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THE DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA
  
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143

THE DESCRIPTION
OF VIRGINIA

By Captaine Smith.
[_]
1

VIRGINIA is a Country in America that
lyeth betweene the degrees of 34 and 44 of
the north latitude. The bounds thereof on
the East side are the great Ocean. On the
South lyeth Florida: on the North nova
Francia. As for the West thereof, the
limits are unknowne. Of all this country
wee purpose not to speake, but only of that
part which was planted by the English
men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And
this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this
countrie doth agree well with English constitutions being once
seasoned to the country. Which appeared by this, that though by
many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very
small meanes and continued in health, though there were other great
causes, not only to have made them sicke, but even to end their
daies, etc.

[_]
2

[_]
The latitude.

The sommer is hot as in Spaine; the winter colde as in Fraunce
or England. The heat of sommer is in June, Julie, and August, but
commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heat.
The chiefe of winter is halfe December, January, February, and halfe
March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the proverbe is true
that no extreame long continueth.

[_]
3

[_]
The temperature.

In the yeare 1607 was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe,
and this frost was founde as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare


144

for 8. or 10. daies of ill weather, other 14 daies would be as Sommer.

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning
to purifie the aire, I have seldome either seene or || heard in Europe.
From the Southwest came the greatest gustes with thunder and heat.
The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather
with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and
South-East as from the Bermudas, fogs and raines.

[_]
The windes.

Some times there are great droughts other times much raine,
yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but that all the
variety of needfull fruits in Europe may be there in great plenty by
the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted.

There is but one entraunce by sea into this country and that is
at the mouth of a very goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neare 18.
or 20. miles. The cape on the Southside is called Cape Henry in
honour of our most noble Prince. The shew of the land there is a
white hilly sand like unto the Downes, and along the shores great
plentie of Pines and Firres.

[_]
The entrances.

[_]
Cape Henry.

The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy
Duke of Yorke. Within is a country that may have the prerogative

[_]
4

over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America,
for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never
agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions,
were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people.
here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes, all
running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the
mouth with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are
many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine,
[_]
5
most of
them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North and South in
which the water floweth neare 200 miles and hath a channell for 140
miles, of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the
most part 10 or 14 miles.
[_]
6
From the head of the Bay at the north, the
land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest
line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay
are those mounetaines. From which fall || certaine brookes which
after come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the
Northwest into the Southeast, and so into the west side of the Bay,
where the fall
[_]
7
of every River is within 20 or 15 miles one of an
other.
[_]
Cape Charles.

[_]
The country.

The mountaines are of diverse natures for at the head of the
Bay the rockes are of a composition like milnstones.

[_]
8
Some of marble,
etc. And many peeces of christall we found as throwne downe by

145

water from the mountaines. For in winter these mountaines are
covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with
such violence, that it causeth great inundations in the narrow
valleyes which yet is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These
waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground
in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the
earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours
might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities.
The vesture of the earth in most places doeth manifestly
prove the nature of the soile to be lusty and very rich. The colour of
the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra
sigillata
and lemnia,
[_]
9
Fullers earth marle and divers other such appearances.
But generally for the most part the earth is a black sandy
mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren
gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as
by the greatnesse of trees or abundance of weedes, etc.
[_]
The mountaines.

[_]
The soile.

The country is not mountanous nor yet low but such pleasant
plaine hils and fertle valleyes, one prettily crossing an other, and
watered so conveniently with their sweete brookes and christall
springs, as if art it selfe had devised them. By the rivers are many
plaine marishes

[_]
1
containing some 20 some 100 some 200 Acres, some
more, some lesse. Other plaines there are fewe, but only where the
Savages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees and weedes being a
plaine wildernes as God first made it.
[_]
The vallyes.

[_]
Plaines.

On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. faire and || delightfull
navigable rivers, of which wee will nowe proceed to report. The
first of those rivers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his
course from the West and by North. The name of this river they call
Powhatan according to the name of a principall country that lieth
upon it. The mouth of this river is neere three miles in breadth, yet
doe the shoules force the Channell so neere the land that a Sacre
will overshoot it at point blanck. This river is navigable 100 miles,
the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to bee expressed.

[_]
2
It
falleth from Rockes farre west in a country inhabited by a nation
that they call Monacan. But where it commeth into our discoverie

146

it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are
falles, rockes, showles, etc. which makes it past navigation any
higher.
[_]
3
Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched
with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit
number of smal rundles
[_]
4
and pleasant springs that disperse themselves
for best service, as doe the vaines of a mans body. From the
South there fals into this river: First the pleasant river of Apamatuck:
next more to the East are the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke.
A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and
creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the
river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From
the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of
James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived 10 weekes
upon oisters, then a convenient harbour for fisher boats or smal boats
at Kecoughtan, that so conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and
Creeks that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their cornefields
being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of
these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of
the name of the rivers. They have also in every of those places some
Governour, as their king, which they call Werowances.
[_]
5
In a Peninsula
on the North side of this river are the English planted in a place by
them called James || Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent
Majestie, upon which side are also many places under the Werowances.
[_]
The river
Powhatan.

[_]
The branches.

[_]
James Towne.

The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who
besides their women and children, have not past 20. fighting men.
The Paspaheghes on whose land is seated the English Colony, some
40. miles from the Bay have not past 40. The river called Chickahamania
neere 200. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The
place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the
Appamatucks have 60 fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, 25.
The Warraskoyacks 40.

[_]
6
The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks
are able to make 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name.
In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance,
except the Chickhamanians, who are governed by the Priestes
and their Assistants or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes.
[_]
7
In
somer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter

147

more abundance of fowle, especially in the time of frost. There was
once taken 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From
the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong
Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst of
September, them of 2 or three yards long and fewe others. And in
4 or 5 houres with one nette were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more,
seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie
of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had
sufficient.
[_]
The severall
inhabitants.

Foureteene miles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the
river Pamaunke,

[_]
8
which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with
Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary
flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches.
On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have
about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who
have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pa- ||
maunke, and nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles lower
on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great
King inhabited when Captain Smith was delivered him prisoner;
yet there are not past 40 able men. But now he hath abandoned that,
and liveth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the wildernesse; 10 or
12 myles lower, on the South side of this river is Chiskiack, which
hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Arrohatock, and
Powhatan, are their great kings chiefe alliance and inhabitance. The
rest (as they report) his Conquests.
[_]
River
Pamaunke.

[_]
The inhabitants.

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines,
there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth
from the Inland, the river is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants
are about some 40 serviceable men.

[_]
Payankatank
River.

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable
some 130 myles).

[_]
1
At the top of it inhabit the people called
Mannahoackes amongst the mountaines, but they are above the
place we describe. Upon this river on the North side are seated a
people called Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the
river are the Moraughtacunds, with 80 able men. Beyond them
Toppahanock with 100 men. Far above is another Cuttatawomen
with 20 men. On the South, far within the river is Nantaughtacund
having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished
with fish and foule.
[_]
Toppahanock
River.

[_]
The inhabitants.

The fourth river is called Patawomeke and is 6 or 7 miles in


148

breadth. It is navigable 140 miles,
[_]
2
and fed as the rest with many
sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These
hils many of them are planted, and yeelde no lesse plenty and variety
of fruit then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. This river
is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance
is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone
with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. Then Patawomeke with 160
[_]
3

able men. Here doth the river divide it selfe in- || to 3 or 4 convenient
rivers; The greatest of the last is called Quiyough treadeth
[_]
4
north
west, but the river it selfe turneth North east and is stil a navigable
streame. On the westerne side of this bought
[_]
5
is Tauxenent with 40
men. On the north of this river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. Some
what further Potapaco with 20. In the East part of the bought of the
river, is Pamacacack with 60 men, After Moyowances
[_]
6
with 100.
And lastly Nacotchtanke with 80 able men. The river 10 miles above
this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant vally over-shaddowed
in manie places with high rocky mountaines; from
whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.
[_]
7

[_]
Patawomek
River.

[_]
The inhabitants.

The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse proportion
then the rest; but the channell is 16 or 18 fadome deepe in some
places. Here are infinit skuls

[_]
8
of divers kinds of fish more then elsewhere.
Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak,
Pawtuxunt and Mattapanient. 200 men was the greatest strength
that could bee there perceived. But they inhabit togither, and not so
dispersed as the rest. These of al other were found the most civill to
give intertainement.
[_]
Pawtuxunt
River.

Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable;
for the red earth or clay resembling bole Armoniack

[_]
9
the
English called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles
in breadth, there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from
diverse bogges invironed with high mountaines. There is one that
commeth du north 3 or 4. daies journy from the head of the Bay and
fals from rocks and mountaines, upon this river inhabit a people
called Sasquesahanock. They are seated 2 daies higher then was
passage for the discoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and

149

had in it but 12 men
[_]
10
to perform this discovery, wherein they lay
above the space of 12 weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne
Countries, having nothing but a little meale or oatmeale and
water to feed them; and scarse halfe sufficient of that for halfe that
time, but that by the || Savages and by the plentie of fish they found
in all places, they made themselves provision as opportunitie served;
yet had they not a marriner or any that had skill to trim their sayles,
use their oares, or any businesse belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3,
the rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour.
Yet necessitie in a short time by their Captaines diligence and example,
taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such
small meanes, I leave to the censure of the Reader to judge by this
discourse and the annexed Map.
[_]
1
But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks,
came to the discoverers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes,
Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great
and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for they seemed like
Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an
honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring
the discoverers as Gods.
[_]
2
Those are the most strange people of all
those Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it
may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as it were
a great voice in a vault, or cave, as an Eccho. Their attire is the
skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares
heades and skinnes that a mans necke goes through the skinnes neck,
and the eares of the beare fastned to his shoulders behind, the nose
and teeth hanging downe his breast, and at the end of the nose hung
a Beares Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the
neckes of Beares and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging
at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine
for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard long,
[_]
3
prettily
carved with a Bird, a Beare, a Deare, or some such devise at the great
end, sufficient to beat out the braines of a man, with bowes, and
arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse and conditions. These
are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neere 600 able and
mighty men and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them

150

from || the Massawomekes their mortall enimies. 5 of their chiefe
Werowances came aboard the discoverers and crossed the Bay in
their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the
Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about, and
all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he
seemed the goodliest man that ever we beheld.
[_]
4
His haire, the one
side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crown like
a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with
flints or splinters of stones, in forme like a heart, an inch broad, and
an inch and a halfe or more long. These hee wore in a woolves skinne
at his backe for his quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in
the other, as is described.
[_]
Bolus River.

[_]
The head of
the Bay.

[_]
Sasquesa-
hanock.
[_]
The description
of a
Sasquesahanough.

On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh, and upon
it a people that can make 100 men, seated some 7 miles within the
river: where they have a Fort very wel pallisadoed and mantelled
with the barke of trees. Next to them is Ozinies with 60 men. More
to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river of Rapahanock,
neere unto which is the river of Kuskarawaock. Upon which is seated
a people with 200 men. After that is the river of Tants Wighcocomoco,
and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers
are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude.
But they on the river of Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accomack
80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan and
speake his language, who over all those doth rule as king.

[_]
Tockwhogh
River.

[_]
Rapahanock
River.

[_]
Kuskarawaock
River.

[_]
Wighcocomoco
River.

[_]
Accomack
River.

Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the
Mangoags to search them there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those
parts to the Towne of Chisapeack hath formerly been discovered by
Master Heriots and Sir Raph Layne.

[_]
5
Amongst those people are thus
many severall nations of sundry languages, that environ Powhatans
Territories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the
Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesaha- ||
nocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes.
[_]
6

Al those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters.
Their severall habitations are more plainly described by
this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the
mountaines and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings,
bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters,

151

the distances of places and such like. In which Mappe observe this,
that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other
places have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the
Savages, and are set downe, according to their instructions.
[_]
Chawoneck.

[_]
The several
languages.

Of such things which are naturall in Virginia
and how they use them.

Virginia doth afford many excellent vegitables and living Creatures,
yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in lowe
Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings
continually turneth their grasse to weedes, by reason of the
rancknesse of the ground which would soone be amended by good
husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut,
many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two
foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this
wood there is 2 or 3 severall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose
barke is more white, then the other, is somewhat sweetish, which
being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford a sweete
oyle, which they keep in goards to annoint their heads and joints.
The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some
Elme, some black walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they
make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good,
and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder,
and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there
is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the
fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are
|| some neere 3 fadome about at the root very straight, and 50, 60, or
80 foot without a braunch.

[_]
7
By the dwelling of the Savages are some
great Mulbery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are
found growing naturally in prettie groves.
[_]
8
There was an assay made
to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till
the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten
with rats.
[_]
Why there is
little grasse.

[_]
Woods with
their fruits.

[_]
Elme.

[_]
Walnuts.
Supposed
Cypres.

[_]
Mulberies.

In some parts were found some Chesnuts

[_]
9
whose wild fruit
equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy, to their tasts
that had tasted them all. Plumbs there are of 3 sorts. The red and
white are like our hedge plumbs, but the other which they call

152

Putchamins,
[_]
1
grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a medler; it is
first greene then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe it
will drawe a mans mouth awrie, with much torment, but when it is
ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock.
[_]
Chesnuts.

They have Cherries and those are much like a Damsen,

[_]
2
but for
their tastes and colour we called them Cherries, we see some few
Crabs,
[_]
3
but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many
parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but
these beare but fewe grapes. But by the rivers and Savage habitations
where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are
covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those
hedge grapes wee made neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as
good as your French Brittish wine,
[_]
4
but certainely they would prove
good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere
as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes,
[_]
5
they bee fatte, and
the juyce thicke. Neither doth the tast so well please when they are
made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked
like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorne. This they
call Chechinquamins
[_]
6
which they esteeme a great daintie. They have
a berry much like our gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast;
those they call || Rawcomenes,
[_]
7
and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of
these naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they
use in this manner, The walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechin-
quamens
are dryed to keepe. When they need them they breake them
betweene two stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleave to
the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a mat over a hurdle.
After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that
done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome.
This water will be coloured as milke, which they cal Pawcohiscora,
[_]
8

and keepe it for their use. The fruit like medlers they call Putchamins,
they cast uppon hurdles on a mat and preserve them as Pruines. Of
their Chesnuts and Chechinquamens boyled 4 houres, they make both

153

broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts.
Besides those fruit trees, there is a white populer, and another tree
like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleere and an odoriferous Gumme
like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars
and Saxafras trees.
[_]
9
They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion
of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood,
but nature afforded more then our arts.
[_]
Cherries.

[_]
Vines.

[_]
Chechin-
quamens.

[_]
Rawcomens.

[_]
How they use
their fruits.

[_]
Walnut milke.

[_]
Gummes.

[_]
Cedars.

[_]
Saxafras trees.

In the watry valleyes groweth a berry which they call Ocought-
anamins

[_]
1
very much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer.
When they will eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for
otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoume groweth as
our bents do in meddows.
[_]
2
The seede is not much unlike to rie,
though much smaller. this they use for a dainty bread buttered with
deare suet.
[_]
Berries.

[_]
Matoume.

During Somer there are either strawberries which ripen in
April; or mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises hurtes;
or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks,

[_]
3
which is a pleasant
wholsome fruit much like a lemond. Many hearbes in the spring
time there are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for
brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslin,
[_]
4
Sorrell, etc. Besides many
we used whose || names we know not.
[_]
Strawberries.

[_]
Hearbs.

The chiefe roote they have for foode is called Tockawhoughe,

[_]
5
It
groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes. In one day a Savage will
gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much of the greatnes
and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with
oke leaves and ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of
a colepit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres
before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better then poison, and being

154

roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried
in the sun, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle
and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use this
ordinarily for bread.
[_]
Rootes.

They have an other roote which they call wighsacan:

[_]
6
as th'other
feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small
root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones,
[_]
7
is a small
roote that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate
in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing
their joints, painting their heads and garments. They
account it very pretious and of much worth. Musquaspenne
[_]
8
is a roote
of the bignesse of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying it will wither
almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mattes, Targets and
such like.
[_]
Wighsacan a
Root.

[_]
Pocones a small
Roote.

[_]
Musquaspenne,
a Root.

There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage,

[_]
9
and divers other
simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be
good, and medicinable.
[_]
Pellitory.

[_]
Sasafrage.

In the low Marishes growe plots of Onyons containing an acre
of ground or more in many places; but they are small not past the
bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe.
Onyons.

[_]
Their chiefe
beasts are
Deare.

Of beastes the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. In
the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, ther are many, but
amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun,

[_]
1
much
like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. Their
Squirrels some are neare as greate as || our smallest sort of wilde
rabbits, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray.
[_]
Aroughcun.

[_]
Squirrels.

A small beast they have, they call Assapanick

[_]
2
but we call them

155

flying squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the
largenesse of their skins that they have bin seene to fly 30 or 40 yards.
An Opassom
[_]
3
hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and
is of the bignes of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein
shee lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. Mussascus,
[_]
4
is a beast
of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell
exceeding strongly of muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies,
and few of them to be found.
[_]
Assapanick a
Squirrel flying.

[_]
Opassom.

[_]
Mussascus.

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia
and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as an ordinary water dogge,
but his legges exceeding short. His fore feete like a dogs, his hinder
feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare
without haire, which to eate the Savages esteeme a great delicate.
They have many Otters which as the Beavers they take with snares,
and esteeme the skinnes great ornaments, and of all those beasts they
use to feede when they catch them.

[_]
Beares.

[_]
The Beaver.

[_]
Otters.

There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes

[_]
5
in the forme of a
wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies of a small
proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of
that country are like their Wolves, and cannot barke but howle, and
their wolves not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins,
Powlecats, weessels and Minkes we know they have, because we have
seen many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them alive.
But one thing is strange that we could never perceive their vermine
[_]
6

destroy our hennes, Egges nor Chickens nor do any hurt, nor their
flyes nor serpents anie waie pernitious, where in the South parts of
America they are alwaies dangerous and often deadly.
[_]
Vetchunquoyes.

[_]
Foxes.

[_]
Dogges.

[_]
Martins.

[_]
Polcats.

[_]
Weesels and
Minkes.

Of birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of
diverse sorts, as our Falconers called them, Spa- || rowhawkes,
Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all pray
most upon fish. Partridges there are little bigger then our Quailes,
wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame.

