University of Virginia Library

A TRUE RELATION
of such occurrences and accidents
of note, as hath hapned in Virginia,
since the first planting of that Collony,
which is now resident in the
South part

[_]

12

thereof, till the
last returne.

KINDE Sir, commendations remembred,
etc.

You shall understand that after
many crosses in the downes by tempests,
wee arrived safely uppon the Southwest
part of the great Canaries: [...]

Within foure or five daies after, we
set saile for Dominica, [...]

The 26. of Aprill: the first land we
made, wee fell with Cape Henry,

the
verie mouth of the Bay of Chissiapiacke,
which at that present we little expected, having by a cruell storme
bene put to the Northward: anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie
went a shore with the Captain, and in comming aboard, they were
assalted with certaine Indians, which charged them within Pistoll
shot: in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton were
shot: wherupon Captaine Newport seconding them, made a shot
at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent their
arrowes retyred without harme. And in that place was the Box
opened, wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated: [...]

And arriving at the place where wee are now seated, the Counsell
was sworne, the President elected, which for that yeare was
Maister Edward

Maria Wingfield, [...] where was
made choice for our scituation, a verie fit place for the erecting of a
great cittie, about which some contention passed betwixt Captaine
Wingfield and Captaine Gosnold. Notwithstanding all our provision
was brought a shore, and with as much speede as might bee
wee went about our fortification.

The two and twenty day of Aprill,

Captain Newport and my
selfe with divers others, to the number of twenty two persons, set
forward to discover the River, some fiftie or sixtie miles, finding it in
some places broader, and in some narrower; the Countrie (for the
moste part) on each side plaine high ground, with many fresh
Springes, the people in all places kindely intreating us, daunsing
and feasting us with strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other
their Countrie provisions wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine
Newport kindely requited their least favours with Bels, Pinnes,
Needles, beades or Glasses, which so contented them that his
liberallitie made them follow us from place to place, and ever kindely
to respect us. In the midway staying to refresh our selves in a little
Ile foure or five savages came unto us which described unto us the
course of the River, and after in our journey, they often met us,
trading with us for such provision as wee had, and ariving at Arsatecke,
hee whom we supposed to bee the chiefe King of all the rest,
moste kindely entertained us, giving us a guide to go with us up the
River to Powhatan, of which place their great Emperor taketh his
name, where he that they honored for King used us kindely. But to
finish this discoverie, we passed on further, where within a mile we
were intercepted with great craggy stones that in midst of the river,
where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a violence, as not
any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth the streame, as
there is not past five or sixe Foote at a low water, and to the shore
scarce passage with a barge, the water floweth foure foote, and the
freshes by reason of the Rockes have left markes of the inundations
8. or 9. foote: The south side is plaine low ground, and the north side
high
mountaines, the rockes being of a gravelly nature, interlaced with
many vains of glistring spangles.

That night we returned to Powhatan: the next day (being Whitsunday

after dinner) we returned to the fals, leaving a mariner in
pawn with the Indians for a guide of theirs. Hee that they honoured
for King followed us by the river. That afternoone we trifled in looking
upon the Rockes and river (further he would not goe) so there
we erected a crosse, and that night taking our man at Powhatans,
Captaine Newport congratulated his kindenes with a Gown and a
Hatchet: returning to Arsetecke, and stayed there the next day to
observe the height therof, and so with many signes of love we departed.
The next day the Queene of Apamatuck kindely intreated
us, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and from thence
we went to another place, (the name whereof I doe not remember)
where the people shewed us the manner of their diving for Mussels,
in which they finde Pearles.

That night passing by Weanock

some twentie miles from our
Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, seemed
little to affect us, but as wee departed and lodged at the point of
Weanocke, the people the next morning seemed kindely to content
us. Yet we might perceive many signes of a more Jealousie in them
then before, and also the Hinde that the King of Arseteck had given
us, altered his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde
circumstances left us there. This gave us some occasion to doubt
some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Newport intended to have
visited Paspahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the
winde being faire for our return we repaired to the fort with all speed,
where the first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before had
assalted the fort, and supprised it. Had not God (beyond al their
expectations) by meanes of the shippes at whom they shot with their
Ordinances and Muskets, caused them to retire, they had entred
the fort with our own men, which were then busied in setting Corne,
their armes beeing then in drie-fats and few ready but certain
Gentlemen of their own, in which
conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy slaine in the Pinnas, and
thirteene or fourteene more hurt. With all speede we pallisadoed our
Fort: (each other day) for sixe or seaven daies we had alarums by
ambuscadoes, and foure or five cruelly wounded by being abroad:
the Indians losse wee know not, but as they report three were slain
and divers hurt. [...]

Captaine Newport having set things in order, set saile for
England the 22 of June, leaving provision for 13. or 14 weeks.

The
day before the Ships departure, the King of Pamaunke sent the
Indian that had met us before in our discoverie, to assure us peace,
our fort being then palisadoed round, and all our men in good health
and comfort, albeit, that throgh some discontented humors, it did not
so long continue, for the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the
rest of the Counsell, being for the moste part discontented with one
another, in so much, that things were neither carried with that discretion
nor any busines effected in such good sort as wisdome would,
nor our owne good and safetie required thereby, and through the
hard dealing of our President, the rest of the counsell beeing diverslie
affected through his audacious commaund, [...] and for Captaine
Martin, (albeit verie honest) and wishing the best good, yet so sicke
and weake, and my selfe so disgrac'd through others mallice, through
which disorder God (being angrie with us) plagued us with such
famin and sicknes, that the living were scarce able to bury the dead:
our want of sufficient and good victualls, with continuall watching,
foure or five each night at three Bulwarkes, being the chiefe cause:
onely of Sturgion wee had great store, whereon our men would so
greedily surfet, as it cost manye their lives; the Sack, Aquavitie, and
other preservatives for our health, being kept onely in the Presidents
hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates: [...] shortly after
Captaine Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weekes died, Captaine
Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe
having also tasted of the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance
being well recovered. Kendall about this time, for divers
reasons deposed from being of the Councell: and shortly after it
pleased God (in our extremity) to move the Indians to bring us
Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh us, when we rather expected
when they would destroy us: about the tenth of September there
was about 46. of our men dead, at which time Captaine Wingefield
having ordred the affaires in such sort that he was generally hated of
all, in which respect with one consent he was deposed from his presidencie,
and Captaine Ratcliffe according to his course was elected.

