 | THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
I. PART I
Kao-tsu was a man from the hamlet of Chung-yang
[in the district] town of Feng, [prefecture[2]
of]
P'ei.
His family name was Liu. One day the old dame,
his mother, was resting upon the dyke of a large pond
when she dreamed that she had a meeting with a
supernatural being.[6] At the time there was thunder
and lighting, and it became dark. When [Kao-tsu's]
father, the T'ai-kung,[7] came to look for her, he saw a
child and subsequently gave birth to Kao-tsu.
Kao-tsu was a man with a prominent nose and a
dragon forehead. He had a beautiful beard on his
black moles.[12] He was kindly disposed to others,
benevolent, and liked people. His mind was vast.
He always had large ideas and so did not follow the
same productive occupations [as those followed by]
the members of his family. When he grew up, he took
the tests for officials, and was made Chief of the
Szu-shui T'ing.[13] There was none of the officials in the
He liked wine and women. He frequently went to
an old dame Wang and an old lady Wu to buy wine
the wine, the old lady Wu and the old woman Wang
frequently saw wonderful sights above him.[17] Every
time Kao-tsu came to buy wine, he would stay and
drink, and they would sell several times [as much
as usual],[18] and when they saw the wonderful sights,
at the end of the year, these two shop-keepers often
broke up his accounts[19] and forgave his debt.
Kao-tsu was frequently made to do fatigue duty
in Hsien-yang, and had free access to see the Emperor
of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Moved in spirit he would
heave a deep sigh and say, "Ah! A real man should
be like this."
A man of Shan-fu, the old gentleman Lü, was a
good friend of the magistrate in [the city of] P'ei.
as his guest and consequently settled there. When
the eminent and distinguished persons and officials
of P'ei heard that the magistrate had an important
was the superintendant of officials and took charge
of the offerings. He made announcement to the
prominent guests, saying, "Anyone who comes presenting
less than a thousand cash will be directed to
sit below the [main] hall." Although Kao-tsu was
[only] Chief of a t'ing, he used to treat his fellow-officials
contemptuously, so he falsely had written
on his card: "I come to congratulate [with an offering
of] ten thousand cash." Really he did not
bring even one cash.
When his card was sent in, the old gentleman Lü
was greatly surprised, arose, and welcomed him at
the door. [Now] the old gentleman Lü liked to
physiognomize[23]
people and it was because he noticed
Kao-tsu's appearance and features that he greatly
honored him. He escorted him in and seated him
at the seat of honor. Hsiao Ho said, "Liu Chi
Because Kao-tsu was contemptuous of the guests,
he thereupon seated himself on the place of
honor without any signs of nervousness. When
the drinking drew to an end,[25] the old gentleman Lü
glanced at Kao-tsu in such a way as definitely to
detain him. After the drinking was over, the old
gentleman Lü said, "Your servant, from his youth,
nomized many people. [But] none of them had [as
auspicious] a physiognomy as yours, Chi. You, Chi,
should take care of yourself. There is a daughter
born to your servant whom I would like to make
your hand-maid."[27]
When the feast was over, the old lady Lü was
angry with the old gentleman Lü, and said: "Previously
you, sir, have always wanted to hold this
girl precious in order to give her [in marriage] to
some distinguished person. The magistrate of
P'ei is your good friend. He has asked for her,
but you would not give her to him. Why did you
yourself thus senselessly promise to give her to this
Liu Chi?" The old gentleman Lü replied, "This is
not anything that children or women can understand."
In the end he gave her to Kao-tsu. The
daughter of the old gentleman Lü was [later] the
Empress [née] Lü and gave birth to the Emperor
Hsiao-hui and the Princess Yüan of Lu.
Kao-tsu once asked for leave to go home to his fields.
While the Empress [née] Lü and her two children
were in the fields,[29] an old man went by and asked
for a drink; the Empress [née] Lü therefore fed
him. The old man physiognomized the Empress
and said: "Madam will be the most honorable
personage in the world." She [then] asked him to
physiognomize her two children. When he saw the
Emperor Hsiao-hui, he said, "The reason that
this boy." He physiognomized the Princess Yüan
of Lu [and said] also, "Both will be honorable personages."
When the old man had gone, Kao-tsu happened to
come in from a neighboring dwelling. The Empress
née Lü told him everything, "A stranger has gone by
who physiognomized me and the children, [and told
me that] we would all be very honorable personages."
When Kao-tsu questioned her, she added, "He has
not yet gone far." So he went after him and caught
up with him. When he questioned the old man, the
old man said, "The madam and children whom I
have just looked at are all like you, sir [in princely
signs].[32]
Your physiognomy, sir, is honorable beyond
all telling." Kao-tsu thereupon thanked him, saying,
"If it should really happen as you say, I shall
not dare to forget what you have done for me."
When Kao-tsu became an honorable personage, no
one knew where the old man was.
When Kao-tsu was the Chief of a t'ing, he constructed
a hat of bamboo-skin and ordered his thief-catcher
to go to Hsieh to have it perfected.[33]
From
honorable personage, he wore it constantly; it is
Kao-tsu, in his capacity as the Chief of a t'ing, had
to escort convict laborers[36]
to Mount Li for the prefecture.
Many [of the convict laborers] escaped on
the way. He thought to himself that before he arrived
[at his destination] all of them would have escaped.
When [the party] got to the Tse-chung T'ing,
west of Feng, he stopped to drink. At night he unbound
and set free all the convict laborers he was
escorting, saying, "Gentlemen, all go away. From
this time on I too will abscond."[37]
Some ten odd of
the stout fellows among the convict laborers were
willing to follow him.
Kao-tsu, under the influence of liquor, was
a man to go in front. The man who was in
front returned and reported, "Up ahead there is a
large serpent blocking the path. We had better go
back." Kao-tsu was drunk and said, "When a
strong man walks along, what is there to fear?"
Then he went ahead, drew his sword, and cut the
serpent in two.[39] The serpent was divided into two
he was overpowered by drink[41] and slept. When a
man [who came along] afterwards reached the place
where the serpent had been, an old woman was
weeping there in the night. The man asked the old
woman why she wept, and the old woman replied,
"A man killed my son." The man said, "How did
your son come to be killed?" and the old woman
replied, "My son is the son of the White God. He
metamorphosed himself into a serpent and blocked
the way. Just now the son of the Red God has cut
him in two; hence I weep [for him]."[43] Now the man
thought that the old woman was not speaking the
old woman suddenly disappeared. When the man
[who came along] afterwards reached [the place
where Kao-tsu was], Kao-tsu had awakened, [and
so] he told Kao-tsu [about it]. Then Kao-tsu privately
rejoiced in heart and took confidence in himself,
while his followers daily feared him more and more.
The First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty once[46]
said, "In the southeast there is the emanation of a
Son of Heaven."[47]
Thereupon he travelled to the
east in order to check and obstruct [his rival].
marshes of Mang and Tang. The Empress [née]
Lü sought him, together with some men, and always
found him. Kao-tsu was surprised and asked her
about it. The Empress [née] Lü replied, "Above the
place where you, Chi, are, there is always a misty
emanation. So we follow after it and always find
you, Chi."[50] Kao-tsu was again glad. When some
of the young men in P'ei heard of it, many wanted
to attach themselves to him.