[_]
7
There are woosels or blackbirds
with red shoulders, thrushes and diverse sorts of small birds,
some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a wrenne, but few in Sommer.
In winter there are great plenty of Swans, Craynes, gray and white

156

with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell,
Oxeies, Parrats and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and
some other strange kinds to us unknowne by name. But in sommer
not any or a very few to be seene.
[_]
Birds.

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus,
Seales, Stingraies, whose tailes are very dangerous.

[_]
8
Brettes,
[_]
9

mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish,
Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of 3 sorts,
Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises,
[_]
1
Oysters, Cocles and Muscles. But the
most strange fish is a smal one so like the picture of St. George his
Dragon,
[_]
2
as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Todefish
[_]
3

which will swell till it be like to brust, when it commeth into the
aire.
[_]
Fish.

Concerning the entrailes of the earth little can be saide for certainty.
There wanted good Refiners, for these that tooke upon them
to have skill this way, tooke up the washings from the mounetaines
and some moskered

[_]
4
shining stones and spangles which the waters
brought down, flattering themselves in their own vaine conceits to
have bin supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if
it proved as their arts and judgements expected. Only this is certaine,
that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford mines very rich
of diverse natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade
a man to beleeve there are other mines then yron and steele,
if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the mine
from spare.
[_]
5

[_]
The Rocks.

[_]

1. For a summary of the use made of this work in later books by Smith, Purchas,
and Strachey, see the editor's Introduction, above. In l. 2, below, Smith has made the
error of listing the N latitude of "Virginia" as 44° rather than 45°. See the Generall
Historie
, 21 and 203n.

[_]

2. A missing passage, indicated by "etc.," can be conjecturally restored from
Strachey, Historie, 37-38: "... yet have they recovered againe by very smale meanes,
without helpe of fresh dyett, or comfort of wholsome Phisique, there being at the first but
fewe phisique Helpes, or skilfull surgeons, who knew how to applie the right Medecyne
in a new Country or to search the quality and constitution of the Patient and his distemper,
or that knew how to counsell, when to lett blood or not, or in necessity to use a
Launce in that office at all." This lends support to the suggested possibility that Strachey
had a manuscript copy of Smith's work before he left Virginia (see the Introduction,
above).

[_]

3. This proverb appears as "No extreame will hold long," in Nicholas Breton,
Crossing of Proverbs: The Second Part (London, 1616), repr. in Alexander B. Grosart, ed.,
The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton (n.p., 1879), 6.

[_]

4. Eminence, superiority.

[_]

5. Open, clear of woods.

[_]

6. The estimates are approximately accurate.

[_]

7. I.e., "outlet, mouth"; now obsolete. Smith obviously was not referring to the
falls of the James River, or the rapids of the Appomattox River, and so on.

[_]

8. "Millstones"; this then archaic spelling was corrected in the Generall Historie, 22.

[_]

9. Properly bole armeniac, an astringent red clay brought from Armenia and used as
an antidote and styptic, often along with terra sigillata. The latter, also an astringent (see
the True Relation, sig. C2v and C2vn), came from the island of Lemnos, and so was called
also "terra lemnia"; thus, the passage should read "or lemnia." George Sandys, resident
treasurer at Jamestown, 1621-1625, explained that when Jove threw Vulcan down from
Olympus, he landed on Lemnos, "the earth in that place thereupon receiving those
excellent vertues of curing of wounds, stopping of fluxes, expulsing poysons, etc., [is] now
called Terra Sigillata," which is there gathered and sealed (sigillata) (A Relation of a
Journey Begun Anno Domini 1610
[London, 1673 (orig. publ. 1615)], 18).

[_]

1. In Smith's day, a variant of "marsh"; perhaps dialectal.

[_]

2. The mouth of the Powhatan (now James) River is about three mi. wide. A saker
was a cannon smaller than a demiculverin with a range of half a mi. point-blank (cf. the
Accidence, 34). From the mouth to the falls by the old channel is about 113 mi. (exaggerated
to 150 mi. in the Generall Historie, 22).

[_]

3. Cf. the fuller description in Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia (London,
1724), 133-134, modern edition by Richard L. Morton (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1956), 143.
There seems to have been no awareness of the fall line in Smith's day.

[_]

4. Small streams, rivulets.

[_]

5. This word (variously spelled) for "king, chieftain, captain" was first recorded by
Ralph Lane in 1585-1586 in the territory of the Chesepians, 15 mi. inland from the
bottom of Chesapeake Bay and E of whatever tribe then occupied the Nansemond River
region.

[_]

6. The Warraskoyacks were carelessly omitted in the Generall Historie, 23.

[_]

7. Later anglicized as "cockarouse"; cf. the Generall Historie, 38; and Robert
Beverley, The History and Present State of Virginia, ed. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1947), 226.

[_]

8. From Jamestown on the James to Kiskiack on the Pamaunk (Yorktown on the
York) was close to 14 mi. by Indian trails. The York River is navigable today for a good
65 mi., with three-ft. depths for another 25 mi. It should be noted here that "Pamaunke"
can easily be read as "Pamavuke" in the handwriting of the period: e.g., "Pamaunke" was
printed "Pamavuke" at the end of this page and overleaf (corrected in this edition; see
the Textual Annotation). The river is mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C2v.

[_]

1. The head of navigation at modern Fredericksburg is about 112 mi. from the
mouth.

[_]

2. The distance from the Great Falls, just above Washington, D.C., to the mouth of
the Potomac can be little more than 100 mi. For some reason, Samuel Purchas changed
the figure to 120 mi. in Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London,
1613), 635. Possibly the 140 mi. is a misprint.

[_]

3. Increased to "more then 200" in the Generall Historie, 23.

[_]

4. Error for "trendeth"? "Trending" in the Generall Historie, 23.

[_]

5. Bend, curve; a parallel form to "bight."

[_]

6. For the confusion regarding this name, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 292. Nacotchtanke is modern Anacostia, Maryland.

[_]

7. For further description, see the Generall Historie, 58.

[_]

8. "Skuls" was a frequent spelling of "schools (shoals)" of fish.

[_]

9. See p. 3n, above. The following passage is somewhat altered in the Generall
Historie
, 24.

[_]

10. Smith refers here to his second voyage (Proceedings, 36); on the first he had 14
men (ibid., 28-29). "Toons" is, of course, "tons."

[_]

1. The Smith/Hole map, already in print when these pages were in the press,
appears at the beginning of this book.

[_]

2. The Sasquesahanocks spoke an Iroquoian language and lived on the Susquehanna
River in what is now southeast Pennsylvania. Note that it was not uncommon for
isolated peoples not in contact with the Old World to take Europeans for gods -- e.g., in
Mexico (cited in José de Acosta, Naturall and Morall Historie, ed. Clements R. Markham
[Hakluyt Soc., 1st Ser., LX-LXI (London, 1880)], II, 514-516) and in the Pacific
(mentioned in Olivier Leroy, La Raison Primitive [Paris, 1927], 221-224).

[_]

3. An 11-in. clay pipe has been unearthed at a Susquehannock site in Lancaster
Co., Pennsylvania (Donald A. Cadzow, Archaeological Studies of the Susquehannock Indians
of Pennsylvania
[Harrisburg, Pa., 1936], 77-79). As for Smith's "3 quarters of a yard
long," cf. n., following.

[_]

4. Despite conclusions reached by Francis Jennings in his "Glory, Death, and
Transfiguration: The Susquehanna Indians in the Seventeenth Century," American
Philosophical Society, Proceedings, CXII (1968), 15-53, the observations of many early
explorers indicate that the North American Indians generally were substantially taller
than Europeans. To men of the stature of Drake, John Smith, and even Jacques Le
Moyne, a naked Indian over six ft. tall was a giant. There may be some exaggeration,
but after all, Smith is trying to show the Indian's unusually great size.

[_]

5. See the Proceedings, 57, for the details. Note that this passage in the Generall
Historie
, 25, substitutes Master John White for Ralegh and omits the rest of the sentence.
Ralegh had been beheaded virtually by command of King James in 1618.

[_]

6. See Schedules A-C, at the end of the Textual Annotation.

[_]

7. On the Virginia and Carolina trees, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 351, 354, 365,
and nn.

[_]

8. The red mulberry grows wild in this area, but it is said that the Chinese white
mulberry is needed for silk culture.

[_]

9. Smith is probably referring to the dwarf chestnut, called the chinquapin (see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 33, s.v. "chechinquamins"; and Oliver
Perry Medsger, Edible Wild Plants [New York, 1967], 108-111).

[_]

1. Now called persimmons (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42; and
Medsger, Plants, 77-79).

[_]

2. Probably the wild black cherry, smaller but more or less the color of the damson
plum.

[_]

3. Crab apples.

[_]

4. "British" was occasionally used for "Breton, from Brittany." Smith had visited
Brittany late in 1600 (True Travels, 4), and may have drunk a vin du pays, but the comparison
is more likely with muscadet or gros plant brought in from Nantes (see Roger Dion,
Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France ... [Paris, 1959], 420, 429, 451).

[_]

5. Possibly the southern fox grape (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
37; and Medsger, Plants, 57-58).

[_]

6. See n. 9, above; and compare Harriot's "Sapúmmener" (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages,
I, 354, II, 895).

[_]

7. Possibly the prickly wild gooseberry (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 42-43; and Medsger, Plants, 17-19).

