University of Virginia Library

HOW
ANCIENT AUTHORS
REPORT, THE NEW-WORLD,
Now called America, was discovered: and part
thereof first Planted by the English, called
Virginia, with the Accidents and
Proceedings of the same.

The first Booke.

FOR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and
Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe
they were in the North of America; or the
Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went
to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in
that I know them not. Let this suffice.

The Chronicles of Wales report, that
Madock, sonne to Owen Guineth, Prince
of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate
who should inherit, prepared certaine
Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke adventures
by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a
Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and
fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what
barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another,
he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and
women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him

in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and
returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.

The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first:
and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent
to discover those unknowne parts, 1492.

But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the
yeare 1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke
it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission
to John Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Santius.
John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great
part of this unknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though
Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the
Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a
long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called
America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more
then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the
lyne, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry
the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England.
Being very aged King Edward the sixt gave him a Pention of
1661.13s.4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent
to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found
frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.

Master Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most
gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and
Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well
rewarded.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation
in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire:
but with this Proviso, He should || maintaine possession in some of
those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he
was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even
here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they
gave over the Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this
losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with
New-found land, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may

read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Master
Hackluit.

Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh,
a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send
to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other
imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured
her Majesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights
and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a
Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.

The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory,
for her courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth,
granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering
and planting new Lands and Countries, not actually possessed by
any Christians. This Patenty

got to be his assistants Sir Richard
Grenvell the valiant, Master William Sanderson a great friend to all
such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and
Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes well
furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine
Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set
sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and
the tenth of June the West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly
course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that
season much sicknesse.

The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule
water, where they felt

a most dilicate sweete smell, though they
saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent:
an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor.
The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and
anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next
Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most
excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first landing place
very sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of
the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such
plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as
in the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towardes
the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not
the like abundance.

We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills
being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides,
and found it an Ile of twentie myles

in length, and six in breadth,
the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our
Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with
such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This Ile
hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible
abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not
such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and
fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering
them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the
Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell
and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then
in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore,
to whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of
feare; after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of
his owne accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a
hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well
viewed the barkes and us, he went away in his owne Boat, and
within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, had loaden his
Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and
there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the
other to the Pinnace, and so departed.

The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings
Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour
very civill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina,
the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our
Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: where spreading a
Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made
signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head
and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he had made a
long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes,

which he
kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none
of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed
presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things
did belong to him.

The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour
and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and
the thigh, yet recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six
dayes journey from thence.

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo
taking most liking to a Pewter

dish, made a hole in it, hung it
about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty
Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell,
fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and
after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with us
very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they
were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull;
she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the
same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her
husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to
her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had
Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his
apparrell as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on
both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but
their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre
Chesnut coloured hayre.

After that these women had beene here with us, there came
downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall,
and divers kinde of dyes,

but when Granganameo was present, none
durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their
heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signifie by so many
fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength.
Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme
of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have it. For
an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we
refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where
it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and
he would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us
commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish,
sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes.
This Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in five moneths;
in May they sow, in July reape; in June they sow, in August reape;
in July sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in the
ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.

The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of
all other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling
tymber trees: the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like:
such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance,
my selfe with seaven more went twenty myle into the River Occam,
that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the evening following
we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we
entred 7. leagues;

at the North end was 9. houses, builded with
Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a
Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came
running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her
people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other
she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our
Ores into the house for || stealing. When we came into the other
roome, (for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe
by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of
some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she
her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to
provide us victuall.

After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an
Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house
somewhat like frumentie,

sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like
manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes.
There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, sometimes
with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth
they drinke wine. More love she could not expresse to entertaine
us; they care but onely to defend themselves from the short winter,
and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting
house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things.
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst
us with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our
armes in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and
Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the
evening approaching we returned to our boate, where at she much
grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when
she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at
Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men and 30. women
to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five Mats to
cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her
house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure:
for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving
people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great
river Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and six
dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say
there fathers affirme it to be above two houres journey about. Into
this river falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many
Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another River called
Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called
Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa.
Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in
league each with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes journey is
Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.

Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomouik, belonging
to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the
great river Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of
Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace
was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the
Secotans, because this Piemacum invited divers men, and 30.
women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their

Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew
all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond
Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases,
with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye
200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great
long sea, in some places 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more,
somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of divers bignesses, but
to get into it, you have but 3. passages and they very dangerous.
Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Salvages,
because it is the first, I thought it not amisse to remember them as
they are written by them that returned and arived in England
about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was
so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this
Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are
to understand how it was planted, disolved, renued, and enlarged,

The Performers of this voyage were these following.

Captaines

• Philip Amadas.
• Arthur Barlow.

Of the Companie

• William Grenvill.
• John Wood.
• James Browewich.
• Henry Greene.
• Benjamen Wood.
• Simon Ferdinando.
  [_]

  1
• Nicholas Peryman.
• John Hewes.

Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for
Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.

THE 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the
chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne,
Master Thomas Candish Master John Arundel, Master Stukley,
Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John
Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May
with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after
with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by
many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were

put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at
Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently
we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the
mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11.
The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a selected company went
to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc,
Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the
Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and
spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Wocokon. Whence
we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King
Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the
Admirall went for Weapomeiok, and Master John Arundell for
England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of
300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne
to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

• Philip Amidas Admirall.
• Master Thomas Heryot.
• Master Acton.
• Master Stafford.
• Master Thomas Luddington.
• Master Marvyn.
• Captaine Vaghan.
• Master Kendall.
• Master Gardiner.
• Master Predeox.
• Master Rogers.
• Master Harvy.
• Master Snelling.
• Master Antony Russe.
• Master Allen.
• Master Michaell Pollison.
• Master Thomas Bockner.
• Master James Mason.
• Master David Salter.
• Master James Skinner.

With divers others to the number of 108.

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our
proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we
made Roanoack our habitation.

The utmost of our discovery
Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke.
The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the
maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoulds
that our Pinnasse could not passe, and we had but one boat with 4.
ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes:
so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till
a stronger supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne
of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is
very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound
and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle
from the shoare, for pleasantness of seate, for temperature of climate,
fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good
woods, Saxefras, Walnuts etc. is not to be excelled by any other
whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances

as the
Mangoacks, Trypaniks and Opposians, which came to visit us.

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack
130. myles our || passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh
water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of
shoules.

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the
womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee
enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to
straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt
them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there
is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, it is subject
to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, and
the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides
the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding
then all the rest.

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and
openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a
very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from
the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things
they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a
principall towne on it, and is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the
head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him
prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow
up the river Chawonock, then landing and going foure dayes
Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea,
but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with
deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not
onely his skins,

and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are
garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe
to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but
they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and
had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved them; he
promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he was
unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is
populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved
to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it,
whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the
head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land,
inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons
for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the
West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth
so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this
fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse

is a violent streame. I
intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons
sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of
the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall
from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery
as ever men did.

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina

upon
the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the
Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me
the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me
at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against
us; a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine
approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: and
this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe
our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and
the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the
high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and
provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my
journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes,
besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages
trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company
to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine
hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: a Councell we held,
to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but
three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they
would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive
Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves (if the worst fell || out)
upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would
bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes
more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast
then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as
friends or foes.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had
to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis
Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those
Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador;

they say
they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in
shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part
open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the
water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have
the Bowle full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and
doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three
of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their
houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young
Skiko the King of Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene
prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for
he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to
this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes
journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have
met them for some assay of this mettall: but when we came there we
found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires.
After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening
we heard some call as we thought Manteo,

who was with me in the
boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which
they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us
they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about
the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we
landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not.
So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, that
cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us
in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being
windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following
we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires
afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought
us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make
this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit
comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing
worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then
yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master
Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master
Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of
Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth
neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the
Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks,
Mangoaks, and Moratocks, etc.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our
returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

ENSENORE a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had
after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries,
could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that
all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to
be friendly unto us. Pemissapan thinking as the brute

was in this
last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our
God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore
had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could
to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw us
all returne, the report false, || and had Manteo, and three Salvages
more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and
feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their
greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little
asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe,
that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should
perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living,
and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them
sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we
returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them
was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after
my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and
Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the
Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men
came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and
would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan,
that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish
they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended
to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine
us). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of
Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in
practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had
planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet
they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and
the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete
(as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of
whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and
provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire.
Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the
night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which
might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without
danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Master Heriots,
and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the
meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our
wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together,
a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine
increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with
twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe
the coast; Master Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same
occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes
and Oysters.