Our provision being now within twentie dayes spent, the Indians
brought us great store both of Corne and bread ready made:

and
also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Rivers, as
greatly refreshed our weake estates, whereuppon many of our weake
men were presently able to goe abroad. As yet we had no houses to
cover us, our Tents were rotten, and our Cabbins worse than nought:
[...] Our best commoditie was Yron which we made into little
chissels, [...]

The president, and Captaine Martins sicknes, constrayned me
to be Cape Marchant,

and yet to spare no paines in making houses
for the company, who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their
mallice, grudging and muttering. As at this time were most of our
chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire,
as they would rather starve and rot with idlenes, then be perswaded
to do anything for their owne reliefe without constraint:
[...] our victualles being now within eighteene dayes spent, and
the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to the mouth of the river, to
Kegquouhtan, an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the
river for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the
stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse
kindnes offred us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of
beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In the like maner
I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities,
but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary
kindenes, I liberally contented with free gifte, such trifles as wel
contented them; finding this colde
comfort, I anchored before the Towne, and the next day returned to
trade, but God (the absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their
conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then
we of their Corne: under colour to fetch fresh water, I sent a man
to discover the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their intent, in
that they desired me up to their houses: which well understanding
with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread and deere,
they kindly traded with me and my men, beeing no lesse in doubt of
my intent, then I of theirs, for well I might with twentie men have
fraighted a Shippe with Corne: The Towne conteineth eighteene
houses, pleasantly seated upon three acres of ground, uppon a plaine,
halfe invironed with a great Bay of the great River, the other parte
with a Baye of the other River falling into the great Baye, with a little
Ile fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof, the Towne adjoyning to the
maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. [...] With sixteene
bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte: by the way I encountred
with two Canowes of Indians, who came aboord me, being
the inhabitants of Waraskoyack, a kingdome on the south side of the
river, which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from the
mouth: with these I traded, who having but their hunting provision
requested me to returne to their Towne, where I should load
my boat with corne, and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the
fort, the very name wherof gave great comfort to our desparing
company:

Time thus passing away, and having not above 14. daies vituals
left, some motions were made about our presidents and Captaine
Archers going for England, to procure a supply,

in which meane
time we had reasonablly fitted us with houses, and our President and
Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with much ado it was
concluded that the pinnace and barge should goe towards Powhatan,
to trade for corne: Lotts were cast who should go in her. The
chance was mine, and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to
Topohanack, where ariving, there was but certain women and children
who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw
neere. Truck they
durst not, corne they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission:
[...] In my returne to Paspahegh, I traded with that churlish and
trecherous nation: having loaded 10 or 12 bushels of corne, they
offred to take our pieces and swords, yet by stelth, but seeming to
dislike it, they were ready to assault us, yet standing upon our guard
in coasting the shore, divers out of the woods would meet with us
with corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either to
indure overmuch wrong or directly fal to revenge, seeing them dog
us, from place to place, it being night, and our necessitie not fit for
warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 bushells of corne: Captaine
Martin after made 2 journies to that nation of Paspahegh but
eache time returned with 8. or 10. bushells.

All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, for the
performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the barge, as well
for discoverie, as trading; the Pinnace, 5. Marriners, and 2. landmen
to take in our ladings at convenient places. The 9 of November

I
set forward for the discovery of the country of Chikhamania, leaving
the pinnace the next tide to followe and stay for my comming at
Point Weanock, 20 miles from our fort: the mouth of this river falleth
into the great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort: that afternoone
I stayed the eb, in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians:
towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them being of
Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country, the Paspahegheans
grudged therat: [...] along we went by moonelight, at
midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one of our men
to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and [I] returned
back to the barge: the next morning I went up to the towne, and
shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold have for corne,
each family seeking to give me most content: so long they caused me
to stay that 100 at least was expecting my comming by the river with
corne. What I liked I bought, and least they should perceive my too
great want I went higher up the river:

This place is called Manosquosick

a quarter of a mile from the
river, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, uppon an exceeding high
land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood,
watered with many springes, which fall twentie yardes right downe
into the river: right against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. miles
circuit, devided in 2 ilands, by the parting of the river, abounding
with fish and foule of all sorts; a mile from thence is a Towne called
Oraniocke; I further discovered the Townes of Mansa, Apanaock,
Werawahone, and Mamanahunt at eche place kindely used, especially
at the last, being the hart of the Country, where were assembled
200. people with such aboundance of corne, as having laded our
barge, as also I might have laded a ship: I returned to Paspahhegh,
and considering the want of Corne at our Fort, it being night, with
the ebb, by midnight I arived at our fort, where I found our Pinnis
run aground: [...] the next morning I unladed seaven hogsheds
into our store.

The next morning I returned againe: the second day I arived
at Mamanahunt,

wher the people having heard of my comming,
were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which having
laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned: at my
departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst
of the river, which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance.
Many birds and fowles they see us dayly kil that much feared them,
[...] so desirous of trade wer they, that they would follow me with
their canowes, and for any thing give it me, rather then returne it
back, so I unladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort. Having thus
by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some
bad spirrits not content with Gods providence still grew mutinous,
in so much, that our president having ocasion to chide the smith for
his misdeamenor, he not only gave him bad language, but also
offred to strike him with some of his tooles, for which rebellious act
the smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged. But being uppon
the ladder continuing verry obstinate, as hoping upon a rescue, when
he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and
declared a dangerous conspiracy, for which Captaine Kendall as
principal, was by a Jury condemned and shot to death. This conspiracy
appeased, I set forward for the discovery of the River of
Chickahominy: this third time I discovered the Townes of Matapamient,
Morinogh, Ascacap, Moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock,
Mattalunt, Attamuspincke, and divers others. Their plenty
of corne I found decreased, yet la-
ding the barge, I returned to our fort: our store being now indifferently
wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the
pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe,
standing chiefly against it, and in fine after many debatings, pro et
contra, it was resolved to stay a further resolution:

This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery,

which as yet I had neglected in regard of the necessitie we had to take
in provision whilst it was to be had: 40. miles I passed up the river,
which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham
and a half deep, exceeding osey, many great low marshes, and
many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke,
a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two rivers joyned
to the main, by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50 yards from
the high water marke: on both sides in the very necke of the maine,
are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a
plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of
swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards and divers sorts of
fowles none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground, in
such great proportions as there, I had not scene, of a light blacke
sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white and yellowe coloured
sand, and under, red and white clay, fish great plenty, and people
aboundance, the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of
Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired:

At the end of forty miles this river invironeth many low ilands,
at each high water drowned for a mile,

where it uniteth it selfe at
a place called Apokant the highest Towne inhabited. 10. miles
higher I discovered with the barge in the mid way, a great tree
hindred my passage which I cut in two: heere the river became
narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the
streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell, the ground
most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose
it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be
far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet to
have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation
of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for so long
delaying, some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to
hier a Ca-

now, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge
secure, and put our selves uppon the adventure: the country onely
a vast and wilde wildernes, and but onely that Towne: within three
or foure mile we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next
day a fowling: having made such provision for the barge as was
needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any to go
ashore til my returne. Though some wise men may condemn this too
bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the
friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolatenes of the
country, the probabilitie of some lacke, and the malicious judges of
my actions at home, as also to have some matters of worth to incourage
our adventurers in England, might well have caused any
honest minde to have done the like, as wel for his own discharge as
for the publike good:

Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set
forward, leaving 7 in the barge: having discovered 20 miles further
in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more
combred

with trees: here we went ashore (being some 12 miles
higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves. During the
boyling of our vituals, one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the
nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts of the river, the other
Indian I left with Master Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their
matches light and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat at the
first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an houre I heard a
loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece; supposing
them surprised, and that the Indians had betraid us, [...]
presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter,
with my pistoll ready bent to be revenged on him: he advised me
to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done, but as we went discoursing,
I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without
harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians drawing their bowes,
which I prevented in discharging a French pistoll:

By [the time?] that I had charged againe 3 or 4 more did the
like, for the first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the
like; my hinde I made my barricado, who offered not to strive.

20.
or 30. arrowes were shot at me, but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged
my pistoll ere the
king of Pamaunck called Opeckankenough with 200 men, invironed
me, eache drawing their bowe, which done they laid them
upon the ground, yet without shot; my hinde treated betwixt them
and me of conditions of peace. He discovered me to be the Captaine.
My request was to retire to the boate; they demaunded my
armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve:
the Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the
midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then my steps, I
stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me
forth: thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies, my armes I
caste from me, till which none durst approch me: being ceazed on
me, they drew me out and led me to the king. I presented him with
a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof,
whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a
discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne,
moone, starres and plannets. With kinde speeches and bread he
requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and John Robbinson
slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not,
[...] I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods,
[...]

At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they
used me with what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne,
which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors
and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires:

all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came
foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck
and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after
him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the
rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a
bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his
back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running
alwaies towards the front the other towards the reare, each a true
pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued,
they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache
man departed to
his lodging, the Captain conducting me to his lodging; a quarter of
Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left
was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging: each morning
3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more
venison then ten men could devour I had; my gowne, points and
garters, my compas and a tablet they gave me again. Though 8
ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content
me: and still our longer acquaintance increased our better
affection: much they threatned to assault our forte, as they were
solicited by the King of Paspahegh who shewed at our fort great
signes of sorrow for this mischance: [...]

The King

tooke great delight in understanding the manner
of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies and of our God:
what he knew of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with,
as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan,
cloathed like me, the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies
journey of the falles was a great turning of salt water: I desired he
would send a messenger to Paspahegh, with a letter I would write,
by which they shold understand, how kindly they used me, and that
I was well, least they should revenge my death: this he granted and
sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were unpossible by any
naked to be indured: their cruell mindes towards the fort I had
deverted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as
also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne.
Their intent, I incerted the fort, [...] the people of Ocanahonum
and the back sea, this report they after found divers Indians that
confirmed.

The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with
his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted,
with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the
cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told
me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of
another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte:
this was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent,

the
King presently conducted me to another Kingdome,
upon the top of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having
feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called
Mattapanient; to two other hunting townes they led me, and to each
of these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Powhatan,
whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals, to him I tolde him I must
goe, and so returne to Paspahegh. After this foure or five dayes
march, we returned to Rasaweack, the first towne they brought
me too, where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes
journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as
broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute
in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited: the next day another King
of that nation called Kekataugh, having received some kindnes of
me at the Fort, kindly invited me to feast at his house; the people
from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me.

By this the great King hath foure or five houses, each containing
fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an
high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly low
Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many
great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and
many large plaines are here togither inhabited, more abundance of
fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King
with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my
Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to
strike therwith

but to spoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat
they were much discontented though a chaunce supposed.

From hence this kind King conducted mee to a place called
Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: the
cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the
River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan
their Emperour, they returned thence, and discovered the
River of Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet
he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were
hee. But the people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and
using mee kindly, the

next day we departed. This River of Topahanock seemeth in
breadth not much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of
the River is a Countrey called Cuttatawomen; upwards is Marraughtacum,
Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugstacum; at
Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines. The
next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatans, and the next
day arrived at Werowocomoco upon the river of Pamauncke, where
the great king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another
little river, which is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most
of this Countrey though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber,
most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. [...?]

Arriving at Werawocomoco,

their Emperour proudly lying
uppon a Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly
hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and
covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums: At his heade sat a
woman, at his feete another, on each side sitting uppon a Matte
uppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire,
tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a
great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades
painted in redde, and [he] with such a grave and Majesticall countenance,
as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked
Salvage, [...] hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and
great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and
my libertie within foure dayes; hee much delighted in Opechancanoughs
relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined
me upon the same. Hee asked mee the cause of our comming; I
tolde him, being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing over
powred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this
shore, where landing at Chesipiake, the people shot us, but at
Kequoughtan they kindly used us; we by signes demaunded fresh
water; they described us up the River was all fresh water; at Paspahegh,
also they kindly used us; our Pinnasse being leake wee were
inforced to

stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct
us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate; I
tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea,
that on the other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had
a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie had
done whose death we intended to revenge.

