University of Virginia Library

INTRODUCTION

While the story of John Smith's later life can be written with relatively few
gaps, precisely what he did during his first twenty-six years is far from simple
to determine. This period will be discussed in the Introduction to his True
Travels, in Volume III. His activities from mid-December 1606 until June 2,
1608, however, are sketched by his own pen in the True Relation, and
historians should be on firm ground already. Unfortunately, they are not.

The True Relation, originally a letter, was published without Smith's
knowledge, permission, or supervision.

It was also ruthlessly edited and
hastily and badly printed to an unusual degree. Both the editing and the rush
to press fitted the Virginia Company's interests. The True Relation was the
first account of the Jamestown colony's first year to reach London. There,
rumors of disillusionment and dissatisfaction in Virginia were already rife.
Word had got out that one member of the local council had been executed
for treason; that factions were splitting the local government; that tons of
"gold" brought back to London had proved to be "guilded durt" (as Smith
put it); that the Indians were far less tractable than early reports had intimated
and stragglers outside Jamestown's flimsy ramparts were not safe;
that starvation threatened the colony while most of the colonists sat on their
hands; and that John Smith had all but been clubbed to death by the Indian
"emperor" Powhatan.

Thus when Smith's letter arrived in London, it was eagerly read. Much
of its contents were optimistic, and the mere "rough" style of the young
Lincolnshire soldier-turned-colonist was convincing. Yet it is evident that it
contained episodes not suitable for wide reading and details that could disturb
potential investors. So members of the company who read what Smith
reported, indirectly and discreetly forwarded the letter to one "I. H.," who
prepared it for publication. This writer has been identified as John Healey,
a capable translator who had shown interest in Virginia and was not overburdened
with work. In this way, Smith's True Relation was entered for
publication less than six weeks after its arrival in London.

Such was the haste to publish the book that a title page was struck off
with no mention of Smith, but with the name of Thomas Watson as author.
Watson, who may well have been the person to whom Smith's letter was

addressed, quickly denied authorship, and the printer, still in haste, changed
one line of type and inserted "by a Gentleman." By then someone had told
Healey that Smith wrote the original letter, and after another gaffe, the thin
volume at last appeared with an explanation in the foreword that Healey
had "learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who
is one of the Counsell there in Virginia." All of this was so confusing that
when the Reverend Samuel Purchas used the book in compiling his first
work, Purchas his Pilgrimage ... (London, 1613), he did not know that Smith
was the author, and since he had met Smith in person by then, he acknowledged
his source in a marginal note as "Newes from Virginia and a MS of
Cap. Smith" ("Newes from Virginia" was the running head of the True
Relation). Only in modern times has the confusion been dissipated.

Nevertheless, the text of Smith's book remains in a sorry state. Between
misprints and Healey's cuts, it is not an easy book to read or to clarify
editorially. The present editor has therefore thought it wise to present a
facsimile of the original, with an edited text on facing pages. There, errors
of both "I. H." and the printer are pointed out, and indication is made of
passages where cuts are evident or suspected. For the latter, reference is made
wherever possible to parallel passages, often in Smith's other works, occasionally
in "discourses" by his associates in the colony: Edward Maria Wingfield ,
George Percy, Gabriel Archer, Francis Perkins, and others.

In addition, the editor has provided a recension of the narrative of
Smith's capture by the Indians, his restraint at their hands for several weeks,
and his final liberation, in which Pocahontas clearly played a role. This
seems to be doubly necessary because of superficially contradictory versions
in Smith's other works, as well as what appears to be some manipulation of
the text by John Healey. This recension follows the present Introduction.

A word is now needed to explain the facsimile text that has been used.
While working on the Jamestown Voyages in 1965 and 1966, the editor noticed
a British Museum (now British Library) copy of the True Relation cataloged
as long ago as 1787 (present shelf mark C.33.c.5) that contains manuscript
annotations in an early hand.