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him
for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests

so
forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull,
and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising
such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my
prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan
tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put
suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a
Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he
would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would
come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all
his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I
resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the
Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows
about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. For
when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore,
overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry
arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch
over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to
our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest
fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack,
and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him
in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner
Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, and being among eight
of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately
they had that they purposed || for us. Himselfe being shot through
with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran
away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks,
where they tooke him and cut off his head.

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafford sent to me he descryed
twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I
must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or
perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any
serious service committed to him.) He brought me a letter from Sir
Francis Drake,

whose generous mind offered to supply all my
defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to
further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he
appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure
moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient
Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me,
suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have
driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the
Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision
and Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed
me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into

England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries
as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into the
harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest
to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was
fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy
of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard
of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir
Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to
urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for
whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack,
then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. So with prayses
to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27.
of July the same yeare:

Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.

Written by Master Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Master Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.

[_]

3

For Marchandize and Victualls.

WHAT before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician
Master Thomas Heriot,

with them in the Country,
whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules,
Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be usefull; because I have
writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas,
and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like
Hempe, Allum, Wapeih, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, and Turpentine,
Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose
and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble
you with one thing twice.

Dyes.

For Dyes, Showmack,

the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called
Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tango-
mockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden,
described like an Orange,

growing foure foote high; the seede will
make good broth, and the || stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of
Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of
their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe
Physicke.

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots;

they grow in clusters,
and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which
will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to
cut it in small peeces, then stampe and straine it with water, and
boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes,
which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a
Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes
like those in England.

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of
Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then
Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray
Conies, like hayres,

that all the people make them mantels of their
skins. I have the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the
Country: of which 12. kindes we have discovered and good to eate;
but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him.

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and
May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most
part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpoises,
Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land:
Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanauk:

we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans,
Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins.

I have the names in their
language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in
England for the most part, except Rakeock, a great sweet tree,
whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like
Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy
crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia
we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description
thereof.

But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author
reporteth.

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the
truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed.
They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac,

but of
different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that
hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed
first to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order,
to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to
follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and
the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say)
were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie
of creatures that are visible or invisible.

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the
working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children;
and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since
they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father
to sonne.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and there
fore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call
Kewasowok:

one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their
Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings.
The common sort thinke them also gods.

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing
from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done,
it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall
happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at
the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne
continually.

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately
dead, and re- || vived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before
our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead
and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move,
was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into
Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to
returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd
such torment. The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but
sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being
dead, buried, and taken up as the first, shewed, that although his
body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had
travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more
sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene
before; at length he came to most brave

and fayre houses, neare
which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him
charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe,
to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee
should come againe.

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this
opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great
respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment
after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments
according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the
fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by
having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not
so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with
us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small
admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we
had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse.

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments,
Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses,

burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns,
and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought
they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods
had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better
then them; and caused many of them give credit to what we spake
concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to
make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the
Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any
such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many
would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to
their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

The King Wingina

where we dwelt; would oft be with us at
Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting
of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for
offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes
to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many
other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leaving others)
will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that
either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration.

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany
against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all
possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few
dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes
twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and
twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this
hapned in no place (we could learn) but where we had bin, where
they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so
strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had
they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed
by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who
were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in
foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of
God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay
whom we would, without weapons, and not come || neare them.
And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their
enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we
would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had
dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them
their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject

himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased
came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true servants,
ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out
so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to
passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their
manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds
we had fulfilled their desires.

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange
opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or
men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was
no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we
had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought
we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that
we were men of an old generation many yeares past, and risen againe
from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our
generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those
that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet
invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for
love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible
bullets into them.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in
curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the
strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings
wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we
shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the
people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever.
And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we
had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or
may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the
eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a
Comet

which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse
began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so
speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit
to present or alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is
hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by
good dealing and government: though some of our company towards
the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed
themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes,

upon causes that on our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse;
notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse
in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and
hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with
consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure
them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.

Thus you may see, How

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.

[_]

2

IN the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all
things necessary: but before || they set sayle from England it was
Easter.

And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in
seeking the Collony up in the Country, and not finding them,
returned with all the provision againe to England.