After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the Countreys
beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what not
onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had beene prisoner to
Powhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five dayes, some
sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongest many
stones and rockes, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of
the River to bee brackish:

Anchanachuck he described to bee
the people that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would revenge.
Hee described also upon the same Sea a mighty Nation called
Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred
with the people of Moyaoncer, and Pataromerke, Nations upon
the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories, where the
yeare before they had slain an hundred; he signified their crownes
were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like
Pollaxes.

Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves
to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many
Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed
to bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the
two Seas. The people cloathed at Ocanahonan he also confirmed,
and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be
within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock,
6. from Roanoke, to the south part of the backe sea: he described a
countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and
houses walled as ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride hee
had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe
were under his Territories.

In describing to him the territories of Europe, which was subject
to our great King whose subject I was, [and] the innumerable
multitude of his ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets,
and terrible manner of fighting were under captain Newport
my father, whom I intituled the Meworames which they call King
of all the waters.

At his greatnesse hee admired, and not a little
feared: hee desired mee to forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him
upon his River, a Countrie called Capahowasicke: hee promised to
give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and
Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This
request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the kindnes
hee could devise, sought to content me: hee sent me home with 4.
men, one that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me,
two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me.

This River of Pamaunke is not past twelve mile

from that we
dwell on, his course northwest and westerly, as the other. Weraocomoco
is upon salt water, in bredth two myles, and so keepeth his
course without any tarrying some twenty miles, where at the parting
of the fresh water and the salt, it divideth it selfe into two partes, the
one part to Goughland, as broad as Thames, and navigable, with a
Boate threescore or fourescore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie, exceeding
crooked, and manie low grounds and marishes, but inhabited
with aboundance of warlike and tall people. The Countrey of
Youghtanand, of no lesse worth, onely it is lower, but all the soyle,
a fatte, fertill, sandie ground. Above Menapacunt, many high sandie
Mountaines. By the River is many Rockes, seeming if not of severall
Mines: The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth not
neare so farre, nor so well inhabited; somewhat lower, and a white
sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their best Terra Sigillata:
The mouth of the River, as I see in the discoverie therof with captain
Newport, is halfe a mile broad, and within foure miles not above a
Masket shot: the channell exceeding good and deepe, the River
straight to the devisions. Kiskirk the nearest Nation to the
entrances.

Their religion and Ceremonie I observed was thus:

three or
foure dayes after my taking seven of them in the house where I lay,
each with a rattle began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about
the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after, a
foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or
three graines of wheate, continuing this order till they have included
sixe or seven hundred in a halfe Circle, and after that two or three
more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other: That done,
at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two or five graines, a
little sticke, so counting as an old woman her Pater noster.

One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with
little Skinnes of Weasels, and other vermine, with a Crownet of
feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, at the end of each
song will make many signes and demonstrations, with strange and
vehement actions; great cakes of Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he
casteth in the fire. Till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling
would continue ere they would depart. Each morning in the coldest
frost, the principall to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled
themselves in a round circle, a good distance from the towne, where
they told me they there consulted where to hunt the next day: so fat
they fed mee, that I much doubted they intended to have sacrificed
mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they worship;
a more uglier thing cannot be described: one they have for
chief sacrifices, which also they call Quiyoughquosick:

to cure the
sick, a man with a Rattle and extreame howling, showting, singing,
and such violent gestures, and Anticke actions over the patient will
sucke out blood and flegme from the patient out of their unable
stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will more tire them.
Tobacco they offer [to] the water in passing in fowle weather. The
death of any they lament with great sorrow and weeping: their Kings
they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads,
jewels, hatchets, and copper: the other in graves like ours. They
acknowledge no resurrection.

Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of his bre-

theren succeeded other. For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not,
but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so successively the weomens
heires: For the Kings have as many weomen as they will, his Subjects
two, and most but one.

From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled
away that day, and would not goe to our Forte by any perswasions:
but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all
night.

The next morning ere Sunne rise, we set forward for our
Fort, where we arrived within an houre, where each man with the
truest signes of joy they could expresse welcommed mee, except
Master Archer and some 2. or 3. of his, who was then, in my absence,
sworne Counsellour, though not with the consent of Captaine
Martin: great blame and imputation was laide upon mee by them
for the losse of our two men which the Indians slew, insomuch that
they purposed to depose me; but in the midst of my miseries, it
pleased God to send Captaine Nuport, who arriving there the same
night, so tripled our joy, as for a while these plots against me were
deferred, though with much malice against me, which captain Newport
in short time did plainly see. Now was maister Scrivener,
captaine Martin, and my selfe, called Counsellers.

Within five or sixe dayes after the arrivall of the Ship, by a mischaunce
our Fort was burned,

and the most of our apparell, lodging
and private provision, many of our old men diseased, and of
our new for want of lodging perished. The Emperour Powhatan
each weeke once or twice sent me many presents of Deare, bread,
Raugroughcuns, halfe alwayes for my father, whom he much desired
to see, and halfe for me: and so continually importuned by messengers
and presents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and take
the Countrie their King had given me, as at last Captaine Newport
resolved to go see him. Such acquaintance I had amongst the
Indians, and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they
would not come till I came to them, every of them calling me by my
name, would not sell any thing till I had first received their presents,
and what

they had that I liked, they deferred to my discretion: but after acquaintance,
they usually came into the Fort at their pleasure: The
President, and the rest of the Councell, they knewe not, but Captaine
Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyved him the
chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and servants. We had agreed
with the king of Paspahegh to conduct two of our men to a place
called Panawicke, beyond Roanoke, where he reported many men
to be apparelled. [...] Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where
playing the villaine, and deluding us for rewards, [he] returned
within three or foure dayes after without going further.

Captaine Newport, maister Scrivener, and my selfe, found the
mouth of Pamuncks river, some 25. or 30. miles northward from
Cape Henrie,

the chanell good as before expressed.