In the first year of the Second Emperor of the
Ch'en Shê arose at Chi1 and came to Ch'en2, setting
himself up as King of Ch'u.[55] He sent Wu Ch'en,
Chao. In the eighth month, Wu Ch'en set himself up
as the King of Chao, and most of the commanderies
and prefectures, in responding to [Ch'en] Shê, killed
their chief officials. In the ninth month, the magistrate
of P'ei wanted to have P'ei also respond to
[Ch'en Shê]. The Chief [Jailor] and the Superintendent
of the Officials, Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an,
said [to him], "You, sir, have been an official of the
Ch'in [dynasty] and now wish to rebel against it,
and lead the young men of P'ei [in rebellion]. We
are afraid that they will not follow you. We wish
that you, sir, will summon back all those who have
fled outside [the city].[63] You can get several hundred
men. Then by using them you can coerce the
people, and the people will not dare but follow you."
So he ordered Fan K'uai to summon Kao-tsu.
Kao-tsu's followers had at this time reached [the
number of] several hundred.[64] Then Fan K'uai
came in the train of Kao-tsu [to P'ei].
The magistrate of Pei had however repented [for
what he had done], for he had feared that there would
be trouble, and so had closed the city [gates] and defended
the city wall. He wanted to execute Hsiao
[Ho] and Ts'ao [Ts'an]. Hsiao [Ho] and Ts'ao
[Ts'an] were afraid, escaped over the city wall, and
took refuge with Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu then wrote [a
message on a piece of] silk and shot it over the city
already been filled for a long time with bitterness
against the Ch'in [dynasty]. Although you are now
defending the city for the magistrate of P'ei, the
nobles are all rising and they will immediately
slaughter [the people of] P'ei. Now if [you, people
of] P'ei, together execute your magistrate, select
someone who is able to lead you, make him your
leader, and make common cause with the nobles, your
houses and families will thereupon be safe; otherwise
old and young will all be slaughtered. Do not allow
[that to happen]." So the elders led the young men
and together they killed the magistrate of P'ei,
opened the city gates, and welcomed Kao-tsu [in].
They wanted him to be the magistrate of P'ei,
[but] Kao-tsu said, "At present the world is in disorder.
The nobles have all risen [in arms]. If
now[69]
you should set as your commander someone
who is not capable, after a single defeat, you will be
trampled to the ground. It is not that I am concerned
about my own safety; I fear that I am not
capable enough and that I shall not be able to keep
you safe, elders and brothers.[70]
This is an important
matter. I hope that you will select again[71]
a
and the others were all civil officials. They were
concerned about their own safety, and feared that,
if things should not turn out [successfully], the Ch'in
rulers would later destroy them together with their
families and kindred. So they every one withdrew in
favor of Kao-tsu. The elders all said, "For a long
time we have heard of wonders and prodigies concerning
Liu Chi, and that he was worthy to become
an honorable personage, and moreover that in divination,
no one's [lot was ever] nearly as auspicious as
that of Kao-tsu." Kao-tsu refused several times,
but no one in the crowd was willing to undertake
[the office]. So Kao-tsu was set up as Lord of P'ei.[74]
He worshipped[75] the Yellow Emperor, sacrificed to
Ch'ih-yu in the great [prefectural] hall of P'ei, and
pennons were all red,[81] because the snake which was
killed was the son of the White god and the killer was
the son of the Red god. Because of this [fact] all the
younger braves and officials, like Hsiao [Ho], Ts'ao
[Ts'an], Fan K'uai, and others, gathered together the
youths of P'ei [for Kao-tsu. Thus he] secured three
thousand men.[83]
In this month, Hsiang Liang and his older brother's
with his cousins, [T'ien] Jung and [T'ien] Heng,
arose in Ch'i, setting himself up as King of Ch'i.
Han Kuang set himself up as the King of Yen.
Wei Chiu set himself up as King of Weih. A
general of Ch'en Shê, Chou Chang, [led an army]
Chang Han, repulsed and routed him.
In the second year [of the Second Emperor of
the] Ch'in [dynasty], the tenth month,[90] the Lord
of P'ei attacked Hu-ling and Fang-yu, then he returned
and guarded [the town of] Feng. P'ing, the
Inspecting [Secretary] of the Szu-shui[92] [commandery]
led an army to besiege Feng. On the second day, [the
Lord of P'ei] made a sortie, fought with [the Inspector's
army] and routed it. [Then] he ordered
Yung Ch'ih to guard [the town of] Feng.
In the eleventh month, the Lord of P'ei led troops
to Hsieh. The troops of the Administrator of the
Szu-shui[94] [commandery] for the Ch'in [dynasty],
Chuang, were defeated at Hsieh, and fled to Ch'i.[95]
The Lord of P'ei's Junior Major[96] captured and killed
him. Then the Lord of P'ei returned, encamped at
K'ang-fu, and went to Fang-yü.
The King of Chao, Wu Ch'en, was killed by his
Chia.[102]
A man of Weih, Chou Fu, overran the regions of
Feng and P'ei. He sent men to say to Yung Ch'ih,
"Feng was formerly a colony of Liang. Already
several tens of cities in the region of Weih have
been subjugated. If now you, [Yung] Ch'ih, come
under the rule of Weih, then the state of Weih will
make you, [Yung] Ch'ih, a marquis and put you in
charge of Feng. If you do not submit, then I will
massacre [the people of] Feng." Yung Ch'ih had
not previously wanted to be subordinate to the Lord
of P'ei, so when [the state of] Weih summoned him,
he immediately rebelled [against the Lord of P'ei]
and guarded Feng for [the state of] Weih. The
Lord of P'ei attacked Feng, but could not take it.
[Then] the Lord of P'ei returned to P'ei.[103]
He held
a grudge against Yung Ch'ih because he had rebelled
against him together with the youths of Feng.
In the first month, Chang Erh and others set up a
as King of Chao. The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang
and Ch'in Chia set up Ching Chü as King of Ch'u at
Liu2. The Lord of P'ei went to attach himself
[to Ching Chü]. On the way he got Chang Liang.
Thereupon they together visited Ching Chü, and
asked him for troops to attack Feng. At that time
tached general,[109] Ssu-ma Yi, brought an army
north to subjugate the region of Ch'u; he massacred
[the people of] Hsiang, [and then] went to Tang.
The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang and the Lord of P'ei
led their troops westwards and fought with [this
general] west of Hsiao without success. So they
returned, raised troops, and collected them at Liu2.
In the second month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked
Tang; after three days he took it by storm.[112] Then
he collected the soldiers [that had been in] Tang and
secured six thousand men. He united them to his
former [troops; thus] altogether [he had] nine thousand
men. In the third month he attacked the city
of Hsia-yi and took it by storm. Then he turned
back and attacked Feng, but did not take it. In
the fourth month, Hsiang Liang attacked and killed
Ching Chü and Ch'in Chia and stopped at Hsieh.[115]
[So] the Lord of P'ei went to interview him. Hsiang
Liang added to the Lord of P'ei's troops five thousand
men and ten generals who were Fifth [Rank] Grandees.
