ibid.).

[_]

3. The reference to Newport and Rat[c]liffe has been added (cf. ibid., 49-50).

[_]

4. "Newport and" has been added (cf. ibid., 50).

[_]

1. See ibid., 50n.

[_]

2. The last sentence has been added (cf. ibid., 51).

[_]

3. The entire letter has been added (cf. ibid.). For some discussion of it, see Barbour,
Three Worlds, 233-234; Emerson, Smith, 83-84; and Richard Beale Davis, "The Gentlest
Art in Seventeenth-Century Virginia," Tennessee Studies in Literature, II (1957), 54.
Whether the letter is a true copy or a rewrite, it sums up the colony's problems admirably.

[_]

1. "The President" was Ratcliffe, of course. A year later, on Oct. 4, 1609, Ratcliffe
was to write another letter to Salisbury (see p. 105n, below). These two communications
are the only clues we have to Ratcliffe's appointment to the council in Virginia. Otherwise
virtually unknown and as yet unidentified, Ratcliffe may well have been one of Salisbury's
"men," either past or present (cf. William Brewster, in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I,
107n; and George Kendall, in Barbour, "Captain George Kendall: Mutineer or Intelligencer?"
VMHB, LXX [1962], 297-313).

[_]

1. George Percy's brother, the earl of Northumberland, also sent presents. An item
in the earl's household papers reads: "1607, Feb. 8-1608, Feb. 3. ... For the rings and
other pieces of copper given to the Virginia Prince, 3s" (Historical Manuscripts Commission,
Sixth Report and Appendix, Pt. I [London, 1877], 229a).

[_]

2. These are the first cautious inklings of mineral wealth that the Virginia Company
had from Smith (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., and Thurlow Gates Gregory, "The First
American Blast Furnace, 1619-1632: The Birth of a Mighty Industry on Falling Creek in
Virginia," VMHB, LXX [1962], 259-296).

[_]

3. See p. 7on, above.

[_]

4. See the True Relation, sig. C3vn.

[_]

1. A broadside entitled "A Publication by the Counsell of Virginia, touching the
plantation there," dated 1610, reads in part that "such sufficient, honest and good artificers
[are needed], as [black]Smiths, ... Carpenters, Gardeners, ... Bricklayers ... shall
be entertained ... with reasonable and good conditions ..." (quoted from broadside 122,
with the kind permission of the Society of Antiquaries, London).

[_]

1. This list adds one name -- Floud, labourer -- to that of the Proceedings, 52-53.

[_]

2. I.e., Winne and Scrivener had accompanied Newport down the river on his departure,
perhaps not entirely out of mere courtesy. The rest of this added paragraph (cf.
ibid., 53) shows "how Smith and his men learned to make camp in the woods in snowy
weather" (Emerson, Smith, 84).

[_]

1.Hence the courtesy (see preceding n.).

[_]

2. Although the passage is obscure, the meaning seems to be that Smith knew that
nothing would effect his demand for supplies better than building a castle for Powhatan.

[_]

1. See the Proceedings, 56nn.

[_]

2. This list corresponds with that in the Proceedings, 55-56, but for Anthony Bagnall
(Baggly), missing here but mentioned as a member of the party (ibid., 57).

[_]

3. This was Michael Sicklemore (no relation of Ratcliffe), listed above. This was the
first real attempt to look for Ralegh's colony. For Sicklemore's return, see p. 87, below.

[_]

4. Collier was accidentally killed by an English sentinel during the winter of 1622/23
(see p. 157, below).

[_]

5. From Fotherby's translation of Stobaeus's rendering of Sophocles (Atheomastix, 43).

[_]

1. With regard to these speeches, see Emerson, Smith, 86; and Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages
, II, 425.

[_]

2. Cf. "the king exceeding liberall of that hee had not yeelded him Monacan"
(Proceedings, 60).

[_]

1. John Russell's name has been added (cf. ibid., 64).

[_]

2. From here to the end of the paragraph, all but a phrase or two has been added,
most significantly the story of Pocahontas's intervention on Smith's behalf (cf. ibid., 65).

[_]

3. "Bursting"; a rare survival from the 16th century.

[_]

1. From Fotherby's translation of Persius (Atheomastix, 118).

[_]

1. The last bit, beginning "but they were apprehended ...," has been added (cf.
Proceedings, 66).

[_]

2. "6. or 700." (ibid., 67).

[_]

3. "Betrayed."

[_]

1. "Forearm armor"; the upper-right compartment of the map of Ould Virginia
shows the scene correctly.