These notes were of such pertinence that the
help of half a dozen specialists at the British Library, the Houghton Library,
Harvard, and the Folger Shakespeare Library was solicited, and it has been
established that in all probability the handwriting can be dated as of the last
half of Smith's life. This copy was therefore chosen for facsimile reproduction
here, and where the annotations were trimmed for binding, a reconstruction
of the text is provided in footnotes in alphabetical series. While the annotator
is still not certainly identified, there is a remote possibility, based on handwriting,
that it was Purchas annotating from hearsay (one expert noticed
that Purchas's letter "k" was unusual, although the hand "is that of any
educated person"). But in any event the comments are those of someone well
informed about Virginia.

Summary

The original Virginia settlers appear to have boarded their three ships at
Blackwall, just east of London, on December 19, 1606, and the fleet dropped
down the Thames with the tide after midnight.

The commander was Capt.
Christopher Newport, a veteran mariner in West Indian waters since 1590.
Newport's lieutenant was Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold, a dozen years his
junior, who had explored the coast of New England in 1602. The third in
command, Capt. John Sicklemore, "commonly called Ratcliffe," remains
an obscure personality. The three ships were the Susan Constant (120 tons),
the Godspeed (40 tons), and the Discovery (20 tons).

The fleet was much delayed, chiefly by storms, but the coast of Virginia
was finally sighted at dawn on April 26, 1607.

After various adventures, the
colonists chose a site some forty miles up the James River from Old Point
Comfort, and on the following day, May 14, 1607, they disembarked and
planted a colony called James Fort (later Jamestown), in honor of King
James.

There was much dissension from the outset, and soon a combination of
heat, unsuitable clothing, and bad water, along with improper diet, brought
on physical disorders of epidemic proportions. Among the leaders, Gosnold
succumbed to some intestinal ailment (hardly malaria or yellow fever as
sometimes has been suggested), while Sicklemore (Ratcliffe) proved both
ailing and self-seeking. Then, the first elected president of the council (i.e.,
the de facto governor), Edward Maria Wingfield, evinced eminent qualities
as a gentleman, but none as chief executive, and before long John Smith,
apparently one of the few colonists possessed of common sense, emerged as
the leader of the colony. A year later he was elected president of the council.

Meanwhile, between a desperate attempt to supply Jamestown with
food and to carry out the explorations desired by the adventurers who had
financed the expedition, Smith not only bargained for provisions but also
eventually exposed himself to capture by Indians on a hunting foray in the
wilderness near the headwaters of the Chickahominy River, northeast of

modern Richmond. This resulted in his being led captive before the
"emperor" Powhatan, where he was questioned about the colonists' objectives
and apparently subjected to some sort of ritual or trial that ended in
his being adopted into the Powhatan tribe -- as was not uncommon among
the Algonkians when a valiant "werowance" (military or political commander)
was captured. Powhatan's daughter Pocahontas, then a girl of
eleven or twelve, was somehow involved in the ceremony (Smith was convinced
that she saved his life), and this gave rise to the Smith-Pocahontas
legend two centuries after. Powhatan then named Smith werowance of
Capahowasic, an honor that Smith did not refuse, although he did not
occupy the post.

Smith, now unwittingly a subordinate chief, was aided in every way by
Powhatan until Newport returned to Virginia and upset the delicate balance.
Nevertheless, Smith managed to tide over the difficulties, and trading and
friendly -- though mutually distrustful -- relations resumed. Newport sailed
back to England on April 10, 1608. Ten days later a strayed companion ship
commanded by Capt. Francis Nelson arrived. Smith hurriedly finished the
account of the colony that he had been writing, and when Nelson sailed for
England on June 2, he entrusted it to him. Intended as a personal communication
to a friend, it was mangled and hurried into print, as has been stated.

Note on Editorial Method

The presentation here of a facsimile of the original printing of the True
Relation on pages facing a specially edited transcription has a twofold purpose:
that of preserving, on the one hand, the utmost accuracy and that of
offering, on the other hand, a text that is legible and intelligible. As has been
already stated, the 1608 text is clearly corrupt. Self-evident cutting and
broadly acknowledged textual modifications appear on almost every page,
frustrating all attempts to incorporate modern annotation in the book as it
was first printed. A more radical approach is necessary if we are to have a
text that at least attempts to recapture what John Smith wrote. Hence the
need to couple the text left us by "I. H." with a first step toward reconstituting
Smith's original manuscript.