[_]

8. Properly "pawcohiccora" (Generall Historie, 26; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 40). The hickory tree is named for this drink.

[_]

9. "Saxifrage" and "sassafras" were almost inextricably confused before Smith's
day. The one was a European herb, known to Pliny, with leaves that were reputed to
cure stones in the bladder. The other, discovered (and named) in Florida by the Spaniards,
was a small tree, whose root had "power to comfort the liver," as the herbalist
John Gerard (1545-1612) put it. The Carolina Algonkian name for sassafras was
"winauk" (variously spelled), which may or may not be the same as the name of the
Weanock tribe and village on the James River (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 329n,
which credits the French with the discovery of the plant and the Spaniards with the discovery
of its reputed value in treating syphilis; Medsger, Plants, 205-207, for its true
value; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301, for the Indian tribe).

[_]

1. Possibly chokecherries (see Medsger, Plants, 49-51; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 39).

[_]

2. Possibly the large cane grass that forms the Virginia canebrakes (Medsger,
Plants, 129). "Bent" is an English name for reedy or rush-like grass. On "mattoume," see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.

[_]

3. "Raspises" was the common name for "raspberries" in Smith's day. Similarly,
"hurts" were "hurtleberries" (whortleberries), which became "huckleberries" in the
American colonies. "Maracocks" were the lemonlike fruit of the passion vine, the name
of which was corrupted into "maypop" about 1850, but its origin is uncertain (see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36).

[_]

4. "Purslane"; not to be confused with parsley.

[_]

5. "Tuckahoe," green arrow arum (Medsger, Plants, 196; and Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44-45).

[_]

6. This medicinal root has been identified as milkweed, Asclepias syriaca (Quinn,
Roanoke Voyages, I, 444-446, II, 900). See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
47. There is a drawing of the young shoots and buds in Lena C. Artz, "Native Plants
Used by the North American Indians," Archeological Society of Virginia, Quarterly
Bulletin
, XXIX (1974-1975), 88.

[_]

7. Later spelled "puccoon"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41;
and Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian
Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30 (Washington, D.C.,
1907, 1910), Pt. II, 315. These roots seem to have been used primarily as a balm and
secondarily as a cosmetic. Purchas condensed the passage in a marginal note in his
Pilgrimage, 640.

[_]

8. "Bloodroot," a dye; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.

[_]

9. See 12n, above, on "Sasafrage." Pellitory of Spain (pyrethrum), native to Barbary,
was used as a medicine and toothache remedy. See Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine
in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century
(Richmond, Va., 1930), 99-104. Samuel Purchas, in
his reprint of this passage, supplies the Latin name of the plant (Parietaria), and adds a
marginal note just below calling attention to "certain oxen [bison] found by Captaine
Argall" early in 1613 (Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London,
1625], IV, 1695, 1765).

[_]

1. "Raccoon"; see the True Relation, sig. C1vn; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun."

[_]

2. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32. For King James's interest in
flying squirrels, see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter,
1606-1609
(Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), II,
288.

[_]

3. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39; and Carl G. Hartman,
Possums (Austin, Tex., 1952). Georg Friederici has further references in his Amerikan-
istisches Wörterbuch
... (Hamburg, 1960), 459-460.

[_]

4. "Muskrat" or "musquash" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
38), possibly the same as Harriot's "maquówoc" (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 355-
356, II, 890; also cf. "sacquenúckot," ibid., II, 896).

[_]

5. Surely for "Uetchunquoyes," pronounced "wetch-" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 45).

[_]

6. Vermin were objectionable or noxious animals in general.

[_]

7. Turkeys were domesticated in Mexico before the conquest, brought to Europe
by 1530, and known in England by 1541. Thomas Tusser, agricultural writer, poet, and
musician (who died in debtor's prison in 1580), testified that they played a part in
"Christmas husbandlie fare" in his day (Five Hundreth Pointes of Good Husbandrie ...
[London, 1573], sig. H3v). Below, "woosel" is a variant of "ouzel."

[_]

8. For Smith's own encounter with a stingray, see the Proceedings, 34; and the
Generall Historie, 27-28, 59.

[_]

9. "Bret[te]" was the Lincolnshire name for the turbot.

[_]

1. "Crayfish"; modern French écrevisse. "Shades" is possibly a unique variant of
"shad" (plural).

[_]

2. Probably the sea robin; see John C. Pearson, "The Fish and Fisheries of Colonial
Virginia," WMQ, 2d Ser., XXII (1942), 215, which contains an ichthyological discussion
of Smith's entire list, including the scientific nomenclature for many of the species
named.

[_]

3. "Toadfish," puffer; below, "brust" is an obsolete form of "burst."

[_]

4. I.e., "crumbling"; Lincolnshire and Yorkshire dialect.

[_]

5. "Spar"; the meaning of the phrase is, "that knew the ore from the rock in which
it is found" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 350n).

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and
how they use them.

They divide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their winter some call
Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of
their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock.

[_]
6
From

157

September untill the midst of November are the chiefe Feasts and
sacrifice. Then have they plenty of fruits as well planted as naturall,
as corne, greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beastes exceeding
fat.
[_]
How they divide
the yeare.

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne,

[_]
7
for the
country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground
they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then do they scortch
the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a
crooked peece of wood, they beat up the woodes by the rootes, and
in that moulde they plant their corne. Their manner is this. They
make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines
of wheate, and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one from
another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with
weeding, and when it is growne midle high, they hill it about like
a hop-yard.
[_]
8

[_]
How they
prepare the
ground.

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in
May, and so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant
in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for June in
October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares,
some 3, seldome any 4, many but one and some none. Every eare
ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being green
hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a suger Cane, which is the
cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the
stalkes: for as wee gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being
greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they cal
Assentamens,

[_]
9
which are the same they cal in Italy, Fagioli. Their
Beanes are the same the Turkes cal Garnanses,
[_]
1
but these they much
esteeme for dainties.
[_]
How they
plant.

Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a
morter of wood with a Polt,

[_]
2
lappe it in rowles in the leaves of their
corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late
planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof
drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for a

158

rare dish, they call Pausarowmena.
[_]
3
Their old wheat they first steep a
night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They
use a small basket for their Temmes,
[_]
4
then pound againe the grout,
[_]
5

and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receave the
flower
[_]
6
in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme with burning
and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either
in cakes covering them with ashes till they bee baked, and then
washing them in faire water they drie presently with their owne
heat: or else boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread
which they call Ponap.
[_]
7
The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining,
by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the branne they
boile 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call
Ustatahamen.
[_]
8
But some more thrifty then cleanly, doe burne the core
of the eare to powder which they call Pungnough,
[_]
9
mingling that in
their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish
and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or broyle it so long on
hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on
a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, til it be as drie as
their jerkin beefe
[_]
1
in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a month
or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as
commonly as the meat.
[_]
How they use
their corne.

[_]
How they use
their fish and
flesh.

In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons,

[_]
2
and a
fruit like unto a muske millen, but lesse and worse, which they call
Macocks.
[_]
3
These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of
July, and continue until September. They plant also Maracocks
[_]
4
a
wild fruit like a lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin
to ripe in Sep- || tember and continue till the end of October. When
all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by
their women and children;
[_]
5
neither doth this long suffice them, for

159

neere 3 parts of the yeare, they only observe times and seasons, and
live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth,
etc.
[_]
Planted fruits.

[_]

6. For the names of the seasons, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
41-42, 34, 39, 44. Robert Beverley gave "cohonk" as the Indian name for "winter" (ibid.,
42), which may explain Smith's "some call" before "Popanow." On the Indian annual
economic cycle in general, see John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United
States
, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137 (Washington,
D.C., 1946), 255-265.

[_]

7. See pp. 18 and 22, below. Apparently the men helped prepare the ground, but
the women did the actual planting (Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 710).

[_]

8. Often "hop gardens."

[_]

9. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32.

[_]

1. Chick-peas, called garbanzos in Spanish. This is a significant reference to Smith's
experiences in Turkey, narrated in the True Travels, 24-32, and may be the first appearance
of the word "garvances" in English print (not noted in the OED, under "calavance").
The unusual spelling "garnanses" must be a printer's error.

[_]

2. Pestle or club.

[_]

3. The Virginia equivalent of "succotash," a Narragansett Indian word (see the
True Relation, sig. D3vn; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).

[_]

4. I.e., "sieve"; Lincolnshire and northern English dialect.

[_]

5. Coarse meal, peeled grain; what is meant is "hominy grits." Cf. "grouts and
peeces," a few lines below.

[_]

6. "Flour," originally the "flower" or finest quality of meal. The modern distinction
in spelling did not arise until later.

[_]

7. "Pone," or "corn pone"; perhaps a misprint of "apone" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32).

[_]

8. "Hominy" is a word derived from this (see the True Travels, 43; and Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46).

[_]

9. Probably a misprint for "pungwough" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 42).

[_]

1. "Jerked beef" was sliced and dried in the sun; from Spanish from Quechua
ccharqui, "dried (flesh)." The Caribbean word for the process was barbacóa, whence
"barbecue," which was not known in Virginia until later.

[_]

2. "Pumpkins."

[_]

3. "Gourds"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 35.

[_]

4. See p. 12n, above.

[_]

5. See pp. 16 and 22, above.

The commodities in Virginia or that may be
had by industrie.

The mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the situation
of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man as
no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance.
Under that latitude or climat, here will live any beasts, as
horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, etc. as appeared by them that were
carried thether. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours
for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sortes, for
transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and rivers have much marchandable
fish and places fit for Salt coats,

[_]
6
building of ships, making
of iron, etc.
[_]
7

[_]
A proofe cattell
will live well.

Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receave many thousands,
for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, masts,
yards, wainscot, Firres, glasse, and such like, also Swethland

[_]
8
for
iron and copper. France in like manner for Wine, Canvas, and Salt,
Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons,
[_]
9
and Sackes. Italy
with Silkes, and Velvets consumes our chiefe commodities. Holand
maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All
these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertaine as
peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in transporting
them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much
hath Virginia the prerogative of all those florishing kingdomes for
the benefit of our land, whenas within one hundred miles all those
are to bee had, either ready provided by nature, or else to bee prepared,
were there but industrious men to labour. Only of Copper
wee may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that || both
copper and better minerals are there to be had for their labor. Other
Countries have it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, a
practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good,
and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God)
to bring such poore infidels to the true knowledge of God and his
holy Gospell.
[_]
The commodities.

[_]

6. Variant spelling for "salt-cotes," salt houses.

[_]

7. Although there were two blacksmiths in Jamestown by 1608, the first machinery
for "making" iron was not set up until 1619 (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., and Thurlow
Gates Gregory, "The First American Blast Furnace, 1619-1622," VMHB, LXX [1962],
259-296).

[_]

8. Sweden.

[_]

9. Obsolete spelling of "raisins." "Sacks" were white wines from Spain and the
Canaries.


160

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.
[_]
1

The land is not populous, for the men be fewe; their far greater
number is of women and children. Within 60 miles of James Towne
there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres
scarse 1500.

[_]
2
To nourish so many together they have yet no means
because they make so smal a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill.
6 or 700 have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they
gathered themselves to have surprised Captaine Smyth at Pamaunke,
having but 15 to withstand the worst of their furie.
[_]
3
As small as the
proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison
of that yet unknowne, the people differ very much in stature,
especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great
as the Sesquesahamocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocoes:
but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a
colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white.
[_]
4

Their haire is generally black, but few have any beards. The men
weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they
use their women, who with 2 shels will grate away the haire, of any
fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable
to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very
strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in
the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the
weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are inconstant
in everie thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe.
Craftie, || timerous, quicke of apprehension and very ingenuous.
Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous,
[_]
5
all
Savage. Generally covetous of copper, beads, and such like trash.
They are soone moved to anger, and so malitious, that they seldome
forget an injury: they seldome steale one from another, least their
conjurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and punished.
That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reveale their
offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull
not to bee suspected of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands.
Each houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and
most live of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are some
time covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter are
dressed with the haire, but in sommer without. The better sort use

161

large mantels of deare skins not much differing in fashion from the
Irish mantels.
[_]
6
Some imbrodered with white beads, some with
copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have
scarce to cover their nakednesse but with grasse, the leaves of trees,
or such like. We have seen some use mantels made of Turky feathers,
so prettily wrought and woven with threeds that nothing could bee
discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very
handsome. But the women are alwaies covered about their midles
with a skin and very shamefast
[_]
7
to be seene bare. They adorne themselves
most with copper beads and paintings. Their women some
have their legs, hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered
[_]
8
with
diverse workes, as beasts, serpentes, artificially wrought into their
flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great
holes, whereat they hange chaines bracelets or copper. Some of their
men weare in those holes, a smal greene and yellow coloured snake,
neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe
about his necke often times familiarly would kisse his lips. Others
wear a dead Rat
[_]
9
tied by the tail. Some on their heads weare the
wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rat- || tell. Those Rattels
are somewhat like the chape
[_]
1
of a Rapier but lesse, which they take
from the taile of a snake. Many have the whole skinne of a hawke or
some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad
peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their
heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to
powder mixed with oyle, this they hold in somer to preserve them
from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of
paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous
to behould.
[_]
The numbers.

[_]
700 men were
the most were
seene together
when they
thoght to have
surprised Captaine
Smith.

[_]
A description
of the people

[_]
The barbers.

[_]
The constitution.

[_]
The disposition.

[_]
The possessions.

[_]
Their attire.

[_]
Their ornaments.

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the
rivers or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are
built like our Arbors of small young springs

[_]
2
bowed and tyed, and
so close covered with mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely,
that notwithstanding either winde, raine or weather, they are as
warme as stooves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house

162

there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire.
[_]
Their buildings.


Against the fire they lie on little hurdles

[_]
3
of Reedes covered with
a mat borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood.
On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by
th'other against the fire, some covered with mats, some with skins,
and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house.
Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens which are
smal plots of ground. Some 20,
[_]
4
some 40. some 100. some 200. some
more, some lesse, some times from 2 to 100 of those houses togither,
or but a little separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is
little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning
of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these
woods any waie, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder.
[_]
Their lodgings.

[_]
Their gardens.

Men women and children have their severall names according
to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are
easilie delivered of childe, yet doe they || love children verie dearly.
To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the
rivers and by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after
a year or two, no weather will hurt them.

[_]
How they use
their children.

The men bestowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars and such
manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise,
which is the cause that the women be verie painefull and the men
often idle. The women and children do the rest of the worke. They
make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their
bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne,

[_]
5

beare al kind of burdens and such like.
[_]
The industry of
their women.

Their fire they kindle presently

[_]
6
by chafing a dry pointed sticke
in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so
fire mosse, leaves, or anie such like drie thing, that will quickly burne.
In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing weares, and
feed on fish, Turkies and squirrels. In May and June they plant their
fieldes and live most of Acornes, walnuts, and fish. But to mend their
diet, some disperse themselves in small companies and live upon
fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Torteyses, strawberries, mulberries,
and such like. In June, Julie, and August they feed upon the rootes
of Tocknough berries,
[_]
7
fish and greene wheat. It is strange to see how
their bodies alter with their diet, even as the deare and wilde beastes

163

they seeme fat and leane, strong and weak. Powhatan their great
king and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh upon
hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times.
[_]
How they
strike fire.

[_]
Their order of
diet.

For fishing and hunting and warres they use much their bow
and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the
scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made some of straight young
sprigs which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 inches long. These
they use to shoot at squirrels on trees. An other sort of arrowes they
use made of reeds. These are peeced

[_]
8
with wood, headed with splinters
|| of christall or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the
bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a reed to cut
his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will joint a Deare or
any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, etc. To make the noch
of his arrow hee hath the tooth of a Bever, set in a sticke, wherewith
he grateth it by degrees, His arrow head he quickly maketh with a
little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer,
[_]
9
of any splint of a
stone, or glasse in the forme of a hart and these they glew to the end
of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the tops of Deares
hornes boiled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve in
cold water.
[_]
How they
make their
bowes and
arrowes.

[_]
Their knives.

For their wars also they use Targets

[_]
10
that are round and made
of the barkes of trees, and a sworde of wood at their backs, but oftentimes
they use for swords the horne of a Deare put through a peece
of wood in forme of a Pickaxe.
[_]
1
Some a long stone sharpned at both
ends used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for
hatchets, but now by trucking they have plenty of the same forme
of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes.
[_]
Their Targets
and Swords.

Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by
bowing

[_]
2
and scratching away the coles with stons and shels till they
have made it in forme of a Trough. Some of them are an elne
[_]
3
deepe,
and 40 or 50 foot in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most
ordinary are smaller and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their
bignes. Insteed of oares, they use paddles and sticks with which they
will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes,
their women use to spin, the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a kind of
grasse they call Pemmenaw,
[_]
4
of these they make a thred very even and
readily. This thred serveth for many uses: As about their housing,

164

apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally
braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their
hookes are either a bone grated as they nock their arrows in the
forme of a crooked pinne or fishook or of the splin- || ter of a bone
tied to the clift of a litle stick, and with the ende of the line, they tie
on the bate. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith they
shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack
[_]
5
use staves like
unto Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming
in the water. They have also many artificiall weares in which they
get abundance of fish.
[_]
Their boats.

[_]
How they spin.

[_]
Their fishookes.

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it
being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a
pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall
ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places
most frequented with Deare, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Rootes, and Berries.
At their huntings they leave their habitations, and reduce themselves
into companies, as the Tartars

[_]
6
doe, and goe to the most desert
places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting
and fowling up towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers,
where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds
are so narrowe, that little commeth there which they devoure not.
It is a marvel they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4
daies journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto
Arbours covered with mats. These their women beare after them,
with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use.
When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to
shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those quallities, they get
their wives. Forty yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the mark,
and 120 is their best at Random.
[_]
7
At their huntings in the deserts
they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Having found the Deare, they
environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselves.
And some take their stands in the midst. The Deare being
thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long
within that circle that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting.
They use also to drive them into some narrowe point of land;
|| when they find that advantage and so force them into the river,
where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When
they have shot a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds

165

by the blood and straine and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges,
Turkies, or Egges,
[_]
8
fat or leane, young or old, they devoure
all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found
Captaine Smith in the discoverie of the head of the river of Chickahamania,
where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a
Bogmire, where he saw those exercises, and gathered these observations.

[_]
How they hunt.

One Savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare slit on
the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his
hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eies,
eares, and every part as arteficially counterfeited

[_]
9
as they can devise.
Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking he approacheth
the Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the
Deare chance to find fault, or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head
with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deare, also gazing
and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to approach,
having shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get
him.
[_]
One Savage
hunting alone.

When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have
the advice of their Priests and Conjurers, and their Allies and ancient
friends, but chiefely the Priestes determine their resolution. Every
Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every
nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women
and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enimies,
namely all their westernely Countries beyond the mountaines, and
the heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans are the
Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Russawmeake,

[_]
1
unto
whome the Mouhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanuggs,
and other nations pay tributs.
[_]
2
Upon the head of the river
of Toppahanock is a || people called Mannahoacks. To these are
contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Outponcas,
the Tegoneaes, the Whonkentyaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungas,
and diverse others,
[_]
3
all confederats with the Monacans
though many different in language, and be very barbarous living
for most part of wild beasts and fruits: Beyond the mountaines from
whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Savages report

166

inhabit their most mortall enimies, the Massawomekes
[_]
4
upon a great
salt water, which by all likelyhood is either some part of Cannada
some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South
sea.
[_]
5
These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous.
For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the
Pautuxuntes. The Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are continually
tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally complained,
and very importunate they were with Captaine Smith and
his company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose
they offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. To
which he concluded
[_]
6
to effect, But the counsell then present emulating
[_]
7

his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him 40 men to be
hazarded in those unknowne regions, having passed (as before was
spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven
boats full of these Massawomeks the discoverers encountred at the
head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco pipes,
Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much
exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats
made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with
gumme,
[_]
8
argueth that they are seated upon some great water.
[_]
Their consultations.

[_]
Their enimies.

[_]
Massawo-
mekes.

[_]
Their offer of
subjection.

Against all these enimies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes
to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries,
or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and children they put not
to death but keepe them Captives.

[_]
9
They have a method in warre
and for our plea- || sures they shewd it us, and it was in this manner
performed at Mattapanient.
[_]
1

Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner
they could devise. They divided themselves into two Companies,
neare a 100 in a company. The one company Called Monacans, the
other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enimies


167

tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves
15 a breast and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in
fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles, So as the Reare could
shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields:
from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, that whosoever
were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in 2
daies after should live, but their wives and children should be prize
for the Conquerers. The messengers were no sooner returned, but
they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Sarjeant, and in
the Reare an officer for leuitenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet
leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they use only
in warres. Upon the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible
shouts and screeches, as though so many infernall helhounds could
not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their
arrowes they joined together prettily, charging and retiring, every
ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their
enimies by the haire of the head, and downe he came that was taken.
His enimie with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines,
and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The
Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of
a halfe moone; they unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to
their Ambuscadoes on whome they led them very cunningly. The
Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the
Powhatans retired, with al speed to their seconds; which the Monacans
seeing, took that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell,
and so each || returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voices
and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the
hight of their quallitie and nature, that the strangenes thereof made
it seem very delightfull.
[_]
Their manner
of battell.

For their musicke they use a thicke cane, on which they pipe as
on a Recorder.

[_]
2
For their warres they have a great deepe platter of
wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they
tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with
a small rope they twitch them togither till it be so tought and stiffe,
that they may beat upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments
are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpions shels. Of
these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane and Trible.
These mingled with their voices sometimes 20 or 30 togither, make
such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight any man.
If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance,
they spread a mat as the Turkes
[_]
3
do a carpet for him to sit upon.
Upon an other right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe all with
a tunable
[_]
4
voice of showting bid him welcome. After this doe 2. or

168

more of their chiefest men make an oration, testifying their love.
Which they do with such vehemency and so great passions, that they
sweate till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake.
So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry or starke mad.
Such victuall as they have, they spend freely, and at night where his
lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with
Pacones and oile, to be his bedfellow.
[_]
Their Musicke.

[_]
Their entertainment.


Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such like, for
which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, fowle, fish,
flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is their chiefest
riches.

[_]
Their trade.

Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the
juice of a root they call wighsacan,

[_]
5
and water, whereof they powre
[_]
6

so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent maner; so
that in 3 or 4 daies after they scarce || recover their former health.
Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and
such like diseases; for cure wherof they build a stove in the form of a
dovehouse
[_]
7
with mats, so close that a fewe coales therein covered
with a pot, will make the pacient sweate extreamely.
[_]
8
For swellings
also they use smal peeces of touchwood,
[_]
9
in the forme of cloves,
which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from
thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root wighsa-
can
they ordinarily heal greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling or
make incision their best instruments are some splinted
[_]
1
stone. Old
ulcers or putrified hurtes are seldome seene cured amongst them.
They have many professed Phisitions, who with their charmes and
Rattels with an infernall rowt
[_]
2
of words and actions will seeme to
sucke their inwarde griefe from their navels
[_]
3
or their grieved places;
but of our Chirurgians they were so conceipted, that they beleeved
any Plaister would heale any hurt.
[_]
Their phisicke.

[_]
Their
chirurgery.

[_]
Their charmes
to cure.

[_]

1. Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1697, adds "and their customes" to the subhead.

[_]

2. As of this writing, the Indian population figures for Smith's day are under review,
but no consensus seems to have been reached as yet.

[_]

3. This maximum show of fighting men (probably exaggerated by Smith) only confirms
Smith's conviction that the land of Virginia was not populous. England's second
city, Norwich, then had twice as many inhabitants as Powhatan's entire "empire."

[_]

4. Cf. the "Breif discription of the People" sent to London in 1607: "their skynn is
tawny not so borne" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 103).

[_]

5. Wary and wily; from Latin cautela (not caution-em).

[_]

6. Although Smith was said to have been in Ireland (see the Introduction to the
True Travels), and Strachey added the Irish word "falinges" in quoting this passage
(Historie, 71), there is no firm evidence that either of them ever visited the island. On
the Irish mantles, see the index to David Beers Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish
(Ithaca, N.Y., 1966).

[_]

7. Modest; etymologically independent of "shamefaced."

[_]

8. Tattooed.

[_]

9. There were no rats before the arrival of the colonists. The reference is possibly
to "mussaneeks" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37-38), although
muskrats have also been suggested.

[_]

1. The "chape" is the metal cap covering the tip of the scabbard of a rapier, dagger,
etc. This is most likely the earliest specific mention of the American rattlesnake, as suggested
by Professor D. B. Quinn (cf. Mitford M. Mathews, ed., A Dictionary of Americanisms
on Historical Principles
[Chicago, 1951], s.v. "rattlesnake").

[_]

2. Saplings.

[_]

3. Smith refers to the rectangular frames lifting the Indian beds slightly from the
ground; perhaps the "tussan" listed in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig. *3r, above).

[_]

4. The Generall Historie, 31, has "Some 20 acres, some 40." and so on; and in the
following line, a new sentence begins, "In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses. ..."

[_]

5. Cf. pp. 16 and 18, above.

[_]

6. Quickly.

[_]

7. "Tocknough" is a misreading or misprint of "Tockuough" or "Tockwough"
(see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44); probably the green arrow arum,
the root of which is bulbous. Both the Indian name and the identity of the plant need
further study.

[_]

8. I.e., "put together to form one piece."

[_]

9. "Bracer" is still the name of the wrist guards used by fencers.

[_]

10. Light, round shields.

[_]

1. Cf. "tomahacks" and "tockahacks" in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig.
*3r).

[_]

2. Corrected to "burning" in the Generall Historie, 31. A handwritten "burn" could
easily be mistaken for "bow."

[_]

3. "Ell"; the English ell was 45 in. long.

[_]

4. "Pemmenaw" means rather the thread than the grass (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

[_]

5. NE of Cape Charles City (see ibid., Pt. I, 285).

[_]

6. See the True Travels, 26-31.

[_]

7. Shooting "at random" meant with speed, but without careful aim; shooting
"level" meant carefully, with direct aim (see the True Relation, sig. C1rn). It is worth
noting that the range of ancient composite bows (Roman Empire, c. A.D. 300-400) has
been established: "bowmen were quite accurate up to 50 to 60 meters [55 to 66 yards],"
with an effective range of "at least 160 to 175 meters [175-191 yards]" (Otto J. Maenchen-Helfen,
The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture [Berkeley, Calif., 1973],
227). Obviously, with far less "sophisticated" weapons the Indians did very well indeed.

[_]

8. "Egges" seems out of place; perhaps a garbled spelling of "geese."

[_]

9. Skillfully, ingeniously imitated.

[_]

1. Properly, "Rassaweake" (probably a misprint) (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 298, s.v. "Rassawek II"; and the True Relation, sig. C1rn). "Rassaweake"
or "Rassawek" almost certainly means "in between, at the fork." It is the
Algonkian name for (1) the King's house of the Monacans, and (2) the temporary hunting
camp mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C1r.

[_]

2. All three tribes are in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 290, 292. The
first two were visited by Newport late in 1608 (Generall Historie, 68; enthusiastically
described in Strachey, Historie, 106, 131).

[_]

3. Also in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 280, 300, 299, 294, 300, 302,
300, and 288, respectively. See the detailed account in the Generall Historie, 63-64,
curiously omitted from the corresponding passages in the Proceedings, 40.