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied
with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the
aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes
of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585.

travailing up and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare
no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling
to lose the possession of the Country, after good deliberation he
landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with
all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings,

and him; which caused me remember an old saying of
Euripides.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Master White.

[_]

2

WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando
our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we
fayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our
all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy
of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of July, and with
fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men
left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones
of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt,
but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much
perplexed us.

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could
to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at
Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, and Master
George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by
the Salvages.

Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to
Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we
thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew
to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their
Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given
to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the
yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their
friend, and there present yet lame.

The next day we had conference with them concerning the
people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of
Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our

old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to
bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We
also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina,
of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men
left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three
hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they
intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew,
the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men
with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage
among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and
presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more
were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat,
and ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they
tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at
last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a
while, but after departed they || knew not whether. So taking our
leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

The

Governour having long expected the King and Governours
of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7.
dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those
of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and
were at the driving our men from Roanoack he thought no longer
to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine
Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our
guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English
man) he set forward.

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their
houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The
miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot
through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we
were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to
gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled
after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the
birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not
chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a
Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him
by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered
the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon
his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though
this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly,
because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the

day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was
Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his
faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and
wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak;
which being the first Christian there borne, was called
Virginia.

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the
Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she
could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost,
because the most of her best men were on shore. At this time
Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants,
about choosing one

of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to
England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most
insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would
have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would
so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what
he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he
undertooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he
was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At
their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men
in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of
a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it.
The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut
the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and
Corvo; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the
flyboats men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the
West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon
Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth.
1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

• John White Governour.
• Roger Bayley.
• Ananias Dare.
• Simon Ferdinando.
• Christopher Couper.
• Thomas Stevens.
• John Samson.
• Thomas Smith.
• Dionis Harvie.
• Roger Prat.
• George How.
• Antony Cage.

With divers others to the number of about 115.

The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by
Master John White. 1589.

[_]

1

THE 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed
betwixt Barbary and Mogador to Dominica in the West Indies.
After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August
wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by
reason of ill weather it was the II, ere we could Anchor there; and
on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35.
degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we
came to Hatorask in 36. degrees and a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues
from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I
left the Colony, 1587.

The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine
Spicer, and their companies, with two boats left our ships, and
discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming,
but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that
had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next
morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had
then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere
we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The
Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar,
a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by
Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though
our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard
at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the
barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet
steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could
catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where
some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe.
The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner
hung there till they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little,
kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of
Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat,
shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the
chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had
much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters,
but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves
againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19. persons. It was late ere we
arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet,
but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but
could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning.
We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane
Letters carved CRO which presently we knew to signifie the place
where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene
them and me: which was to write the name of the place they
would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene
in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my
departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we
found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were
left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the
place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in
one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN,
without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of
Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavie things throwne
here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the
shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the
Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers
Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the
goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I
knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all
things els were spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much
comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned
to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away by a great storme
that continued all that night.

The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the
Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost
another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we
sayled not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper
water;

considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision
neare spent, we resolved to goe forthwith to St. Johns Ile, Hispaniola,
or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and seeke for purchase that
Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men.
But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and
we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind
changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our
selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne
consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we
left seeking our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor
seene to this day 1622. And this was the conclusion of this Plantation,
after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby
we see;

Written by Master John White.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and
some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els
they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew
Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers
other Gentlemen their Associates.

[_]

3

ALL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured
from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32.
and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the
26. of March.

Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but
forced us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out
of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our
journey shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of
our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast,
caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then
we expected.

On fryday the 11.

of May we made land, it was somewhat low,
where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white
sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming
to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle
came boldly aboord us. It seemed by their signes and such things
as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the
latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, and doubting the
weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward
into the Sea. The next morning we found our selves imbayed
with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored,
and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, and three others went to it in our
boat, being a white sand and a bold coast. Though the weather was
hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceived
this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As
we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man
came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we
left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew
what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might
be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.

At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3.
5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it
foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a
lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so
well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce
passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceive there would be
plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other
fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes,
with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us call it Martha's
Vineyard.