[_]

2. The last passage, beginning "and your King ...," has been added (cf. Proceedings,
70).

[_]

3. The "club" has been added (cf. ibid., 71).

[_]

1. The passage "having received ... ever regarded him as himselfe, and" has been
added (cf. ibid.). "Be Caesar or nothing," aut Caesar aut nihil, was the motto of Cesare
Borgia (1478-1507) and became proverbial in his lifetime. Smith may have picked up the
saying in Italy or in London, but his reference was probably to Julius Caesar (see Giuseppe
Fumagalli, Chi l'Ha Detto? [Milan, 1946], 314). Scrivener possibly got letters similar to the
one from the council in London to "The President" in Jamestown (see p. 70, above), but
the chances are that he was simply head-strong (see the Biographical Directory).

[_]

2. "9 daies" (Proceedings, 71); i.e., Jan. 7, 1609.

[_]

3. The following short passage, "Pocahontas hid him ... but by her meanes," has
been added, and a few minor changes have been made (cf. ibid., 72). It is likely that
Pocahontas's visit to London recalled to Smith her many kindnesses to him.

[_]

1. The final clause has been added (cf. ibid.).

[_]

2. The words "with him" have been added (cf. ibid.), throwing a little light on this
ill-told tale. All that seems clear is that Powhatancommanded Opechancanough to make
a desperate effort to ambush Smith, but the Pamunkeys generally were so afraid of the
fiery captain that the attempt fell through.

[_]

1. Potauncak was across the Youghtanund (modern Pamunkey) from the principal
Pamunkey villages.

[_]

1. Phettiplace's trip by land has been added (cf. Proceedings, 75).

[_]

2. "40 men" (ibid.).

[_]

3. The "deere suet" has been added (cf. ibid., 75-76).

[_]

4. "279" (ibid., 76); one suspects an exaggeration by Smith.

[_]

5. "Justification" -- not an excuse.

[_]

1. Abbot's name has been added (cf. Proceedings, 78).

[_]

1. Cf. "caused the President to make a generall assembly, and then he advised
them ..." (ibid., 79).

[_]

1. Variant spelling of "falchion" (and the preferred spelling before 1750).

[_]

2. Cf. "from whence the king perceiving two of the Poles upon the sandes would have
fled; but the President held him by the haire and throat til the Poles came in; then
seeing ..." (Proceedings, 81). The omission of the Poles in the passage here remains unexplained.

[_]

3. This clause has been added (cf. ibid.).

[_]

4. The clause "the king also he put in fetters" was added parenthetically in the
Proceedings, 81.

[_]

1. "Backpiece"; a metal plate to protect the back. This paragraph has been added
(cf. ibid., 84).

[_]

1. "One yeare" (ibid., 85).

[_]

2. "Their"; that is, they originally came from the ships. Rats were not indigenous to
Virginia.

[_]

1. The last clause has been added (cf. Proceedings, 86).

[_]

2. The sentence "But if I finde ... at the Gallows" has been added (cf. ibid., 88).

[_]

1. The clause "if you would ... have brought it" has been added (cf. ibid.).

[_]

2. Ibid., 88, has "and live there or starve."

[_]

3. From Fotherby's translation of Seneca (Atheomastix, 119).

[_]

4. This final clause, beginning "for they did know," has been added (cf. Proceedings,
89).

[_]

5. "Tassore" has been added (see ibid.).

[_]

1. See p. 74, above. The rest of the paragraph has been added (cf. ibid., 90). Note
that "pemminaw" was not "silke grasse," but the grass commonly used to make thread
(see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

[_]

2. The rest of this paragraph has been added (cf. Proceedings, 90). This was Siouan
territory. It was not violated again until 1670 (see William P. Cumming, ed., The Discoveries
of John Lederer
[Charlottesville, Va., 1958], vii, 10).

[_]

1. The passage "the first was Lieutenant Percy ... other imploiment for them" has
been added, and the next few words adjusted to suit (see the Proceedings, 91).