[Then] the Lord of P'ei returned, led his
army to attack Feng, and took it by storm. Yung
Ch'ih fled to Weih.[116]
In the fifth month, Hsiang Yü captured Hsiang-ch'eng
[next] summoned all the detached generals. In
the sixth month the Lord of P'ei came to Hsieh,
and, with Hsiang Liang, both together set up the
grandson of King Huai of Ch'u, Hsin, as King Huai
of Ch'u.[121]
Chang Han[122]
routed and killed the King of Weih,
[Wei] Chiu, and the King of Ch'i, T'ien Tan, at
Lin-chi.
In the seventh month there was a great prolonged
Han besieged T'ien Jung at Tung-a. The Lord of
P'ei and Hsiang Liang together rescued T'ien Jung
and routed Chang Han's [army] completely at Tung-a.
[Thereupon] T'ien Jung attached himself to the Lord
of P'ei. Hsiang Yü pursued the fleeing[126] troops to
Ch'eng-yang. He attacked the city and massacred
its [people], then encamped his army east of P'u-yang.
Again he fought a battle with Chang Han, and again
routed him. Chang Han again rallied [his forces]
and defended P'u-yang, encircling it with water.
The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü went to attack
Ting-t'ao. In the eighth month, T'ien Jung set up
the son of T'ien Tan, [T'ien] Fu, as King of Ch'i.
Since Ting-t'ao had not yet fallen, the Lord of P'ei
the territory as far as Yung-ch'iu. They had a
battle with the Ch'in [dynasty] troops and defeated
them severely. They beheaded Li Yu, the Administrator
of San-ch'uan. [Then they] returned
and attacked Wai-huang, [but] Wai-huang did not
yet submit [to them].
Since Hsiang Liang had twice routed the Ch'in
[dynasty] armies, he became arrogant. Sung Yi
admonished him, but he would not listen. [The
state of] Ch'in reinforced the army of Chang Han.
gags[132] into the mouths of his men, attacked Hsiang
Liang by night at Ting-t'ao, and routed his [army]
completely, killing Hsiang Liang. At this time there
had been continuous rains from the seventh month to
the ninth month. The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü
were just then attacking Ch'en-liu. When they
heard that [Hsiang] Liang was dead, the officers and
soldiers were afraid, so [the Lord of P'ei and Hsiang
Yü], together with the general Lü Ch'en, led the
army [away] and went to the east, moving King
Huai from Hsü-yi and establishing the capital at
P'eng-ch'eng. Lü Ch'en encamped east of P'eng-ch'eng;
Hsiang Yü encamped west of P'eng-ch'eng;
and the Lord of P'ei encamped at Tang.
The younger brother of Wei Chiu, [Wei] Pao,
set himself up as King of Weih.[134]
In the intercalary ninth month, King Huai united
the armies of Lü Ch'en and Hsiang Yü, commanding
[the united army] in person. He made the
appointed him as the Marquis of Wu-an commanding
the troops of the Tang Commandery. He made
[Hsiang] Yü the Duke of Lu, and appointed him as
the Marquis of Ch'ang-an. Lü Ch'en was made
Minister over the Masses; his father, Lü Ch'ing,
was made Chief Chancellor.
When Chang Han had crushed Hsiang Liang, he
thought that the troops in the region of Ch'u were
not worth serious attention, so he crossed the
[Yellow] River, went northward, attacked the King of
Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, and routed his [army] completely.
[Chao] Hsieh [then] took refuge in the city of Chü-lu.
A general of the Ch'in [dynasty], Wang Li,
besieged him. [The state of] Chao several times
requested rescue. Then King Huai made Sung
General, and Fan Tseng the Lowest General, to go
north and rescue [the state of] Chao.
Formerly King Huai had made a covenant with
the generals [to the effect that] he who would
first enter and subjugate Kuan-chung would be
made its king. [But] at that time the troops of the
Ch'in [dynasty] were strong and very often took
advantage of their victories to pursue the fleeing,
[so that] none of the [Ch'u] generals [thought it of]
any advantage to be first in going thru the pass.
[Hsiang] Yü alone, who held a grudge against [the
forces of Ch'in] for having routed Hsiang Liang,
was seething with energy and wanted to go west
and enter through the pass with the Lord of P'ei.
[But] the older generals of King Huai all said:
"Hsiang Yü in character is fiery, violent, and very
left nothing alive;[142] wherever he passes, he destroys
and exterminates. In addition, although [the state of]
Ch'u has several times [attempted to] advance and
conquer, both of the former [leaders], King Ch'en
[Shê] and Hsiang Liang, have been defeated. It is
better to send instead a person of outstanding qualities
who will abide by just conduct as he goes to the
west, and have him announce and proclaim [our
purposes] to the elders of [the state of] Ch'in.
The elders of Ch'in have already been filled with
bitterness about their rulers for a long time. If now
[our state] can indeed secure a person of outstanding
qualities to go, and if he does not exploit or tyrannize
[over the people], it is possible that [the state of
Ch'in] could be conquered. Hsiang Yü should not
be sent. Only the Lord of P'ei is habitually generous
and an outstanding person." In the end [the King]
did not permit [Hsiang] Yü [to go], but sent the
Lord of P'ei to go to the west to collect the scattered
soldiers of King Ch'en [Shê] and of Hsiang Liang.
Then he went by way of Tang to Ch'eng-yang.[144]
[Next] he went to Chiang-li and attacked the walled
camp of the Ch'in armies, routing the two [Ch'in]
armies.[145]
In the third year of [the Second Emperor of]
Ch'in, the tenth month, a general of [the state of]
Ch'i, T'ien Tu, rebelled against T'ien Jung and
brought his troops to aid Hsiang Yü rescue [the
king of] Chao. The Lord of P'ei attacked and
routed [the troops of] the Military Governor of the
Tung Commandery at Ch'eng-wu.
In the eleventh month, Hsiang Yü killed Sung
crossed the [Chang[153] River. He set himself up as
the First [Ranking] General; all the generals, Ch'ing
Pu and the others, became his subordinates.
In the twelfth month, the Lord of P'ei led his
took away by force his army of over four thousand
men, uniting them [with his own]. He joined armies
Wu Man[160] , [then] attacked the Ch'in army and
routed it.[161]
T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of Ch'i,
[T'ien] Chien, subjugated Chi-pei and followed
Hsiang Yü to rescue [the state of] Chao. [Hsiang]
Yü completely routed the Ch'in army below [the city
of] Chü-lu. He captured Wang Li and put Chang
Han to flight.