[_]

4. See the Generall Historie, 61-62; and the brief reference in the Proceedings, 39-40.

[_]

5. See the True Relation, sig. B4vn.

[_]

6. Resolved.

[_]

7. Envying.

[_]

8. "Lute" was a sticky clay. Evidently these were the birchbark canoes of farther
north, as opposed to the dugouts used in Virginia and North Carolina. The distribution
of the two kinds of craft overlapped in southern New England, but there are few references
to birchbark canoes south of the Massachusetts Bay area (Bert Salwen, "Indians
of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period," in William C. Sturtevant,
ed., Handbook of North American Indians, XV, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger [Washington,
D.C., 1978], 164). On possible connections between dugouts and Carib canoes, see
William C. Sturtevant, "The Significance of Ethnological Similarities between Southeastern
North America and the Antilles," Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No.
64 (New Haven, Conn., 1960), 26-27.

[_]

9. See the True Relation, B4rn.

[_]

1. Probably the chief tribal village on the river of that name, Mattapanient was not
on the Smith/Hole map but did appear on the SmithZúñiga sketch (see Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 291, s.v. "Mattapanient III"). Henry Spelman's brief
description of a battle between the Potomacs and the Massawomecks shows the same
sort of fighting (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631. The
English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], cxiv).

[_]

2. Called "pawpecone" by the Powhatans (see the vocabulary, sig. *3r above; and
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).

[_]

3. Probably a recollection of Smith's captivity in Turkey (True Travels, 23-32).

[_]

4. "Tuneful"; archaic.

[_]

5. See p. 13, above. Swanton curiously states that the plant is "of European origin"
(Indians of Southeastern United States, 247), but "wighsacan" has been identified with
reasonable certainty as milkweed, a native Virginia plant (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 47).

[_]

6. Variant of "pour."

[_]

7. Dovecote.

[_]

8. Cf. the Roman calidarium and the Finnish sauna.

[_]

9. Tinder; any easily ignited wood.

[_]

1. Split; an obsolete use of "splint."

[_]

2. "Rout," loud noise; Scottish and Lincolnshire word.

[_]

3. Cf. True Relation, sig. C3r, where "navel [or navle]" has apparently been distorted
into "unable."

Of their Religion.

There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to bee so Savage in
which the Savages have not a religion, Deare, and Bow, and Arrowes.


169

All things that were able to do them hurt beyond their prevention,
they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water,
lightning, thunder, our ordinance, peeces, horses, etc. But their
chiefe God they worship is the Divell. Him they call Oke
[_]
4
and serve
him more of feare then love. They say they have conference with
him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine.
In their Temples they have his image evill favouredly carved, and
then painted and adorned with chaines copper, and beades, and
covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit
with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their kings.
Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed upon hurdles till they bee
verie dry, and so about the most of their jointes and necke they hang
bracelets or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, || as they use to
weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads and covered with
a skin,
[_]
5
hatchets and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully
in white skins and so rowle them in mats for their winding
sheetes. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay
them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their kings
have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are
kept by their Priests.
[_]
Their God.

[_]
How they bury
their kings.

For their ordinary burials they digge a deep hole in the earth
with sharpe stakes and the corpes being lapped in skins and mats
with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and so
cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted
all their faces with black cole

[_]
6
and oile, doe sit 24 howers in the
houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and
howling as may expresse their great passions.
[_]
Their ordinary
burials.

In every Territory of a werowance is a Temple and a Priest 2 or
3 or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at
Uttamussack

[_]
7
at Pamaunke, neare unto which is a house Temple or
place of Powhatans.
[_]
Their Temples.

Upon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, there
are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings and Divels and
Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare 60 foot in
length built arbor wise after their building. This place they count so


170

holy as that but the Priestes and kings dare come into them; nor the
Savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but that they
solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads or Pocones into the
river, for feare their Oke should be offended and revenged of them.

In this place commonly is

[_]
8
resident 7 Priests. The chiefe differed
from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be
knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many
holes in their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the
chiefe Priest was
[_]
9
certain attires for his head made thus. They tooke
a dosen or 16 or || more snake skins and stuffed them with mosse, and
of weesels and other vermine skins a good many. All these they tie
by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head,
like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crown of
feathers, the skins hang round about his head necke and shoulders
and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are
painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one
his Rattell, some base, some smaller.
[_]
1
Their devotion was most in
songs which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him,
sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts
and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groane.
[_]
Their ornaments
for their
Priests.

It could not bee perceived that they keepe any day as more
holy then other; But only in some great distresse of want, feare of
enimies, times of triumph and gathering togither their fruits, the
whole country of men women and children come togither to solemnities.
The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great
fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with
rattles and shouts togither, 4 or 5 houres. Sometime they set a man
in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while
clapping his hands as if he would keepe time, and after their songs
and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts.

[_]
Their times of
solemnities.

They have also divers conjurations, one they made when Captaine
Smith was their prisoner

[_]
2
(as they reported) to know if any
more of his countrymen would arive there, and what he there intended.
The manner of it was thus. First they made a faire fire in a
house; about this fire set 7 Priests setting him by them, and about the
fire, they made a circle of meale. That done the chiefe Priest attired
as is expressed began to shake his rattle, and the rest followed him in
his song. At the end of the song, he laid downe 5 or 3 graines of wheat
and so continued counting his songs by the graines, till 3 times they
incirculed the fire, then they di- || vided the graines by certaine

171

numbers with little stickes, laying downe at the ende of every song
a little sticke. In this manner they sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without
cease, with such strange stretching of their armes, and violent passions
and gestures as might well seeme strange to him they so conjured
who but every houre expected his end: not any meat they did
eat till late in the evening they had finished this worke, and then
they feasted him and themselves with much mirth, but 3 or 4 daies
they continued this ceremony.
[_]
Their conjurations.

They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances,

[_]
3
but
these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, other in the
woodes and wildernesses. Upon this they offer blood, deare suet, and
Tobacco. These they doe when they returne from the warres, from
hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another
superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough in
the rivers and sea coasts. Their Conjurers runne to the water sides,
or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations,
they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones or such trash into the water, to
pacifie that God whome they thinke to be very angry in those
stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take
the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are
known to use.
[_]
Their altars.

[_]
Sacrifices to
the water.

In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of
children.

[_]
4
Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some 10 miles from
James Towne and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young
boyes, betweene 10 and 15 yeares of age they painted white.
[_]
5
Having
brought them forth the people spent the forenoone in dancing and
singing about them with rattles. In the afternoone they put those
children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard,
every one having a Bastinado
[_]
6
in his hand, made of reeds bound
together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which
there were appointed 5 young men || to fetch these children: so every
one of the five went through the guard to fetch a child each after
other by turnes, the guard fearelesly
[_]
7
beating them with their Bastinadoes,
and they patiently enduring and receaving all, defending
the children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes
that pay them soundly though the children escape. All this while the

172

women weepe and crie out very passionately, providing mats,
skinnes, mosse, and drie wood, as things fitting their childrens
funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard
tore down the trees, branches, and boughs, with such violence that
they rent the body,
[_]
8
and made wreathes for their heads, or bedecked
their haire with the leaves. What else was done with the children,
was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead,
where they made a great feast for al the company. The Werowance
being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice,
[_]
9
answered that the
children were not al dead, but that the Oke or Divell did sucke the
blood from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they
were dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the yong men
till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not
converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers.
This sacrifice they held to bee so necessarie, that if they should
omit it, their Oke or Divel and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which
are their other Gods, would let them have no Deare, Turkies, Corne,
nor fish, and yet besides, hee would make a great slaughter amongst
them.
[_]
Their solemne
sacrifices of
children.

They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes which they
also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyound
the mountaines towardes the setting of the sun, and ever remaine
there in forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with oile and
Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shal have beades, hatchets,
copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all
their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose || shall not
live after death.

[_]
Their resurrection.

To divert them from this blind idolatrie, many used their best
indeavours, chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock,
whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded
any in those Countries, who though we could not as yet prevaile
withall to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God
as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrows
and many times did send to the President, at James towne, men with
presents, intreating them to pray to his God for raine, for his Gods
would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these
poore soules sacrifice them selves to the Divell, not knowing their
Creator.

[_]
1

[_]

4. Oke (Okee, Okeus) was the malevolent, vengeful god of the Powhatan tribe (see
Purchas, Pilgrimage [1617 ed.], 954-955, which is summarized in Philip L. Barbour,
Pocahontas and Her World [Boston, 1970], 168-173; and the brief note in Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39, where it is suggested that the name and the deity
may have been borrowed from the Iroquoian Hurons, despite many arguments to the
contrary).

[_]

5. The phrase "and covered with a skin" appears to have been repeated here by
printer's error (see p. 29); it was deleted in the Generall Historie, 35. Cf. similar accounts
in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 425-427; and in Arber, Smith, Works, I, cix-cx. There is a
summary in Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 718-729.

[_]

6. Charcoal, soot, burnt wood.

[_]

7. The site of the principal Pamunkey temple (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 301).

[_]

8. Corrected to "are" in the Generall Historie, 35.

[_]

9. Corrected to "were" (ibid.).

[_]

1. "Some base, some treble" (Purchas, Pilgrimage, 639).

[_]

2. The rest of this paragraph is transferred in the Generall Historie from p. 36 to p. 48,
with minor alterations.

[_]

3. Strachey's definition, pokoranse, "a mineral stone" (Historie, 196), helps little in
the identification of Smith's word (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).