These complications made it impossible to handle the True Relation in
precisely the same fashion as the rest of Smith's works. The major difference
in editorial style introduced here is that the editor's substantive annotation
of the text is placed at the end of the book, rather than at the bottom of the
page. (Hereafter in these three volumes, the editor's substantive annotation
appears consistently at the foot of the page.) In this case only, the footnote
space has been reserved for transcription and discussion of the handwritten
marginal comments on the facsimile pages. In addition to this modification,
the edited text itself contains insertions in square brackets of editorial suggestions,

mostly bearing on paragraphing. Brackets also enclose indications
of omissions, both self-evident [...] and presumptive [...?]. More modern
concepts of breaking up long unparagraphed passages have been introduced
silently (the facsimile provides the original version), along with capital letters
in conformity. Other changes in punctuation and so on have been made
sparingly, only for the sake of intelligibility, and are indicated in the Textual
Annotation that appears at the end of this book.

Recension of the Narratives of Smith's Captivity

In attempting to reconstruct one of the most important episodes in Smith's
life, the editor could wish that both Smith and the deposed president, Wingfield,
had had something of the orderly mind of George Percy (or, later,
Samuel Argall), especially with regard to dates. We know from Francis
Perkins, who arrived with Newport on his return voyage, that the first
"supply" reached Jamestown on January 2, 1608 (a Saturday), and from
both Smith and Wingfield that Smith had been escorted back from his
month-long captivity early in the morning that same day.

Wingfield specifies,
however, that Smith did not leave Jamestown until December 10, 1607,
and at the same time states that Powhatan "sent him home" on January 8,
and that Newport came "the same evening." Perkins's date is shown correct
by the fact that he and Wingfield both state that Jamestown was nearly
burned down on January 7, after Newport's (and Perkins's) arrival. Then,
Wingfield implies, and Smith states, that Smith was away from Jamestown
for one month. Since Wingfield has the date of his return six days too late,
it is possible that the date he gives for Smith's departure is in fact the date
when he heard that Smith was captured. This could easily have been six
days after he left. Nevertheless, for the purpose of the recension that follows,
the editor has accepted Wingfield's "Dec. 10," while warning the reader
that an adjustment of about six days must be made somewhere in the
chronology. However, the date of Smith's return is accurate.

The chronology for the following recension is:

         

December 3 or 10 (Thursday)	Smith's Departure
- - (Friday or Saturday)	Capture
December 26 (Saturday)	Arrival at Menapacute
December 30 (Wednesday)	Brought to Powhatan
January 2 (Saturday)	Return to Jamestown

The excerpts included in the recension have been left in the order

printed, with one exception: in the True Relation the description of the Indian
religious ceremony is found after the narration of Smith's march as a captive
through the Indian hunting towns; here this description is placed in the
middle of the narration so that it may be more easily compared with the
descriptions in the Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimage.

The recension is based on Smith's True Relation, Smith's Generall Historie,
and Samuel Purchas's Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ...
(1613).

                         