In the second month, the Lord of P'ei, coming
from Tang, went north and attacked Ch'ang-yi. He
met P'eng Yüeh, and [P'eng] Yüeh assisted him in
attacking Ch'ang-yi, but it did not fall. The Lord
of P'ei [then] went west past Kao-yang. Li Yi-chi,
who was superintendent of the gate to a hamlet,[164] said:
"Many generals have passed through this place; as I
see it, the Lord of P'ei has the greatest plans [of
them all]." So he asked to see the Lord of P'ei.
with two maids washing [his feet]. Master Li did
not prostrate himself, [but] made a deep bow and
said, "If your honor firmly wishes to destroy the
utterly inhuman [dynasty of] Ch'in, it is not fitting
that you should interview your senior squatting
down." Thereupon the Lord of P'ei arose, holding
up [the skirts of] his garments, begged his pardon,
and conducted him to the seat of honor.[167] [Li]
Yi-chi advised the Lord of P'ei to make a surprise
attack upon [the city of] Ch'en-liu.[168] For that the
Lord of P'ei made him the Baronet Enlarging Our Territory,
and made his younger brother, [Li] Shang, the
general in charge of the troops at Ch'en-liu. In the
third month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked K'ai-feng,
but did not take it by storm. [Then] he went westwards,
met with the Ch'in general, Yang Hsiung,
fought with him at Pai-ma, also fought east of Ch'üyung,
and routed his [army] completely. Yang Hsiung
fled and went to Jung-yang, [so] the Second Emperor
In the fourth month [the Lord of P'ei] went southwards,
attacked Ying-yang,[174] and massacred its
[inhabitants]. Because of Chang Liang, he thereupon
overran the region of Hanh.[175]
At that time a detached general of Chao, Szu-ma
Ang, was just then wanting to cross the [Yellow]
River and enter the [Han-ku] Pass, so the Lord of
P'ei went north, attacked P'ing-yin, and closed the
ford of the [Yellow] River [to him.[176]
Then] he
went southwards and fought a battle east of Lo-yang,
but his army was not victorious. So he went by way
of the Huan-yüan [Pass] to Yang-ch'eng, and
collected horses and cavalrymen for his army. In
Administrator of the Nan-yang [Commandery],
[Lü] Yi, [at a place] east of Ch'ou, routed him,[179]
and overran the Nan-yang Commandery. The
Administrator of Nan-yang fled to take refuge in
his capital city, and defended [the city of] Yüan.
When the Lord of P'ei led his troops past Yüan
westwards, Chang Liang admonished him as follows:
"Although you, Lord of P'ei, want to hurry into the
Pass, the Ch'in troops are still numerous and are
holding the strategic positions. If now you do not
and attack you from behind, while ahead of you will
be the strong [forces of] Ch'in. This is a dangerous
policy." Therefore the Lord of P'ei by night led
his troops to return by another route with his flags
and pennons rolled up, and, when it became first
light, he had already surrounded the city of Yüan
with three lines. The Administrator of Nan-yang
wanted to cut his own throat, [but] a man of his
suite, Ch'en K'uei, said [to him]: "There is still
ample time to die." Then he climbed over the city
wall and interviewed the Lord of P'ei, saying [to
him], "Your servant has heard that your honor has
entered into a covenant that he who will first enter
Hsien-yang shall be king over it. [But] at present
your honor is held [here] by the defenders of Yüan.
The prefectures of the commandery [in which] Yüan
[is located form] several tens of adjoining walled
cities; its officials and people think that they will certainly
die if they surrender; hence they all defend
[their cities] firmly, mounting the city walls [to
guard them]. If now your honor stops to attack
[Yüan] for all the days [required to capture it],
many of your soldiers will inevitably be killed and
wounded; [on the other hand], if you lead your
troops away from Yüan, [the troops of] Yüan will
certainly pursue after your honor. If your honor
does the former, then you will lose [the benefit] of
the covenant concerning Hsien-yang; if you do the
latter, you may suffer misfortune because of this
strong place, Yüan. For your honor there is no
plan as good as that of making a covenant regarding
its surrender, enfeoffing its Administrator, thus causing
him to stop here and defend it, and leading away its
militia and soldiers, taking them westwards. [Then]
all the cities which have not yet fallen, when they hear
the news [of what has happened], will rival each other
[Thus] your honor will have nothing to worry about
in marching straight ahead." The Lord of P'ei
replied, "Good." In the seventh month the Administrator
of Nan-yang, [Lü] Yi, surrendered, and
[the Lord of P'ei] appointed him as Marquis of Yin;
he [also] appointed Ch'en K'uei [to the income of] a
thousand families. He led the troops westward and
all [places] yielded [to him]. When he came to
Tan-shui,[187] the Marquis of Kao-wu, Sai, and the
Marquis of Jang,[188] Wang Ling, surrendered. He
turned back and attacked Hu-yang. He met Mei
Hsüan, a detached general of the Baronet of P'o,
[Wu Jui]; with him they both attacked Hsi5 and
Chih5, and both [places] surrendered. [The soldiers
were ordered], wherever they went, not to be rude
nor to pillage, [so that] the people of Ch'in were
delighted. [The Lord of P'ei] sent Ning Ch'ang, a
man [originally] of Weih, as a messenger to [the state
of] Ch'in.
In this month Chang Han and his whole army
surrendered to Hsiang Yü, and [Hsiang] Yü made
him the King of Yung.[190]
Shen Yang of Hsia-ch'iu
subjugated [the region] south of the [Yellow] River.
In the eighth month, the Lord of P'ei attacked the
Wu Pass, and entered [the state of] Ch'in. The
Chancellor of Ch'in, Chao Kao, was afraid, so he
killed the Second Emperor and sent men [to the
Lord of P'ei], desiring to make an agreement to divide
[with him] the kingship of Kuan-chung; [but] the
Lord of P'ei would not consent to it. In the ninth
Second Emperor's older brother, as King of Ch'in.
Tzu-ying executed Chao Kao and exterminated [his
family].[196] He sent a general leading troops to resist
[the Lord of P'ei] at the Yao Pass. The Lord of P'ei
wanted to attack them, but Chang Liang said [to him],
"The troops of Ch'in are still strong. They cannot
yet be lightly esteemed. I would prefer that you
would first send men to display flags and pennons on
the mountain top in greater [number than before], in
order to make [the enemy] suspect there are troops
[with each flag], and send Li Yi-chi and Lu Chia to go
and [attempt to] persuade the Ch'in generals [to
surrender], luring them with [promises of] gain."[197]
The Ch'in generals really wished to be in peaceable
relations [with the Lord of P'ei] and the Lord of
P'ei wanted to agree. [But] Chang Liang said, "This
[reply means that] only the generals wish to rebel.
I fear that their officers and soldiers will not follow
them. It is best to take advantage of [the
fact that they are] half-hearted and attack them."
[So] the Lord of P'ei sent troops around the Yao
Pass, crossing over Mt. K'uai, and attacked the Ch'in
troops, routing them completely south of Lan-t'ien.
Thereupon he reached Lan-t'ien, and again fought
[at a place] north of it, [where] the Ch'in troops
were severely defeated.
In the first year [of the Emperor Kao-tsu of the
there was a conjunction of the five planets[204] in [the
constellation] Tung-ching and the Lord of P'ei
reached Pa-shang. The King of Ch'in, Tzu-ying,
in a plain chariot with white horses, with his seal-cord
tied about his neck,[207] having sealed up [for
presentation to the Lord of P'ei] the imperial seals,
the insignia and the credentials,[208] surrendered beside
Chih-tao.
should be executed, [but] the Lord of P'ei replied,
"When at first King Huai sent me [on this expedition],
it was certainly because I am able to be generous
and indulgent. Moreover, when a man has
already surrendered, it would be inauspicious to
kill him." So he gave him into the charge of his
officials. Thereupon [the Lord of P'ei] went west
and entered Hsien-yang. He wanted to stop in the
palace and rest [his soldiers] in the [palace] hostels,
[but] Fan K'uai and Chang Liang[213] admonished him
[not to do so], so he sealed up the depositories and
treasuries for the Ch'in [dynasty's] important treasures
and valuable objects,[214] returned, and encamped
from the courts of the Lieutenant Chancellor of
Ch'in the charts, the registers, the documents, and
the writings.[217]
In the eleventh month [the Lord of P'ei] summoned
the eminent and distinguished people from
the prefectures and said [to them], "Fathers and
Elders, you have suffered long enough from the cruel
laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]: those who spoke ill or
criticized [the government] have been cruelly
executed with their relatives, those who talked in
private[220] have been publicly executed[221] in the marketplace.