The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky,
and much tinctured

stone like Minerall. Though we met many
Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish,
Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived
at was but two leagues from the Maine, and 16. myle about, invironed
so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked
together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of
plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were
mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Oates, and
Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and
lusty: the crust therof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high
timbred Okes, their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight
and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but
the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of
Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour,
whose barke in the feeling is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake
of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing
an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many
Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones
we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as
good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under ground.
All sorts of shell-fish, as Scalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters,
Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you
with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those
places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called
this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the
mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and
delicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we
saw no end, and meadows very large and full of greene grasse, etc.

Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare,
but by our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke
of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but
we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because
the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But
of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all
rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie
our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building
us there a house. But the second day after our comming from the
Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us.
Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, and
exchanged with them Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such
trifles, for some Bevers, Luzernes, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte
skinnes, and such like. We saw them have much red Copper,
whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they
so little esteemed they would give us for small toyes, and signified
unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they
stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle from us:
after with many signes of love and friendship they departed, seaven
of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry Saxafras,
and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the
best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have
no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for
which they would have changed with some of our men that had
great beards. Some of the baser sort would steale; but the better
sort, we found very civill and just. We saw but three of their women,
and they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like the men,
|| but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and temperature

of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to
this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active,
strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toyes by them so
cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selves, we found our
selves rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all
our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with
any sicknesse. Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but
upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left
this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous
to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of July.

And,

Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.

A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from
Bristow, for the North part of Virginia. 1603.

[_]

3

BY the inducements and perswasions of Master Richard Hackluite,
Master John Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen,
and most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a
stocke of 1000l. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with
30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes,
having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman, and a sufficient
Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had
bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though
they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of England,
and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the
world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth:
yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of

June, fell upon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie
three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a
high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the
coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly used
by the Natives, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, and
thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most
part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and have made
no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus
conclude;

Robert Salterne.

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia,
by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the
right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in
the Raigne of our most royall King James.

[_]

4

UPON tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but
by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last
of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, and all necessary
provisions as could possibly be gotten, we put || to sea; and the 24
of Aprill

fell with Flowres and Corvo. We intended as we were
directed towards the Southward of 39. But the winds so crossed us
wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded
at 100. fathom, and by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5.
yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy
clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run
two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes
in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed
among those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe,
which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and
weather were as fayre as we could desire. Thus we parted from the
Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first
sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed God that he had
delivered us from so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod,
and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being
thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood and water caused
us take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore
wheresoever: but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17.
of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not
approach it. The next day it appeared to us a mayne high land, but
we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: within a league of it
we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood and water, of
which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky
clifts in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch,
Beech, and Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild
Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed
among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found
Cod enough.

From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high
mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we
waighed, and came to the Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which
we found an excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of
any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom upon a clay oze. This was
upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour.
Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the
painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes
most carefull and vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: but his
labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not
onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much
with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where
among our gardenseeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16.
dayes grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the
ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the
mayne.

After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we
marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in
compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines,
Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes:

in so much
many of our company wished themselves setled here. Upon the 30.
our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship
espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they
had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by
our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had
their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths
Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our
Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40
myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. The Salvages also
kept their words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins,
for the value of 5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such
toyes, and thus we used them so kindly as we could, because we
intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboord with us and
we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as
hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.

At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne
to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we
did, our boat well manned with || 14. yet would they row faster with
3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old
acquaintance, would not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but
did what they could to draw us into a narrow cirke,

we exchanged
one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he
might see if he could discover any trechery, as he did, for he found
there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes and arrows, but not any
thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we
conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till
they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. Wherefore we determined
to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered
their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the first
that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and
two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their
bowes and arrowes.

Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and
inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be
brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more

boldly aboord us, signifying we should bring our ship to the place
where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selves why we could not,
but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we
could, that they should not be perceived by them in the houle, then
we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not write,
then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth a myle, neare 40.
myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, and on both sides
every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many of them 100
sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely
mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make,
docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most
rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither
rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse,
doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by
cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.

The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the
Islelands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that
had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande,
Loyer, and Seine,

report, though they be great and goodly rivers,
yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we
were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched
towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot,
and our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne:
after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in
which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to
our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our
men to go up to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so
turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to
have discovered much more, and might have found peradventure
good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not
hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or
particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and
promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which
was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the
Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles,
and because on sunday we set out of England, on sunday also the
16. of June we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had
40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in
24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to
doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all our men
as well God be thanked as when they went forth.

Thus may you see;

Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.