True Relation	Generall Historie	Pilgrimage
[B4v] ... a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper, ... my gowne, points and garters, my compas and a tablet they gave me again. ...	[47] ... and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would have served twentie men, ... Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, ...
The King [Opechancanough] tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, ... I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh [Jamestown], with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand, how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death: this he granted and sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured: ... The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted, ... this was the father of him I had slayne, ...	Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, ... In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, ... according to his request they went to James towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer. ...
... the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, || [C1r] upon the top	[48] ... then they led him to the Youghtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payanka-	[638] Three or foure daies after his taking, seven of their Priestes in the house
of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapanient; to two other hunting townes they led me, ... After this foure or five dayes march, we returned to Rasaweack, the first towne they brought me too, where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey ... to ... Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited: ... [C3r] ... three or foure dayes after my taking seven of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after, a foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or three graines of wheate, continuing this order till they have included sixe or seven hundred in a halfe Circle, and after that two or three more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other: That done, at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two or five graines, a little sticke, so counting as an old woman her Pater noster. ... One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with little Skinnes of Weasels, and other vermine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, ... Till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling would continue ere they would depart.	tanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients, ... and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee, ... Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on the one they caused him to sit, ... and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in ... and then ... three more as ugly as the rest; ... at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then ... he began a short Oration: ... and then layd down three graines more. After that, ... ever	where he lay, each with a Rattle, (setting him by them) began at ten of the clocke in the morning, to sing about a fire, which they invironed with a circle of Meale, at the end of every song, (which the chiefe Priest began, the rest following) laying downe two or three Graines of Wheate: and after they had thus laide downe six or seven hundred in one Circle, accounting their songes by Graines, as the Papists their Orisons by Beades, they made two or three other circles in like manner, and put at the end of every song, betwixt every two, or three, or five Graines, a litle sticke. The High Priest disguised with a greate skinne, his head hung round with little skinnes of Weasils, and other Vermine, with a crownet of Feathers, painted as ugly as the Divell, ... thus till six of the clocke in the evening, they continued these howling devotions, and so held on three daies. ... [639] ... The high-Priests head-tire is thus made. They take a great many Snakes skinnes stuffed with mosse, as also of Weasils and other Vermines skinnes, which they tie by their tailes, so that all the tailes meete on the top of the head like a great Tassell. The faces of their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise: in their hands they have rattells, ...
	laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony; ...
[C1r] ... the next day another King ... called Kekataugh, ... invited me to feast at his house; the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. ... From hence this kind King [Opechancanough] conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: the cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, ... returned thence, and discovered the River of Topahanocke, where ... he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great man ... and using mee kindly, the || [C1v] next day we departed. ... The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatans, and the next day arrived at	Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, ... he bid him wellcome; ... At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts [of leftover food], ...
Werowocomoco ... where the great king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another little river ... called Payankatank. ...
Arriving at Werawocomoco, their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums: At his heade sat a woman, at his feete another, on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde, and [he] with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure dayes; hee much delighted in Opechancanoughs relation ... Hee asked mee the cause of our comming; ... [C2r] ... demaunded why we went further with our Boate; ... Many Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt	At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more then two hundred ... stood wondering at him, ... till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes || [49] of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance ... all the people gave a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and ... having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with
the two Seas. ... [C2v] In describing to him the territories of Europe, which was subject to our great King ..., I gave him to understand the ... terrible manner of fight ing were under captain Newport ... [Powhatan then] desired mee to forsake Paspahegh [Jamestown], and to live with him upon his River, ... hee promised to give me ... what I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me:	their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her [Pocahontas] bells, beads, and copper; ...
	Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captaine Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. ... then Powhatan more like a devill then a man ... came unto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud.
hee sent me home with 4. men, ... [C3v] ... From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled away that day, and would	So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting ... every houre to be put to
not goe to our Forte ... but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night. The next morning ere Sunne rise, we set forward for our Fort, where we arrived within an houre, ...	one death or other: for all their feasting. ... The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, ...

Chronology of Events in Jamestown, 1606-1608

[_]

*

1606

   

(Fri.) Dec. 19.	The colonists set sail (Proceedings, 2).
(Sat.) Dec. 20.	Down river from London (Percy).

1607

                                                                                                                                                       
                         