I and the nobles have made a covenant that
he who first enters through the passes will be king in
[the region inside the passes], [therefore] I ought to
be king in Kuan-chung. I am merely going to agree
with you, Fathers and Elders, upon [a code of] laws
in three articles: he who kills anyone will be put to
death; he who wounds anyone or robs [will be
punished] according to his offence; as to the remainder,
I am repealing and doing away with all the
laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]. You, the officials
previously. All that I have come for is to deliver
you, Elders, from harm. I do not have [any intention
of] exploiting or tyrannizing [over you]. Do not
be afraid. Moreover, the reason that I have encamped
at Pa-shang is merely that I am awaiting
the arrival of the nobles in order to make an agreement
[with them]." Then he sent people to go with the
Ch'in officials to the prefectures and district cities
to make known and proclaim this [matter]. The
people of Ch'in were greatly rejoiced and vied [with
each other] in bringing cattle, sheep, wine, and food,
offering them for the enjoyment of the soldiers of
the army. [But] the Lord of P'ei refused to accept
them, saying, "In the granaries there is much grain;
I do not wish to be a burden upon the people."
[Then] the people were even more glad, and only
feared lest the Lord of P'ei should not become king
of Ch'in.
Someone advised the Lord of P'ei, saying, "[The
region of] Ch'in is ten times as rich as [the rest of] the
world; by its geographical configuration it is strong.
Now I have heard that Chang Han has surrendered
to Hsiang Yü and that [Hsiang] Yü has entitled
him King of Yung, to be king over Kuan-chung.
He will forthwith come [here], and I am afraid that
you, O Lord of P'ei, will not succeed in keeping
this [territory]. You might hasten to send [troops[225]
]
to guard the Han-ku Pass. Do not admit the army
in order to add to your [own army] and
resist them." The Lord of P'ei assented to his plan
and followed it.
Consequently, [when] in the twelfth month Hsiang
rier were closed, and he heard that the Lord of P'ei
had already subjugated Kuan-chung. [Thereupon
Hsiang] Yü was greatly enraged and sent Ch'ing Pu
and others to attack and break through the Han-ku
Pass.[230] Thereupon he reached Hsi4.[231]
A Junior Major of the Lord of P'ei, Ts'ao Wu-shang,
upon hearing that [Hsiang] Yü was angry
and wanted to attack the Lord of P'ei, sent
men to speak to [Hsiang] Yü as follows: "The Lord
of P'ei wants to be king of Kuan-chung. He has
ordered Tzu-ying to be his chancellor. All the
jewels and valuables [of Ch'in] have been taken
[by him]." [Ts'ao Wu-shang, by this message,] was
seeking [for a means] by which he could ask for a
fief [from Hsiang Yü]. His Second Father, Fan
Tseng, advised [Hsiang] Yü, saying, "When the
Lord of P'ei was east of the mountains,[232]
he was
greedy for money and loved women. Now I have
heard that since he entered the passes, he has not
taken any precious things nor granted favors to any
women. These [facts] show that his designs are
and it was all that of a dragon; it is of all
colors. This is the emanation of a Son of Heaven.
opportunity]." Thereupon [Hsiang Yü] feasted
his soldiers [in preparation for] joining battle on the
morrow.
At this time [Hsiang] Yü's troops [numbered]
four hundred thousand and were asserted to be a
million, [while] the Lord of P'ei's troops [numbered]
a hundred thousand and were asserted to be two
hundred thousand—his strength was not equal
[to that of Hsiang Yü]. It happened that the
Junior Administrator, Hsiang Po, who was the
youngest brother of [Hsiang] Yü's father, had been a
constant friend of Chang Liang. In the night he
galloped fast [to the Lord of P'ei's camp] to see
Chang Liang and told him all the facts [about the
situation]. He wanted [Chang Liang] to go away
with him and not merely to die with [the Lord of
P'ei. But Chang] Liang replied, "I am accompanying
the Lord of P'ei in the service of the King of
Hanh; I must inform him [of this danger]. To
abandon him and go away would be disloyal." So
he, together with Hsiang Po, interviewed the Lord
of P'ei. The Lord of P'ei agreed to contract a
marriage [in the family of Hsiang] Po, and said
[to him], "[Since] I have entered the passes, I have
not dared to take the slightest hair.[237]
I have made a
register of the officials and people and have sealed
the courts and treasuries, awaiting [the arrival] of
the General. The reason I guarded the Pass was to
prevent [the entrance of] bandits. Day and night
I have been hoping that the General would come;
wish that you, [Hsiang] Po, would make clear [to
Hsiang Yü] that I would not dare to revolt against
his beneficence." Hsiang Po promised to do so.
The same night, as he left to return [to his camp],
he warned the Lord of P'ei, saying, "Tomorrow
you yourself absolutely must come early to make an
apology." Hsiang Po returned [to his camp] and
told [Hsiang] Yü all that the Lord of P'ei had said,
taking the opportunity [to add], "If the Lord of
P'ei had not first crushed the troops of Kuan-chung,
how could you, sir, have been able to enter? Moreover,
when a man has done you great service, it
would not be auspicious to attack him. It is better
to take this opportunity and make friends with him."
[Hsiang] Yü promised to do so.
The next day the Lord of P'ei, followed by a
hundred-odd cavalrymen, went to see [Hsiang] Yü
at Hung-men, and made his apologies, saying, "Your
servant has joined his efforts with yours, General,
in attacking [the state of] Ch'in. You, General,
have fought north of the [Yellow] River; your
servant has fought south of the [Yellow] River.
[Your servant] did not himself think that he could
first go through the passes and be able to break [the
power of] Ch'in, and meet you, General, again [at
this place]. Now some evil-[minded] person has
been talking [about me] and has brought about a
disagreement between you, General, and your
servant." [Hsiang] Yü replied, "This is what your,
the Lord of P'ei's, Junior Major, Ts'ao Wu-shang,
has said. Otherwise how could [I], Chi, have fallen
into[241]
this situation?" Thereupon [Hsiang] Yü retained
the Lord of P'ei to banquet him.
Fan Tseng several times threw glances at [Hsiang]
Yü [urging him] to attack the Lord of P'ei, [but
Hsiang] Yü did not respond. [So] Fan Tseng arose
and went out. He spoke to Hsiang Chuang, saying,
"Our lord is not hard-hearted [enough] in character.
Do you enter in order to dance a sword-dance, and
take the opportunity to attack the Lord of P'ei and
kill him. Otherwise you and yours will presently
become his captives." [Hsiang] Chuang entered and
drank a health [to the guest]. When the toast had
been drunk, he said, "In our camp there is nothing to
use [as entertainment]; I crave permission to dance a
sword-dance." Thereupon he drew his sword and
danced. [But] Hsiang Po also arose and danced,
always protecting and covering the Lord of P'ei
with his own body. When Fan K'uai heard that the
situation was critical, he came right in, very
angry.[245] [Hsiang] Yü admired his [strength and
courage] and therefore granted him [a cup of] wine.