Arriving at Weramocomoca, being jealous

of the intent of
this politick salvage, to discover his intent the better, I with 20.
shot armed in Jacks went a shore; the Bay where he dwelleth hath
in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the chanel all os. Being
conducted to the towne, I found my selfe mistaken in the creeke, for
they al there were within lesse then a mile; the Emperors sonne called
Naukaquawis, the captaine that tooke me, and diverse others of
his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation, but in the
mid way I was intercepted by a great creek over which they had
made a bridge of grained stakes and railes. The king of Kiskieck,
and Namontack, who all the journey the king had sent to guide us,
had conducted us this passage, which caused me to suspect some mischiefe:
the barge I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I
found my selfe first deceyved, and knowing by experience the most
of their courages to proceede from others feare, though fewe lyked
the passage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our conductors, and his
chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, leaving halfe at the one
ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front. The Indians,
seeing the weaknesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke
me in of the middest with foure or five more, being landed wee made
a guard for the rest till all were passed. Two in
a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. Before his house stood
fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread; being entred the house,
with loude tunes they all made signes of great joy. This proude
salvage, having his finest women, and the principall of his chiefe men
assembled, sate in rankes as before is expressed, himselfe as upon a
Throne at the upper ende of the house, with such a Majestic as I
cannot expresse, nor yet have often scene, either in Pagan or Christian;
with a kinde countenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a
place to bee made by himselfe to sit. I presented him a sute of red
cloath, a white Greyhound, and a Hatte; as Jewels he esteemed
them, and with a great Oration made by three of his Nobles, if there
be any amongst Salvages, kindly accepted them, with a publike confirmation
of a perpetuall league and friendship.

After that, he commaunded the Queene of Appomattoc, a
comely yong Salvage, to give me water, a Turkie-cocke, and breade
to eate: being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this purpose.

Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, but where is your
father whom I much desire to see, is he not with you.

I told him he remained aboord, but the next day he would come unto
him; with a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine peeces
which I promised him, when I went to Paspahegh. I told [him]
according to my promise, that I proffered the man that went with
me foure Demy Culverings,

in that he so desired a great Gunne,
but they refused to take them; whereat with a lowde laughter, he
desired [me] to give him some of lesse burthen, as for the other I gave
him them, being sure that none could carrie them: [...]

But where are these men you promised to come with you.

I told him without, who

therupon gave order to have them brought
in, two after two, ever maintaining the guard without. And as they
presented themselves ever with thankes, he would salute me, and
caused each of them to have foure or five pound of bread given them.
This done, I asked him for the corne and ground he promised me.
He told me I should have it, but he expected to have all these men
lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects. I tolde him that was a
ceremonie our ene-

mies desired, but never our friends, as we presented our selves unto
him, yet that he should not doubt of our friendship: the next day my
Father would give him a child of his, in full assurance of our loves,
and not only that, but when he should thinke it convenient, wee
would deliver under his subjection the Country of Manacam and
Pocoughtaonack his enemies.

This so contented him, as immediatly with attentive silence, with
a lowd oration he proclaimed me a werowanes of Powhatan, and that
all his subjects should so esteeme us, and no man account us strangers
nor Paspaheghans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, weomen
and Country, should be to us as to his owne people: this proffered
kindnes for many reasons we contemned not, but with the best languages
and signes of thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leave.

The King, rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and caused
each of my men to have as much more bread as hee could beare,
giving me some in a basket, and as much he sent a board for a present
to my Father: victuals you must know is all there wealth, and the
greatest kindnes they could shew us: arriving at the River, the Barge
was fallen so low with the ebbe, [...]

though I had given order
and oft sent to prevent the same, yet the messengers deceived mee.
The Skies being very thicke and rainie, [...] the King understanding
this mischance, sent his Sonne and Namontack, to conduct mee
to a great house sufficient to lodge mee, where entring I saw it hung
round with bowes and arrowes.

The Indians used all diligence to make us fires, and give us content:
the kings Orators presently entertained us with a kinde oration,
with expresse charge that not any should steale, or take out bowes
or arrowes, or offer any injury. [...]

Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay my
stomacke: in the evening hee sent for mee to come onely

with two shot with me: the company I gave order to stand upon their
guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports all night. To my
supper he set before me meate for twenty men, and seeing I could not
eate, hee caused it to be given to my men: for this is a generall
custome, that what they give, not to take againe, but you must either
eate it, give it away, or carry it with you: two or three houres we spent
in our auncient discourses, which done, I was with a fire stick
lighted to my lodging.

The next day the King, conducting mee to the River, shewed
me his Canowes, and described unto me how hee sent them over the
Baye, for tribute Beades, and also what Countries paide him Beads,
Copper or Skins. But seeing Captaine Nuport, and Maister Scrivener,
comming a shore, the King returned to his house, and I went to
meete him.

With a trumpet before him, wee marched to the
King: who after his old manner kindly received him, especially a
Boy of thirteen yeares old, called Thomas Salvage, whom he gave
him as his Sonne: he requited this kindnes with each of us a great
basket of Beanes, and entertaining him with the former discourse,
we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next day, and
so returned to our Pinnis: the next day comming a shore in like order,
the King having kindly entertained us with a breakfast, questioned
with us in this manner.

Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee was our friend, and
had neither bowes nor arrowes, what did wee doubt? I told him it
was the custome of our Country, not doubting of his kindnes any
waies. Wherewith, though hee seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport
caused all our men to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie
score

from thence: but to prevent the worst, Maister Scrivener or
I were either the one or other by the Barge. Experience had well
taught me to beleeve his friendship, till convenient opportunity
suffred him to betray us; but quickly this politi-
tian had perceived my absence, and cunningly sent for mee; I
sent for Maister Scrivener to supply my place, the King would demaund
for him, I would againe releeve him, and they sought to
satisfie our suspition with kind Language, [...] and not being
agreed to trade for corne, hee desired to see all our Hatchets and
Copper together, for which he would give us corne; with that
auncient tricke the Chickahomaniens had oft acquainted me: his
offer I refused, offering first to see what hee would give for one piece.
Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Merchant, did scorne to sell,
but we freely should give him, and he liberally would requite us.