(Mon.) Jan. 5.	Anchored in the Downs (Percy).
c. (Fri.) Jan. 30.	No longer in sight of England (Proceedings, 2).
c. (Tues.) Feb. 17.	Conjectured arrival at Gran Canaria.
c. (Sat.-Sun.) Feb. 21-22.	Departure from the Canaries; Smith "restrained as a prisoner" (Proceedings, 5).
(Mon.) Mar. 23.	Arrived at Martinique (Percy).
(Tues.) Mar. 24.	Anchored at Dominica (Percy).
(Thurs.) Mar. 26.	Had sight of Marie-Galante (Percy).
(Fri.) Mar. 27.	Sailed along Guadeloupe to Nevis (Percy); there "a paire of gallowes was made" for Smith, in an attempt to hang him (True Travels, 57).
(Fri.) Apr. 3.	Set sail from Nevis (Percy).
(Sat.) Apr. 4.	Sailed along St. Eustatius and Saba and anchored in the harbor of St. Thomas, Virgin Islands (Percy).
(Mon.) Apr. 6.	Passed by Vieques and San Juan, Puerto Rico (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 7.	Arrived at Mona and took on water (Percy).
(Thurs.) Apr. 9.	Visited the Isle of Moneta and laded two boats full of eggs and fowl (Percy).
(Fri.) Apr. 10.	Set sail from Mona (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 14.	Passed the Tropic of Cancer (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 21.	Forced to "lie at hull" because of a tempest (Percy).
(Wed.-Sat.) Apr. 22-25.	Sounded but found no ground (Percy).
(Sun.) Apr. 26.	"Descried the Land of Virginia" about four in the morning (Percy); at nightfall the colonists had their first skirmish with the Indians.
(Mon.) Apr. 27.	Began to assemble the shallop, which had been dismantled for the voyage over. Explored "eight miles up into the Land" (Percy).
(Tues.) Apr. 28.	Launched the shallop in which Newport took a party as far as the modern Elizabeth River (Percy).
(Wed.) Apr. 29.	Set up a cross by Chesapeake Bay, naming the point Cape Henry (Percy).
(Thurs.) Apr. 30.	The fleet crossed the bay to Old Point Comfort, near the village of Kecoughtan (Percy).
(Fri.-Sun.) May 1-3.	Entertained by Indians (Percy).
(Mon.) May 4.	The fleet came to a Paspahegh village where the colonists were entertained with "much welcome"; a werowance from across the river "seemed to take displeasure" from the colonists' being with the Paspahegh (Percy).
(Tues.) May 5.	Went to visit the werowance across the river (Percy).
(Fri.) May 8.	The colonists sailed up the James River to the "Countrey of Apamatica," where "there came many stout and able Savages to resist" them (Percy). Peace was made, however, and three days appear to have been spent exploring on foot.
(Tues.) May 12.	The colonists went back to their ships and discovered a point of land just below modern Jamestown Island they named "Archers Hope" (Percy).
(Wed.) May 13.	Came to their "seating place" (Percy), 8 mi. (13 km.) upstream; chosen by Wingfield, overruling Gosnold (True Relation, sig. A3v).
(Thurs.) May 14.	Landed all their men (Percy); about midnight some Indians sailed close by, causing an alarm; "not long after" two messengers came from the werowance of Paspahegh, saying he was coming "with a fat Deare" (Percy).
(Mon.) May 18.	The werowance arrived with 100 armed Indians, but after a fight, went away "in great anger" (Percy).
(Tues.) May 19.	Percy and others went for a stroll "some foure miles ... to a Savage Towne" (Percy).
(Wed.) May 20.	The Paspahegh werowance sent 40 men "with a Deare, to our quarter" (Percy).
(Thurs.) May 21.	Captain Newport took a party on an exploring expedition in the shallop (Archer), spending the night with the Weanocks, enemies of Paspahegh.
(Fri.) May 22.	The party went "some 16 myle further," picking up some friendly Indians; they sailed in all 38 mi. (61 km.) that day (Archer).
(Sat.) May 23.	They continued on to the falls at modern Richmond, where they mistook the local werowance, Tanx ("Little") Powhatan, for his father, the "emperor" (Archer).
(Sun.) May 24.	Whitsunday. Newport angered Tanx Powhatan by setting up a cross and claiming the region for King James. That night Newport's party went back downstream to Arrohattoc (Archer and Percy).