Thereupon [Fan] K'uai reproached and reprimanded
[Hsiang] Yü. After some moments, the Lord of
P'ei arose and went to the toilet. He beckoned to
Fan K'uai and went out. Leaving his chariot and
his official retinue, he mounted alone, with Fan
K'uai, Chin Ch'iang, the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou
Ying],[246] and Chi Ch'eng[247] following on foot, and
fled to his army by unfrequented paths, ordering
Chang Liang to stay and make apologies to [Hsiang]
and [Chang Liang] replied, "He learned that you,
General, had the intention of reprimanding him
so he has left and gone by a short-cut to his
army. Hence he has had your servant present you
with [these] jade circlets."[251] [Hsiang] Yü received
them. [Then Chang Liang] also offered to Fan
Tseng a large jade wine ladle, [but Fan] Tseng got
angry; he struck at the wine-ladle [presented to]
him, arose, and said, "We and ours are now already
captives of the Lord of P'ei."
Several days after the Lord of P'ei had returned
[to his camp, Hsiang] Yü led his troops west, massacred
[the people of] Hsien-yang, killed Tzu-ying,
the king of Ch'in who had surrendered, and burnt
the palaces and courts of the Ch'in [emperor].
Nothing of what he passed by was left without
injury or destruction, [so that] the people of Ch'in
were gravely disappointed in their hopes.
[Hsiang] Yü sent men to return and report to
King Huai [that he had conquered Kuan-chung and
should be allowed to do as he liked about its rule,
but] King Huai replied, "[Let it be done] according
to the covenant." [So Hsiang] Yü held a grudge
against King Huai because he had not been willing
to order [Hsiang Yü] to go west through the passes
together with the Lord of P'ei, but [had sent him]
north to rescue [the state of] Chao, [thus coming
too] late [to reap the benefit of] the covenant [made
with the generals of] the empire [concerning the
is merely one whom my family has set up. He has
not [achieved] any merit or glory.[254] How did he get
sole authority over the covenant? Those who really
subjugated the world were the generals and myself,
Chi."
In the spring, in the first month,[255]
in feigned
Yi; [but] in reality he did not avail himself of [the
Emperor's] orders.[258] In the second month[259] [Hsiang]
Yü set himself up as the King Lord Protector[261] of
Western Ch'u, ruling over nine commanderies in
the region of [the former feudal states,] Liang and
Ch'u,[262] with his capital at P'eng-ch'eng. He
conqueror of Kuan-chung its king] and changed
[the Lord of P'ei's kingdom], setting up the Lord of
P'ei as the King of Hans, to rule over forty-one
prefectures of Pa, Shu, and Han-chung, with his
capital at Nan-cheng.[266] Kuan-chung was divided
into three parts, and [over it] were set the three
generals of [the former dynasty of] Ch'in: Chang Han
became King of Yong with his capital at Fei-ch'iu;
Yüeh-yang; Tung Yi became King of Ti with his
capital at Kao-nu. The Ch'u general, Shen Yang,
[who was formerly of] Hsia-ch'iu, became the King
of Honan with his capital at Lo-yang. The general
of [the state of] Chao, Szu-ma Ang, became King of
Yin with his capital at Chao-ko. The Baronet of
Tang-yang, Ying Pu, became King of Chiu-chiang
with his capital at Liu5. King Huai's Pillar of State,
Kung Ao, became the King of Lin-chiang with his
capital at Chiang-ling. The Baronet of P'o, Wu Jui,
became King of Heng-shan with his capital at Chu.
T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of [the
feudal state of] Ch'i, [T'ien] Chien, became King of
Chi-pei. The King of Weih, [Wei] Pao, was shifted
and made the King of Western Weih with his capital
at P'ing-yang. The King of Yen, Han Kuang, was
[also] shifted and made the King of Liao-tung. The
general of [the state of] Yen, Tsang Tu, became
King of Yen, with his capital at Chi4. The King of
Ch'i, T'ien Fu, was [likewise] shifted and made the
King of Chiao-tung. The general of Ch'i, T'ien Tu,
became King of Ch'i with his capital at Lin-tzu.
The King of Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, was shifted and
made the King of Tai. The Chancellor of Chao,
Chang Erh, was made King of Ch'ang-shan.
The King of Hans held a grudge against [Hsiang]
Yü because he had gone contrary to the covenant,
and [so] wanted to attack him, [but] his Lieutenant
desisted. In the summer, the fourth month, the
nobles were discharged at Hsi4,[272] and each went
soldiers to follow the King of Hans.[275] Many tens
of thousands of the people of Ch'u and of the
followers of the nobles admired and followed him.
From Tu he went south and entered [the gorge of]
Li. Chang Liang [then] asked for permission
to leave and return to [the state of] Hanh; the King
of Hans accompanied him [back] to Pao-chung.
Thereupon he advised the King of Hans to burn utterly
the suspended roads[277] in order to guard against
stealthy [attacks by the] troops of the nobles and also
in order to show Hsiang Yü that he had no intentions
of [returning] eastwards [to compete with him].
When the King of Han had arrived at Nan-cheng,
his generals, together with the officers and
soldiers, all sang Ch'i songs, [which showed that they
were] thinking of returning to the east,[278]
and
many escaped on the way and returned [home]. Han
Hsin, who was Commissary Chief Commandant, also
escaped and went off. [But] Hsiao Ho went after
mended him to the King of Han, saying, "If you
really wish to contest [for the control of] the world
[the emperorship], except for [Han] Hsin, there is
no one else who can plan for you." Thereupon the
King of Han fasted and purified himself, erected an
altar on a level place, and installed[281] [Han] Hsin as
General-in-chief. [Then] he asked him about what
plans and stratagems [he would suggest]. [Han]
Hsin replied, "Hsiang Yü acted contrary to the covenant
and made you, sir King, king at Nancheng.
This is a banishment.[282] Your officials and soldiers
are all people from east of the mountains; day
and night they are longing and hoping to return
[home]. If you use this [weapon] when it is sharp,
you can thereby achieve great results; [but] when
people are all themselves seeking quietude, you
cannot employ it again. It is better to decide
upon a plan to [press] eastwards." Thereupon he
presented a plan by which [Hsiang] Yü could be
outwitted and the three [states into which] Ch'in
[had been divided] could easily be reunited [and
taken possession of]. The King of Han was greatly
delighted. Thereupon he followed [Han] Hsin's
plan. He arranged and disposed his generals, leaving
Hsiao Ho to collect the revenue from Pa and
Shu and provision the army.[286]
In the fifth month,[288] the King of Han, leading
his troops by way of Ku-tao, came out [of Hans] and
made a surprise attack on [the state of] Yung.
The King of Yung, [Chang] Han, came to meet
[him] and attacked [the troops of] Hans at Ch'ents'ang.
The troops of Yung were defeated and fled
back [to their base]. They fought [again] at Haochih,
[where they were] again severely defeated and
fled to Fei-ch'iu. Thereupon the King of Han
subjugated the region of Yung; he went east to
Hsien-yang; he led troops to besiege the King of
Yung at Fei-ch'iu and sent his generals to seize the
[neighboring] regions.[289]
When T'ien Jung heard that [Hsiang] Yü had
removed the King of Ch'i, [T'ien] Fu, to Chiao-tung
attacked T'ien Tu. [T'ien] Tu fled and submitted[293]
himself to [the state of Western] Ch'u. In the sixth
month, T'ien Jung killed T'ien Fu and set himself
up as King of Ch'i. At that time, P'eng Yüeh was
at Chü-yeh with a band of over ten thousand men.