[_]

4. With regard to this paragraph, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Riddle of the Black
Boyes," VMHB, LXXXVIII (1980), 148-154. Smith misinterpreted much of what he
saw.

[_]

5. The marginal note in the Generall Historie, 36, adds: "which they call Blackboyes,"
an obvious error for "blake-boyes" ("blake" was a northern English dialect word
meaning "pale, dead white"). See ibid., 36n.

[_]

6. An erroneous English application of Spanish bastonada, "a blow with a cudgel,"
from bastón, "cudgel."

[_]

7. Boldly.

[_]

8. Trunk, main stem.

[_]

9. The single, though long, sentence -- "The Werowance being demanded ... and
of these were made their Priests and Conjurers" -- is expanded in Purchas, Pilgrimes,
IV, 1702, with suppositions and elaborations that must have been born in Purchas's
fertile brain, stimulated by a face-to-face meeting in London with Powhatan's son-in-law,
Tomocomo (see Barbour, Pocahontas, 171-173).

[_]

1. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to
expresse it as [to] make them understand it; which God grant they may."


173

Of the manner of the Virginians governement.

Although the countrie people be very barbarous, yet have they
amongst them such governement, as that their Magistrats for good
commanding, and their people for du subjection, and obeying, excell
many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their
Common wealth is a monarchicall governement, one as Emperour
ruleth over many kings or governours.

[_]
2
Their chiefe ruler is called
Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling
called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some
countries he hath which have been his ancestors, and came unto him
by inheritance, as the countrie called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuke,
Pamaunke, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest
of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report have beene his
severall conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, hee hath houses
built after their manner like arbours, some 30 some 40 yardes long,
and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the
time. At Werowocomoco, he was seated upon the Northside of the
river Pamaunke, some 14 miles from James Towne, where for the
most part, hee was resident,
[_]
3
but he tooke so little pleasure in our
neare neigh-|| bourhood, that were able to visit him against his will
in 6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself to a place in the deserts at
the top of the river Chickahamania betweene Youghtanund and
Powhatan. His habitation there is called Orapacks where he ordinarily
now resideth. He is of parsonage
[_]
4
a tall well proportioned
man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne
that it seemeth none at al, his age neare 60; of a very able and hardy
body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a
guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every
night upon the 4 quarters of his house are 4 Sentinels each standing
from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the
Corps du guard doth hollowe, unto whome every Sentinell doth
answer round from his stand; if any faile, they presently send forth
an officer that beateth him extreamely.
[_]
A description
of Powhatan.

[_]
His attendance
and watch.

A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood hee hath a house in
which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle,
and beades, which he storeth up against the time of his death and
buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for ointment, and bowes
and arrowes. This house is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only
by Priestes. At the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels,
one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard

[_]
5
and the

174

fourth like a giantlike man, all made evillfavordly,
[_]
6
according to
their best workmanship.
[_]
His treasurie.

He hath as many women as he will, whereof when hee lieth on
his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he
sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is
wearie of his women, hee bestoweth them on those that best deserve
them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women
before and after meat, bringeth him water in a woden platter to wash
his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them
insteed of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed
againe. His kingdome des- || cendeth not to his sonnes nor children,
but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely Opitchapan,
Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his
sisters. First to the eldest sister then to the rest and after them to the
heires male and female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of
the males.

[_]
His wives.

[_]
His successors.

He nor any of his people understand any letters wherby to write
or read, only the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. Yet when he
listeth his will is a law and must bee obeyed: not only as a king but
as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour kings whom they cal
werowances are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and
death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance
which we call and conster

[_]
7
for a king, is a common worde whereby
they call all commanders: for they have but fewe words in their
language, and but few occasions to use anie officers more then one
commander, which commonly they call werowances. They all knowe
their severall landes,
[_]
8
and habitations, and limits, to fish, fowle, or
hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance
[_]
9
Powhatan, unto
whome they pay tribute of skinnes, beades, copper, pearle, deare,
turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not
disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare
and adoration all these people doe obay this Powhatan. For at his
feet they present whatsoever hee commandeth, and at the least
frowne of his browe, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare:
and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing
such as offend him. For example hee caused certaine malefactors to
be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great
store of burning coles, they rake these coles round in the forme of a
cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death.
Somtimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid

175

upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beates out
their braines. When he would punish any notorious enimie or
malefac- || tor, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and with muscle
shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth of his joints one after another,
ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with
shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe
they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselves
reported they executed George Cassen.
[_]
10
Their ordinary correction
is to beate them with cudgels. Wee have seene a man kneeling
on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men have beat
him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound,
[_]
1
and
yet never cry nor complained.
[_]
Their
authority.

[_]
The tenor of
their lands.

[_]
His maner of
punishments.

In the yeare 1608, hee surprised the people of Payankatank his
neare neighbours and subjects.

[_]
2
The occasion was to us unknowne,
but the manner was this. First he sent diverse of his men as to lodge
amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes invironed al their
houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoile, 24 men
they slewe, the long haire of the one side of their heades with the
skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away.
[_]
3
They surprised
also the women and the children and the Werowance. All
these they present
[_]
4
to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children
became his prisoners, and doe him service. The lockes of haire
with their skinnes he hanged on a line unto two trees. And thus he
made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco, shewing
them to the English men that then came unto him at his appointment,
they expecting provision, he to betray them, supposed to halfe
conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie.

And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthie of
note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the
true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not
sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things,

[_]
5

especially in company where they can find none to contradict them.
Who though they were scarse ever 10 miles from James Town, or at
the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that || amongst
so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things,

176

though they never adventured to knowe any thing; nor ever did any
thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most
part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall
accidents, because they found not English cities, nor such faire
houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties,
with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and alehouses in
every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and silver and dissolute
liberty as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but
to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure
their means to returne for England. For the Country was to them a
miserie, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their
owne actions there according.

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass to and
againe for transportation:

[_]
6
who to keepe the mystery of the businesse
in themselves, though they had neither time nor meanes to knowe
much of themselves; yet al mens actions or relations they so formally
tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their
ignorances seeme much more, then al the true actors could by their
experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with
such strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the
rest. For the businesse being builded upon the foundation of their
fained experience, the planters, the mony, time,
[_]
7
and meanes have
still miscaried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so farre
absent, who could contradict their excuses? which stil to maintain
their vaineglory and estimation, from time to time they have used
such diligence as made them passe for truthes, though nothing more
false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man
wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a
faire tongue and a dissembling heart.

There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verbal || and
idle contemplatours, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that
though they had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie
it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes
of James Towne, and those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme
in the behalfe of our transporters to get victuall from their ships, or
obtaine their good words in England to get their passes. Thus from
the clamors and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those
disasters that sprung in Virginia, and our ingenious verbalists

[_]
8
were
no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians.
For the labour of 30 of the best only preserved in Christianitie by
their industrie the idle livers of neare 200 of the rest: who living neer
10 months of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it

177

selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst furie of the
Savages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances,
and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but 7 or 8 men, yet subjected
the Savages to our desired obedience, and receaved contribution
from 35 of their kings, to protect and assist them against any
that should assalt them, in which order they continued true and
faithful, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did govern
there, untill I left the Country: since, how they have revolted, the
Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeeded
from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them
returned from Virginia, that have bin more diligent in such observations.
[_]
9

FINIS.

[_]

2. In the face of this and other passages in the same spirit, it is interesting to remember
that many authorities continue to refer to "the Powhatan Confederacy."

[_]

3. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "when I was delivered him prisoner."

[_]

4. "Personage"; personal appearance.

[_]

5. The "Dragon" was surely a wolf, and the "Leopard" a lynx.

[_]

6. Often written as one word; "made to look ugly."

[_]

7. Variant of "construe," in the sense of "explain" here.

[_]

8. In the marginal note opposite, "tenor" was an archaic, if not obsolete, variant
of "tenure."

[_]

9. The Generall Historie, 38, has: "Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine."
The meaning is that the people have no rights or property other than from the great
werowance, Powhatan.

[_]

10. Purchas attributed the account of Cassen's "execution" to William White, a
laborer who had lived with the Indians apparently at that time: "William White reporteth
... that ... being stripped naked and bound to two stakes, with his backe against
a great fire: then did they rippe him and burne his bowels, and dried his flesh to the
bones, which they kept above ground in a by-roome" (Pilgrimage [1614 ed.], 767). Cassen
is briefly referred to in the Proceedings, 13, and the Generall Historie, 46.

[_]

1. "Swoon"; a variant spelling.

[_]

2. Strachey repeats the story of Payankatank (Historie, 44-45) and later adds an
account of a similar attack on the Chesapeake tribe (ibid., 104-105).

[_]

3. The first report of "scalping" by the Virginia Indians; the verb seems to be first
recorded in 1676 (OED).

[_]

4. The Generall Historie, 38, uses the past tense, "presented."

[_]

5. Cf. New Englands Trials (1622), sig. D1v.

[_]

6. The reference is probably to Captain Newport.

[_]

7. The word is omitted from the Generall Historie, 39.

[_]

8. "One who deals in, or directs his attention to, words only, apart from reality or
meaning" (OED); possibly the first appearance of the word in print.

[_]

9. The Generall Historie, 39, adds: "John Smith writ this with his owne hand"; and
omits "FINIS."


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