(Mon.) May 25.	The party "satt banquetting all the forenoone" with the Arrohattoc werowance, then sailed down to "Kynd Womans Care" (Archer).
(Tues.) May 26.	The party went ashore to visit Queen Opossunoquonuske, then met Powhatan's brother Opechancanough a few miles below, and finally anchored for the night 21 mi. (34 km.) from Jamestown (Archer; but see Strachey, Historie, 64; and Generall Historie, 49). That same day, Paspahegh attacked Jamestown with 200 men, causing casualties, but was repulsed by the ships' ordnance (Archer; True Relation, sig. A4r; and Generall Historie, 42).
(Wed.) May 27.	The party went ashore but grew suspicious and hurried home (Archer).
(Thurs.) May 28.	Labored at fortifying the fort (Archer; True Relation, sig. A4v; and Generall Historie, 42).
(Fri.) May 29.	The Indians attacked again, but did not hurt any of the English (Archer).
(Sun.) May 31.	The Indians "came lurking in the thickets," and Eustace Clovell was shot; he died June 8 (Archer).
(Mon.) June 1.	Some 20 Indians "appeared, shott dyvers arrowes, ... and rann away" (Archer).
(Thurs.) June 4.	Three Indians shot at a colonist outside the palisade, but "missed the skynne" (Archer).
(Sat.) June 6.	A petition was drawn up for reformation of "certayne preposterous proceedinges" (Archer).
(Mon.) June 8.	Clovell died; two Indians presented themselves unarmed, "crying 'friends,'" but a guard shot at them, and they ran (Archer).
(Wed.) June 10.	"The Counsell scanned the ... petition," Newport urged the colonists to work together, and Captain Smith was sworn in as councillor (Archer).
(Sat.) June 13.	Eight Indians lying "close among the weedes" shot Mathew Fitch in the breast and ran away (Archer).
(Sun.) June 14.	Two Indians presented themselves unarmed, naming the friends and foes of the colonists, and advising the English to cut down the tall weeds (Archer).
(Mon.) June 15.	The fort was finished, "triangle wise" (Percy).
(Tues.) June 16.	Two Indians appeared with a ruse to capture Newport, but failed (Archer).
(Sun.) June 21.	The colonists took communion and had a farewell dinner with Newport (Archer). Opechancanough sent a message of peace (True Relation, sig. A4v).
(Mon.) June 22.	Captain Newport sailed for England (Percy; Wingfield; and True Relation, sig. A4v; Archer omits the entry, and Proceedings and Generall Historie give June 15).
(Thurs.) June 25.	An Indian came from "the great Poughwaton with the words of peace" (Wingfield).
(Fri.) July 3.	Seven or eight Indians presented President Wingfield "a Dear from Pamaonke [Opechancanough]; they enquired after our shipping [Newport's ships]" (Wingfield).
	"About this tyme divers of our men fell sick" (Wingfield).
(Mon.) July 27.	The "King of Rapahanna [Quiyoughcohanock] demanded a canoa which was restored" (Percy).
(Thurs.) Aug. 6.	"John Asbie" died of the "bloudie Flixe" (Percy).
(Sun.) Aug. 9.	"George Flowre" died of the "swelling" (Percy).
(Mon.) Aug. 10.	"William Bruster" died of a wound given by the Indians (Percy).
(Fri.) Aug. 14.	"Jerome Alikock" died "of a wound"; the same day, "Francis Midwinter" and "Edward Moris" died "suddenly" (Percy).
(Sat.) Aug. 15.	"Edward Browne" and "Stephen Galthrope" died (Percy).
	During these weeks, Wingfield told Smith to his face, in Gosnold's tent, that "it was proved ... that he [Smith] begged in Ireland like a rogue, without lycence" (Wingfield), drawing a sharp retort from Smith.
(Sun.) Aug. 16.	"Thomas Gower" died (Percy).
(Mon.) Aug. 17.	"Thomas Mounslie" died (Percy).
(Tues.) Aug. 18.	"Robert Pennington" and "John Martin," son of Capt. John Martin, died (Percy).
(Wed.) Aug. 19.	"Drue Piggase" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Aug. 22.	Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold died; all the ordnance in the fort was shot off with many volleys (Percy; also Wingfield; True Relation, sig. A4v; Proceedings, 10; and Generall Historie, 44). About this time the Indians began to bring fresh corn for barter (Wingfield).