He had no overlord, [so T'ien] Jung gave to [P'eng]
Yüeh the seal of a general, and ordered him therefore
to raise a revolt in the region of Liang. [P'eng]
Yüeh attacked and killed the King of Chi-pei,
[T'ien] An. [T'ien] Jung then united [and took
possession of] the territory comprising the three
[states made out of the former state of] Ch'i.[295]
The King of Yen, Han Kuang, also was unwilling
to be removed to Liao-tung; in the autumn, the
eighth month, Tsang Tu killed Han Kuang and
took possession of his territory. The King of Sai,
[Szu-ma] Hsin, and the King of Ti, [Tung] Yi, both
submitted to [the King of] Hans.[297]
Hsiang Liang had previously set up a Prince [who
was] a descendant of [the former kings of] Hanh, [Han]
Ch'eng, as King of Hanh and Chang Liang as the
Minister of the Masses in Hanh. [Hsiang] Yü, considering
that [Chang] Liang had followed the King of
Hans, and that the King of Hanh, [Han] Ch'eng,
had moreover not achieved anything, therefore did
not send him, [Han Ch'eng], back to his state, [but
took him] with himself to P'eng-ch'eng and killed
reunited [and taken possession of] Kuan-chung and
that [the states of] Ch'i and Liang had rebelled
against him, [Hsiang] Yü was very angry. He
thereupon made the former prefect in Wu, Cheng
Ch'ang, the King of Hanh, [with orders] to oppose
[the state of] Hans. He ordered the Lord of Hsiao,
Chio, to attack P'eng Yüeh, [but P'eng] Yüeh
defeated Chio's troops. At that time, Chang Liang
was traveling about[301] the regions of Hanh; he sent
[Hsiang] Yü a letter, saying, "[The state of] Hans
wants to secure Kuan-chung; it will act according
to the covenant, and then will stop [its conquests]
and not presume to go farther eastwards." For that
reason [Hsiang] Yü had no thoughts of going westwards,
but went northwards to attack [the state of]
Ch'i.
In the ninth month, the King of Hans sent his
generals Hsieh Ou and Wang Hsi out [by way of] the
Wu pass, using the troops of Wang Ling, and [ordering
them] to go by way of Nan-yang to get the T'ai-kung
and the Empress [née] Lü, [who were] at P'ei.[303]
[But Hsiang] Yü heard of it and dispatched troops
to oppose them at Yang-chia, [so that] they could
not [go] forward.
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Hsiang Yü sent the King of Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing]
Pu, to kill the Emperor Yi at Ch'en1.
Ch'en Yü also held a grudge against [Hsiang] Yü,
[because] he alone was not made a king; [so] he
borrowed from T'ien Jung auxiliary troops to attack
Chang Erh, the King of Ch'ang-shan. [Chang] Erh
King of] Hans, [and] the King of Hans treated him
well. Ch'en Yü welcomed the King of Tai, [Chao]
Hsieh, back to Chao, [and Chao] Hsieh set up [Ch'en]
Yü as King of Tai.
Chang Liang returned by unfrequented paths
from Hanh to Hans, and the King of Hans made him
Ch'eng-hsin Marquis. The King of Han went to
Shan, pacifying and comforting the elders of the
region outside the pass.[308]
The King of Ho-nan,
commandery of Ho-nan.[310] He [then] had the
Grand Commandant in Hanh, Hanw Hsin, attack [the
state of] Hanh, and the King of Hanh, Cheng Ch'ang,
submitted. In the eleventh month he set up the
[former] Grand Commandant in Hanh, Hanw Hsin, as
King of Hanh. [Then] the King of Hans turned
round, returned [to Kuan-chung, and established]
his capital at Yüeh-yang. He sent his generals to
overrun territory and they captured the Lung-hsi
[Commandery] by assault. Upon those who submitted
with ten thousand persons or with one commandery,
he conferred [the income of] ten thousand
families. He repaired the Barrier[312] of the Ho-shang
ures, gardens, and ponds of the former Ch'in
[dynasty], he ordered that the common people were
permitted to [make] cultivated fields of them.
In the spring, the first month, [Hsiang] Yü
attacked T'ien Jung at Ch'eng-yang. [T'ien] Jung
was defeated and fled to P'ing-yüan and the people
of P'ing-yüan killed him. All of [the state of] Ch'i
[then] submitted to Ch'u, [whereupon the forces of]
Ch'u burnt their outer and inner walls. [Thereupon]
the people of Ch'i again rebelled against
[Ch'u].
[The King of Han's] generals took the Pei-ti
[Commandery] by assault, and captured Chang
P'ing, the younger brother of [Chang Han], the
King of Yung.
[The King of Han proclaimed] an amnesty for
kuei-wei, [the King of Han] ordered the people to
do away with the Ch'in [dynasty's] gods of the soils
and grains and establish the Han [dynasty's] gods
of the soils and grains. He showed his virtue and
bounty and granted aristocratic ranks to the people.
Because the people of Shu and Hans had
been heavily burdened in furnishing the armies
with supplies, he exempted them from the land tax
and from contributions in kind for [a period of] two
years. For the soldiers of Kuan-chung who were
taxes] for one year. Those among the people who
were fifty years old and over, who had cultivated
personalities,[324] and who were able to lead the multitude
and do good, he elevated to the position of San-lao—
one in each district. One of the district San-lao was
selected to be the prefectural San-lao, who was to
serve as a consultant with the Prefect, the Assistant
[Prefect], and the Chief of Police. [The San-lao] were
exempted from forced labor and garrison service,
and in the tenth month were to be granted wine and
meat.
In the third month, the King of Hans crossed the
[Wei] Pao, submitted, and, leading his troops,
followed [the King of Han. The King of Han]
subdued Ho-nei, captured the King of Yin, [Szu-ma]
Ang, and established the Ho-nei Commandery.
When he came to Hsiu-wu, Ch'en P'ing escaped from
Ch'u and came to submit himself. The King of
Han talked with him, liked him, and so made him his
Chariot-companion [with the duty of] supervising
the generals.
[Going] southwards, [the King of Han] crossed
[the Yellow River] at the ford of P'ing-yin, and came
to Lo-yang. [There] the San-lao of Hsin-ch'eng,
the Great Excellency Tung, stopped the King of Han
and advised him, saying, "Your servant has heard
that
has banished and murdered his lord—he is the
[greatest] wrong-doer in the world. Moreover
He who is righteous needs use no force.
[in mourning] for [Emperor Yi] in order to
announce [your purpose],[331] and the nobles will for this
reason march eastwards to chastize [Hsiang Yü.
Then] no one within the four seas[332] will fail to admire
your virtue. The foregoing is the procedure [used
by] the three kings."[333]
The King of Han replied,
"Good. Except for you, O master, I should have
heard nothing [of the kind]." Thereupon the King of
Han proclaimed a mourning for the Emperor Yi;
he uncovered his arm and wailed loudly; [the whole
army] mourned and lamented for three days. He
sent messengers to inform the nobles, saying, "All
the world together set up the Emperor Yi, and, facing
north,[334] it served him. Now Hsiang Yü has
nan. It was a treasonable and inhuman [action].