[_]

2. The rest of the paragraph has been added or altered (cf. ibid., 91–92). Regarding
Thomas Sedan, who is otherwise unidentified, a letter from Gabriel Archer to a friend,
dated Jamestown, Aug. 31, 1609, states that the master was "one Robert Tindall"
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 281). This is supported by the Virginia Council's manuscript
copy of Argall's commission of Apr. 2, 1609, which reads in part: "Captayne Samuell
Argall and Robert Tyndall Masters and Officers" (Lib. Cong. Virginia. AO 10.092;
printed in Dorothy S. Eaton, "A Voyage of 'ffisshinge and Discovvery,'" Library of Congress,
Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions, X [Aug. 1953], 181–184 [modernized in
Martha W. Hiden, ed., "A Voyage of Fishing and Discovery, 1609," VMHB, LXV (1957),
62–66, with largely outdated comments and notes]). Smith's "Thomas Sedan" thus seems
to be the result of any or all of the following contingencies: little recollection of Tindall himself
(for their only recorded encounter, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 81); misreading of
the manuscript copy (taking the "T" for an "S"); mnemonic association of Tindall with
[Thomas] Sendall, to whom Smith had been apprenticed years before (True Travels, 2);
and such common slips as Francis Magnel's mistaking "Captain [Robert] Tindol" for
Captain George Kendall (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 156). For Master [John]
Cornelius, see the Biographical Directory.

[_]

1. This is surprising. Argall had sailed from London on May 5, and sometime before
May 15 the London council had issued "Instructions ... to Sir Thomas Gates," appointing
John Smith, "nowe President," to the council in Virginia and naming him commander of
a garrison designed in part to control the Indians (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 263,
266).

[_]

1. This paragraph has been reworked here and there without major change (cf.
Proceedings, 92–93).

[_]

2. From here to the marginal note, "Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer," the text has been
expanded by mingling what Smith later learned with what he wrote earlier (cf. ibid., 93).
Two details are worth mentioning: "made meanes" was an obsolescent phrase for "took
steps [with]," and Lord De La Warre's title was Lord Governor and Captain General.

[_]

3. Smith has lumped together two publications, both dated 1610: A True and Sincere
Declaration of the Purpose and Ends of the Plantation Begun in Virginia
..., by authority of the
Governors and Councellors; and A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia ...
by advice and direction of the Councell of Virginia; the one was rushed into print as soon
as the loss of the flagship was known, the other when word came that Gates and his companions
had made it to Virginia.

[_]

1. Smith's supposition, apparently based on the fact that all three were in the same
ship.

[_]

2. Archer gives a more complete list of the captains and masters in a letter to a friend
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 280).

[_]

3. William Box, not satisfactorily identified, was the author of a longer narrative in
1610 (see pp. 106-108, below).

[_]

1. From Fotherby's translation of Lucretius (Atheomastix, 129).

[_]

2. Smith himself appears to have picked up the narrative here, although this may be
what Richard Pots pulled together from various reports and memoranda (see bottom of
p. 94, below).

[_]

1. See Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 453n.

[_]

2. This tribute to Forest has been added (cf. Proceedings, 96).

[_]

3. Partially rewritten, without improvement (cf. ibid.).

[_]

4. An independent account of this was written by Henry Spelman (see the Biographical
Directory), but it reflects more wayward immaturity than understanding.

[_]

1. From Fotherby's rendering of Solon (Atheomastix, 241).

[_]

1. A variant spelling of "turbles," an early by-form of "troubles," already archaic by
1600 but possibly still in use in Lincolnshire or East Anglia.

[_]

2. "Martin, Ratliffe, and Archer" (Proceedings, 99).

[_]

3. The words "and excuse themselves by accusing him" (ibid.) are omitted here.

[_]

1. The last clause was added, and the passage slightly reworded (cf. ibid., 100).

[_]

2. From Fotherby's translation of Ovid (Atheomastix, 119).

[_]

1. Cf. "the 6 ships" (Proceedings, 102).

[_]

2. From this point on, Bk. III differs in tenor from the Proceedings, 102-104. The balance
of the Proceedings (104-109) anticipates the beginning of Bk. IV. Bk. III, on the other
hand, ends with a peroration on the general shortcomings of the colonists.

[_]

3. "Eccentrics who follow their own inclinations."

[_]

1. Valdo (or Volda[y], Faldoe) died of "a burning-Fever," apparently in the latter
half of 1610 (Strachey, Historie, 131).

[_]

1. As mentioned on p. 90n, above, the last indication of authorship in the Proceedings
is "Richard Pots, W[illiam] P[hettiplace]." Here, the name of the obscure colonist
William Tankard is added, and W. P. is changed to G. P. Since Phettiplace's name appears
in the Proceedings, and since there is no evidence whatsoever that either George Percy or
George Pretty contributed to Smith's work, the editor cannot but assume that we have a
case of a badly made "W" being taken for a "G" by the printer. The latter is well within
the bounds of possibility; the collaboration of George Percy (suggested by some) is not.

[_]

2. This was due to a miscalculation (see the editor's Introduction, above). For the
verses that follow, see the Description of N.E., from which they were reprinted. For the
versifiers, see the Biographical Directory.