Captaine Nuport would not with lesse then twelve great Coppers

try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as much
corne as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse proportion: our
Hatchets hee would also have at his owne rate, for which kindnes hee
much seemed to affect Captaine Nuport. Some few bunches of blew
Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, he offred
me a basket of two pecks, and that which I drew to be three pecks at
the least, and yet [he] seemed contented and desired more: I
agreed with him the next day for two bushells, for the ebbe now constrained
us to returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired us
to stay [for] dinner which was a providing, and being ready he sent
aboard after us, which was bread and venizon, sufficient for fiftie or
sixtie persons.

The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning not to bring a
shore with us any pieces, least his weomen and children should feare.
Captaine Nuports good beliefe would have satisfied that request, yet
twentie or twentie five shot we got a shore: the King importuning
mee to leave my armes a board, much misliking my sword, pistol and
target, I told him the men that slew my Brother with the like tearmes
had perswaded me, and being unarmed shot at us, and so betraide
us.

He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might

leave their armes, which still hee commanded to the water side,
[...] this day we spent in trading for blew Beads, and having
neare fraighted our Barge. [...]

Captaine Nuport returned with them that came abord, leaving
me and Maister Scrivener a shore, to follow in Canowes; into one I
got with sixe of our men, which beeing lanched a stones cast from the
shore stuck fast in the Ose: Maister Scrivener seeing this example,
with seven or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking to
have found deeper water on the other creeke, but they were inforced
to stay with such entertainment

as a salvage, being forced ashore
with wind and raine, having in his Canow, as commonly they have,
his house and houshold, instantly set up a house of mats which succoured
them from the storme.

The Indians seeing me pestred in the Ose, called to me; sixe or
seven of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and to the middle
in Ose, came to bear me out on their heads. Their importunacie
caused me better to like the Canow then their curtesie, excusing my
deniall for feare to fall into the Ose, desiring them to bring me some
wood, fire, and mats, to cover me, and I would content them: each
presently gave his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse
would scarce have indured, yet a couple of bells richly contented
them.

The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantiuas

in the evening with
bread and victuall for me and my men; he no more scripulous
then the rest seemed to take a pride in shewing how litle he regarded
that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce
have indured it. This kindnes I found, when I litle expected lesse
then a mischiefe, but the blacke night parting our companies, ere
midnight the flood [tide] served to carry us aboard: the next day we
came ashore, the King with a solemne discourse, causing all to depart,
but his principall men, [...] and this was the effect when as
hee perceived that we had a desire to invade Monacum, a-

gainst whom he was no professed enemy, [...] yet thus farre hee
would assist us in this enterprise: First hee would send his spies, perfectly
to understand their strength and ability to fight, with which
he would acquaint us himselfe.

Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great
Werowances, they would stay at home, but I, Maister Scrivener,
and two of his Sonnes, and Opechankanough, the King of Pamaunke,
should have 100. of his men to goe before as though they were hunting,
they giving us notise where was the advantage we should kill
them. The weomen and young children he wished we should spare,
and bring them to him. Only 100. or 150. of our men he held sufficient
for this exploit: our boats should stay at the falls, where we
might hew timber, which we might convey each man a piece till we
were past the stones, and there joyne them, to passe our men by
water; if any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our
boats. This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport undertake,
by this meanes to discover the South sea, which will not be without
trecherie, if wee ground our intent upon his constancie.

This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. The
King of Pamaunke sent his messenger, as yet not knowing Captaine
Nuport, to come unto him, who had long expected mee, desiring
also my Father to visite him: the messenger stayed to conduct us, but
Powhatan understanding that we had Hatchets lately come from
Paspahegh, desired the next day to trade with us, and [for us] not to
go further.

This new tricke he cunningly put upon him, but onely to have
what hee listed, and to try whether we would go or stay. Opechankenoughs
messenger returned [saying] that wee would not come: the
next day his Daughter came to entreate me, shewing her Father had
hurt his legge, and much sorrowed he could not see me.

Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in that
Powhatan had desired us to stay, sent her away with the like answer.
Yet the next day upon better consideration intreatie prevailed, and
wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the first towne above the parting of
the river, where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan:
the one called Opitchapam, the other Katatough.

To these
I went a shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scrivener,
sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilst we were
trucking with these Kings.

Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children

came to
meete me with a naturall kind affection, hee seemed to rejoyce to see
me.

Captaine Nuport came a shore. With many kind discourses wee
passed that forenoone: and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went
about with the Pinnis to Menapacant which is twenty miles by water,
and not one by land:

Opechankanough conducted me and Maister
Scrivener by land, where having built a feasting house a purpose to
entertaine us with a kind Oration, after their manner and his best
provision, kindly welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but
did his best to delight us with content: Captaine Nuport arrived towards
evening, whom the King presented with sixe great platters of
fine bread, and Pansarowmana. The next day till noone wee traded:
the King feasted all the company, and the afternoone was spent in
playing, dauncing, and delight; by no meanes hee would have us
depart till the next day, he had feasted us with venizon, for which he
had sent, having spent his first and second provision in expecting our
comming: the next day he performed his promise, giving more to us
three, then would have sufficed 30. and in that we carried not away
what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what words or
signes of love he could expresse, we departed.

Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the

Barge to digge a rocke, where wee supposed a Mine at Cinquaoteck,
[...] which done, ere midnight I arrived at Weracomoco,
where our Pinnis anchored, being 20. miles from Cinquaotecke.
The next day we tooke leave of Powhatan, who in regard of his
kindnes gave him an Indian, he well affected to goe with him for
England in steed of his Sonne, the cause I assure me was to know
our strength and countries condition: the next day we arrived at
Kiskiack, the people so scornefully entertained us, as with what
signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed and returned
to our Fort with 250. bushells of Corne. Our president being not
wholy recovered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece brake and
split his hand, of which he is not yet well recovered.

At Captaine Nuports arrivall, wee were victualled for twelve
weekes, and having furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set
saile for England the tenth of Aprill:

Maister Scrivener and my
selfe with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Henrie.