(Mon.) Aug. 24.	"Edward Harington" and "George Walker" died (Percy).
(Wed.) Aug. 26.	"Kenelme Throgmortine" died (Percy).
(Thurs.) Aug. 27.	"William Roods" died (Percy).
(Fri.) Aug. 28.	"Thomas Stoodie [Studley], Cape Merchant" died (Percy).
	About this time George Kendall was deposed from the council and confined in the pinnace (Percy; Wingfield; True Relation, sigs. A4v-B1r, etc.).
(Fri.) Sept. 4.	"Thomas Jacob" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Sept. 5.	"Benjamin Beast [Best]" died (Percy).
(Thurs.) Sept. 10.	Ratcliffe, Smith, and Martin, constituting a majority of councillors present, signed a warrant to depose President Wingfield (Wingfield); Ratcliffe was elected in Wingfield's place (True Relation, sig. B1r; Percy gives Sept. 11 as the date).
(Fri.) Sept. 11.	The new president made a speech telling the colony why Wingfield was deposed (Wingfield).
(Thurs.) Sept. 17.	After complaints by John Robbinson and John Smith, Wingfield was tried, and Robbinson got £100 and Smith £200 "damages for slaunder" (Wingfield).
(Fri.) Sept. 18.	"Ellis Kinistone" and "Richard Simmons" died (Percy).
(Sat.) Sept. 19.	"Thomas Mouton" died (Percy). By this time Smith had been made cape merchant (True Relation, sig. B1r).
	[For the rest of 1607, dates can only be conjectured. In summary: a sharp decrease in food supplies from the Indians forced Smith to initiate trading voyages in the shallop (Proceed- ings, 11); unrest in Jamestown led to a mutiny, and Kendall was executed (Wingfield; Magnel; and Proceedings, 12); about Nov. 1, the council decided that the pinnace and barge should sail to the Falls (Powhatan village) for supplies (True Relation, sig. B1v).]
(Mon.) Nov. 9 to c. (Sun.) Nov. 15 (more likely, Nov. 19-25).	Smith made three successful trading voyages up the Chickahominy River (True Relation, sig. B2r-B3r).
(Thurs.) Dec. 10 (more likely, Dec. 3 or 4).	Smith "went up" the Chickahominy (Wingfield; True Relation, sig. B3r).
(Fri.) Dec. 11 (Dec. 4 or 5?).	Smith reached Apocant, 40 mi. (64 km.) up the river (True Relation, sig. B3r).
(Sat.) Dec. 12 (Dec. 5 or 6?).	Smith went on by canoe, was captured by an Indian hunting party under Opechancanough, and taken to a temporary lodge (ibid., sig. B3v).
	Three or four days later Smith witnessed certain Indian rites or conjurations (ibid., sig. C3r), after which he was marched around for four or five days and then led to Opechancanough's residence (ibid., sig. C1r).
c. (Fri.) Dec. 25.	Smith was entertained and then led to the Rappahannock River (ibid., sig. C1r-v).
(Tues.) Dec. 29.	Smith was lodged in a hunting town (ibid., sig. C1v).
(Wed.) Dec. 30.	Smith taken before Powhatan.

1608

         
       

(Fri.) Jan. 1.	Powhatan sent Smith "home" (True Relation, sig. C3v ).
(Sat.) Jan. 2.	Smith reached Jamestown, where Newport arrived from England the same night (ibid.; Perkins).
(Thurs.) Jan. 7.	A fire destroyed "all the houses in the fort" at Jamestown (Perkins and Wingfield).
	Newport having brought instructions from London to find "any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh" (Generall Historie, 71), the Paspahegh werowance was pressed into helping, but he went no farther than Warraskoyack (True Relation, sig. C4r).
Feb. ?	Newport, Scrivener, Smith, and "30 or 40 chosen men" visited Powhatan at Werowocomoco (True Relation, sig. C4r; Proceedings, 27-28).
(Wed.) Mar. 9.	Newport's party returned to Jamestown (Wingfield).
(Sun.) Apr. 10.	Newport sailed for England (Wingfield; True Relation, sig. D4r).
(Wed.) Apr. 20.	Francis Nelson arrived (True Relation, sig. E1r).
(Thurs.) June 2.	Smith left the fort to explore Chesapeake Bay and parted company with Nelson, who was sailing for England, at Cape Henry (Generall Historie, 55).