Powhatan having for a farrewell, sent him five or sixe mens
loadings, with Turkeyes for swords, which hee sent him in our return
to the fort:

[...] we discovered the river of Nansemond,

a proud warlike
Nation, as well we may testified, at our first arrivall at Chesiapiack:
but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged at his returne,
where some of them intising him to their Ambuscadoes by a daunce,
hee perceiving their intent, with a volley of musket shot, slew one,
and shot one or two more, as themselves confesse. The King at our
arivall sent for me to come unto him: I sent him word what commodities
I had to exchange for wheat, and if he would, as had the
rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last
he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie
yards from the shore; he signified to me to come a shore, and sent a
Canow with foure or five of his men, two whereof I desired to come a-

board and to stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a
shore. To this hee agreed: the King wee presented with a piece of
Copper, which he kindly accepted, and sent for victualls to entertaine
the messengers.

Maister Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore:
the King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the next
day, which having done, we returned to the Fort. This river is a
musket shot broad, each side being should bayes,

a narrow channell,
but three fadom, his course for eighteene miles, almost directly
South, and by West, where beginneth the first inhabitants; for a mile
it turneth directly East, towards the West, a great bay and a white
chaukie Iland, convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where
within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck a plaine
high Corne field, the wester bought a high plaine likewise, the Northeast
answerable in all respects: in these plaines are planted aboundance
of houses and people. They may containe 1000. Acres of most
excellent fertill ground, so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so
strong a prospect, for an invincible strong Citty, with so many commodities,
that I know as yet I have not seene: This is within one daies
journey of Chawwonocke. The river falleth into the Kings river,
within twelve miles of Cape Henrie.

At our Fort, the tooles we had were so ordinarily stolen by the
Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving theeverie:
for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst
the rest, having stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set
in the bilboes:

the next day with three more, he came with their
woodden swords in the midst of our men to steale, their custome is to
take any thing they can ceaze off, onely the people of Pamunke,
wee have not found stealing: but what others can steale, their King
receiveth.

I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they

seemed to defend what they could catch but out of our hands. His
pride urged me to turne him from amongst us, whereat he offred to
strike me with his sword, which I prevented, striking him first: the
rest offring to revenge the blow, received such an incounter, and
fled; the better to affright them, I pursued them with five or sixe
shot, and so chased them out of the Iland: the beginning of this
broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, we durst have resisted, having
even till that present not beene contradicted, especially them of
Paspahegh: these Indians within one houre, having by other
Salvages, then in the Fort, understood that I threatned to be revenged,
came presently of themselves, and fell to working upon our
wears, which were then in hand by other Salvages, who seeing their
pride so incountred, were so submissive, and willing to doe any thing
as might be, and with trembling feare, desired to be friends within
three daies after: From Nansemond which is 30. miles from us, the
King sent us a Hatchet which they had stollen from us at our being
there: the messenger as is the custome, also wee well rewarded and
contented.

The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing downe Trees,
and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede to take our
armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages: but understanding
it a Boate under saile, our doubts were presently satisfied, with
the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills of extreame
stormes and tempests [passed]. His ship well, as his company could
testifie, his care in sparing our provision, was well: but the providence
thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets, and other tooles, onely
ours excepted, which of all the rest was most necessary, which might
inforce us, to think either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most
unconscionable deceiver of our treasures.[...]

This happy arrivall
of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having beene then about three
monethes missing, after Captaine Newports arrivall, being to all our
ex-

pectations lost: albeit, that now at the last, having beene long crossed
with tempestuous weather, and contrary winds, his so unexpected
comming, did so ravish us with exceeding joy, that now we thought
our selves as well fitted, as our harts could wish, both with a competent
number of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a
further supply should come unto us: whereupon the first thing that
was concluded, was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener should with
70. men goe with the best meanes we could provide, to discover
beyond the Falls, as in our judgements conveniently we might: sixe
or seaven daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight,
and scirmish in the woods. These willing minds to this action, so
quickned their understanding in this exercise, as in all judgements
wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force in our
order of battle amongst the Trees, (for Thicks there is few) then
the Fort was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or
twenty shot, not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece: our
warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste us with the
voluntary Marriners, and himselfe, as he promised, unlesse we would
stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners for the time
they stayed: and further there was some contraversie, through the
diversitie of Contrary opinions, some alleadging that, how profitable
and to what good purpose soever our journey should portend,
yet our commission, commanding no certaine designe, we should be
taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong
we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did
belong, and to no other:

The meanes for guides,

beside the uncertaine courses of the
river, from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie
us in two houres, better then that they first called the Fort. Their
Townes upon the river, each within one dayes journey of other,
besides our ordinary provision, might well be supposed to adde
reliefe, for truck
and dealing only, but in love and peace, as with the rest. If they
assalted us, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so
convey that we should not share; but admit the worst, 16. daies
provision we had of Cheese, Oatmeale, and bisket besides, our
randevous, we could and might have hid in the ground. With
sixe men, Captaine Martin, would have undertaken it himselfe,
leaving the rest to defend the Fort, and plant our Corne: yet no
reason could be reason to proceede forward, though we were going
aboard to set saile. These discontents caused so many doubts to some,
and discouragement to others, as our journey ended: yet some of us
procured petitions to set us forward, only with hope of our owne confusions.
Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees
and set Corne. Fiftie of our men, we imployed in this service, the rest
kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president, and Captaine
Martin, [while] 30. dayes the ship lay expecting the triall of certain
matters which for some cause I keepe private: the next exploit
was an Indian, having stolen an Axe, was so pursued by Maister
Scrivener, and them next him, as he threw it downe, and flying drew
his bow at any that durst incounter him: within foure or five dayes
after, Maister Scrivener and I, being a litle from the Fort among the
Corne, two Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with
Terrasigillata, came circling about mee, as though they would have
clubed me like a hare: I knew their faining love is towards me, not
without a deadly hatred, but to prevent the worst, I calling maister
Scrivener retired to the Fort: the Indians seeing me suspect them,
with good tearmes, asked me for some of their men whom they would
beate, and went with me into our Fort, finding one that lay ordinarily
with us, only for a spie: they offered to beat him. I in perswading
them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me, being now foure,
for two other arrayed in like manner, came in on the other side the
Fort: whereupon I caused to shut the Ports, and apprehend them.
The

president and Counsell, being presently acquainted, remembring at
the first assault, they came in like manner, and never else but against
some villanie, concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the
event; eight more we ceazed at that present. An houre after, came
three or foure other strangers, extraordinarily fitted with arrowes,
skinnes, and shooting gloves; their jealousie and feare bewrayed their
bad intent, as also their suspitious departure.

The next day came first an Indian, then another, as Embassadors
for their men; they desired to speake with me. Our discourse
was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne,
to bring home (if not the next day, they should hang). The next
newes was, they had taken two of our men, ranging in the woods,
which mischiefe no punishment will prevent but hanging, and these
they would should redeeme their owne 16. or 18. thus braving us to
our doores. We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that
afternoone to sally upon them, that they might but know, what we
durst to doe, and at night mand

our Barge, and burnt their
Townes, and spoiled, and destroyed, what we could, but they
brought our men, and freely delivered them: the president released
one, the rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Evening
prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare, then caused
them to much sorrow, which till then scoffed and scorned at what
we durst doe. The Counsell concluded that I should terrific them
with some torture, to know if I could know their intent. The next
day I bound one in hold to the maine Mast, and presenting sixe
Muskets with match in the cockes, forced him to desire life, to
answere my demaunds he could not, but one of his Comouodos
was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I, releasing
him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with
Muskets, which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would confesse
to this execution: Maister Scrivener come, his discourse
was to

this effect, that Paspahegh, the Chickahamanian, Youghtanum,
Pamunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack, these Nations were altogether
a hunting that tooke me; Paspahegh, and Chicahamanya,
had entended to surprise us at worke, to have had our tools: Powhatan,
and al his would seeme friends till Captaine Nuports returne,
that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack, where with
a great feast hee would so enamor Captain Nuport and his men,
as they should ceaze on him, and the like traps would be laied for
the rest.

This trap for our tooles, we suspected

the chiefe occasion was
foure daies before Powhatan had sent the boy he had to us, with
many Turkies to Maister Scrivener, and mee, understanding I
would go up into his Countries to destroy them, and he doubted
it the more, in that I so oft practised my men, whose shooting he
heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wives, and children;
we sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to
Powhatan to seeke stones to make Hatchets, except his men shoot at
us, as Paspahegh had told us they would, which if they did shoote
but one arrowe, we would destroy them, and least this mischiefe
might happen, sent the boy to acquaint him thus much, and request
him to send us Weanock, one of his subjects for a guide. The boy
he returned backe with his Chest, and apparell, which then we had
given him, desiring another for him, the cause was, he was practising
with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their
extraordinary resort, and secret conference from whence they
would send him. The boy we keepe, now we would send him many
messengers, and presents. The guide we desired he sent us, and
withall requested us to returne him either the boy, or some other, but
none he could have, and that day these Indians were apprehended,
his sonne with others that had loaded at our Fort returned, and
being out of the Fort, rayled on me, to divers of our men, to be
enemies to him, and to the Chikamanias. Not long after Weanock
that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to have conducted
us in another journy, with a false excuse
returned, and secretly after him, Amocis the Paspaheyan, who
alwaies they kept amongst us for a spie, whom the better to avoide
suspition presently after they came to beate away: these presumptions
induced me to take any occasion, not onely to try the honesty
of Amocis, the spie, but also the meaning of these cunning trickes of
their Emperour of Powhatan; whose true meaning Captaine Martin
most confidently pleaded.

The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of Paspahegh:
[...]

first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall
examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh, and
Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischiefe, and
who they were that tooke me, the names of them that stole our
tooles, and swords, and that Powhatan received them, they all
agreed: certaine vollies of shot we caused to be discharged, which
caused each other to thinke that their fellowes had beene slaine.

Powhatan, understanding we detained certaine Salvages, sent
his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old, which not only for feature,
countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his
people, but for wit, and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country:

this hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much
exceeding in deformitie of person, but of a subtill wit and crafty
understanding. He with a long circumstance told mee how well
Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in that I should not doubt
any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most
esteemed, to see me, a Deere and bread besides for a present: desiring
me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly,
his litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also: not taking notice
at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that
morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in
good tearmes to entreate their libertie.

Opechaukanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we

would release two that were his friends, and for a token sent me his
shooting Glove and Bracer, which the day our men was taken
upon, separating himselfe from the rest a long time, intreated to
speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred me the
same: now all of them having found their peremptorie conditions,
but to increase our malice, which they seeing us begin to threaten to
destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came
amongst us to begge libertie for their men: In the afternoone, they
being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church, and after
prayer, gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of
her fathers kindnesse in sending her: after having well fed them, as
all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes,
arrowes, or what else they had, and with much content, sent them
packing: Pocahuntas also we requited, with such trifles as contented
her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing
them. The next day we had suspition of some other practise for
an Ambuscado, but perfectly wee could not discover it; two daies
after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering Minerall stone
and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance, like unto
Rockes. With some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some
quantitie, and the Indean to conduct me: but suspecting this some
tricke to delude us for to get some Copper of us, or with some ambuscado
to betray us, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on
our way, led him ashore, where abusing us from place to place, and
so seeking either to have drawne us with him into the woods, or to
have given us the slippe: I shewed him Copper, which I promised to
have given him if he had performed his promise, but for his scoffing
and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with a Rope, and his bowes
and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst, and so let him goe.

In all this time, our men being all or the most part well

recovered, and we not willing to trifle away more time then necessitie
enforced us unto, we thought good for the better content of the
adventurers in some reasonable sort to fraight home Maister Nelson
with Cedar wood, about which, our men going with willing minds,
was in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England; wee
now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free
from mutinies, in love one with another, and as we hope in a continuall
peace with the Indians, where we doubt not but by Gods
gracious assistance, and the adventurers willing minds and speedie
furtherance to so honorable an action in after times, to see our Nation
to enjoy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant for habitation, but
also very profitable for comerce in generall, no doubt pleasing to
almightie God, honourable to our gracious Soveraigne, and commodious
generally to the whole Kingdome.

FINIS.