We Ourselves have proclaimed a mourning for him;
[Our] troops are all wearing plain garments.[337] We
have sent forth the troops of Kuan-chung, and collected
warriors from the three Ho [Commanderies]
to sail southwards down the Yangtze and Han
[Rivers].[338] We are willing to follow you, nobles and
kings, to attack the one in Ch'u who has murdered
the Emperor Yi."
In the summer, the fourth month, T'ien Jung's
several tens of thousands of men and set up
[T'ien] Jung's son, [T'ien] Kuang, as King of Ch'i.
Altho [Hsiang] Yü heard that [the army of] Hans was
coming eastwards, since he had [already] attacked
[the state of] Ch'i, he wished to complete crushing
it and afterwards to attack Hanh. For this reason
the King of Hans succeeded in compelling the
troops of five nobles[341] [to follow him] and went eastwards
came to Wai-huang, P'eng Yüeh came with thirty
thousand men to follow Hans. The King of Hans
installed him as the Chancellor of State in Weih, and
ordered him to subjugate the region of Liang.
Thereupon the King of Han entered P'eng-ch'eng,
took [Hsiang] Yü's Beauties and his valuables,
and held a great banquet. When [Hsiang] Yü
heard of it, he ordered his general to attack [the state
of] Ch'i, and himself, with thirty thousand picked
soldiers, [went] by way of Lu out of Hu-ling to Hsiao.
At dawn he attacked the army of Hans and fought a
great battle[345] at P'eng-ch'eng and east of Ling-pi.[346]
Hans and killed so many officers and soldiers that
because of it the Sui River did not flow.[349] He
surrounded the King of Han with three lines [of
soldiers. But] a great wind arose from the northwest,
breaking trees and blowing away houses,
blowing up sand and gravel, so that the day was dark.
The army of Ch'u [fell into] great disorder and the
King of Han succeeded in escaping with several tens
of cavalrymen. He went by P'ei and sent people to
seek his family, but his family[351] had also already
fled and he did not meet them. On the road, the
King of Han happened upon Hsiao-hui and the
[Princess] Yüan of Lu,[352] and carried them along in
his chariot. [But] the cavalrymen of Ch'u pursued
the King of Han. The King of Han got excited
and pushed the two children so that they fell out,
[whereupon] the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying], got
down and gathered them into the chariot. Thus
they succeeded in escaping.[353] Shen Yi-chi was accompanying
T'ai-kung and the Empress [née] Lü,
[who were fleeing] by unfrequented paths; instead
[of escaping] they met the army of Ch'u. [Hsiang]
Yü constantly placed them in the midst of his
army, and held them as hostages.
When the nobles saw that Hans had been defeated,
they all fled. The [former] King of Sai,
Yi, surrendered to Ch'u. The King of Yin, [Szu-ma]
Ang, died. The older brother of the Empress [née]
Lü, the Marquis of Chou-lü, [Lü Tse], was in charge
of troops encamped at Hsia-yi. The King of
Han went to him,[356] collected a few officers and
soldiers, and encamped them at Tang. The King of
Han went westward, passing across the region of
Liang to Yü. He said to the internuncio, Sui Ho,
"If you, sir, would be able to persuade the King of
Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing] Pu, and lead him to mobilize
his troops in rebellion against [the state of]
Ch'u, King Hsiang [Yü] would have to be detained
in attacking him; if you could succeed in detaining
him for several months, I would be quite certain of
obtaining the empire." [So] Sui Ho went to persuade
[Ch'ing] Pu and really made him rebel against
[the state of] Ch'u.
In the fifth month, the King of Han encamped at
Jung-yang. Hsiao Ho sent forth from Kuan-chung
to go to the army all the old and weak and those not
yet enregistered.[359] Han Hsin also collected troops
and joined with the King of Han. Thus [the King]
of Han's] troops were renewed and greatly restored.
They fought with [the troops of] Ch'u south of
Jung-yang, between Ching and So, and routed
the [Yellow] River in order to get grain from the
Ao Granary.
The King of Weih, [Wei] Pao, asked permission
to return home in order to see his sick parent;[364]
when he had arrived, he closed the ford at the [Yellow]
River and rebelled in favor of Ch'u.
In the sixth month, the King of Han returned to
and proclaimed an amnesty to criminals;
he ordered the members of the noble houses who were
in attendance at Kuan-chung all to gather at Yüeh-yang
as a guard.
He led water to flood Fei-ch'iu;[367]
Fei-ch'iu surrendered,
province of Yung was subjugated, some eighty odd
prefectures. He [thereupon] established the commanderies
of Ho-shang, Wei-nan, Chung-ti, Lung-hsi,
and Shang.[369] He ordered the officials in charge of
the sacrifices to make offerings to Heaven, to Earth,
to the Four Directions, to the Lords on High, to
the Hills, and to the Streams—at the [proper] time
troops in Kuan-chung to take arms and mount the
Barrier at the boundary [for its defence].
In Kuan-chung there was a great famine; a hu of
rice [or hulled millet cost] ten thousand cash [and]
people ate each other. [The King of Han] ordered
the people to go to Shu and Hans to eat.
In the autumn, the eighth month, the King of
Han went to Jung-yang and said to Li Yi-chi, "With
a kindly tongue go and persuade the King of Weih,
[Wei] Pao; if you are able to make him submit, I will
appoint you, Master [Li, with the income of] ten
thousand families in Weih." [Li] Yi-chi went, [but
Wei] Pao did not listen to him. [So] the King of
Han made Han Hsin Junior Lieutenant Chancellor
[and ordered him], together with Ts'ao Ts'an and
Kuan Ying, all to attack [the state of] Weih. When
[Li] Yi-chi returned, the King of Han asked him who
was the General-in-chief of Weih. He replied, "Po
Chih." The King answered, "This [man's] mouth
still smells of [mother's] milk! He cannot resist Han
Hsin. Who is his general of cavalry?" He replied,
"Feng Ching." [The King] answered, "This man is
the son of the Ch'in general, Feng Wu-ts'ê. Although
he is capable, he is not able to resist Kuan Ying.
Who is his general of foot-soldiers?" He replied,
"Hsiang T'o." [The King] answered, "He is not
able to resist Ts'ao Ts'an. I have nothing at all to
worry about." In the ninth month [Han] Hsin and
the others captured [Wei] Pao; he was ordered to be
sent to Jung-yang. The region of Weih was subjugated
and the commanderies of Ho-tung, T'ai-yüan,
and Shang-tang were established.
[Han] Hsin sent men [to the King of Han] asking
[to go] northwards to take [the states of] Yen and
Chao, eastwards to attack [the state of] Ch'i, and
southwards to cut the roads by which provisions
were brought to the Ch'u [army]. The King of
Han gave them [to him].
In the third year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Ching-hsing, and attacked [the state of] Chao.
They beheaded Ch'en Yü and captured the King of
Chao, [Chao] Hsieh. [Then] the commanderies of
Ch'angshan and Tai were established.
On [the day] chia-hsü, the last day of the month,
month, on [the day] kuei-mao, the last day of the
month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
Since Sui Ho had persuaded Ch'ing Pu [to rebel],
[Ch'ing] Pu set his troops in motion and attacked
[the state of] Ch'u. Ch'u sent Hsiang Sheng and
Lung Chü to attack [Ch'ing] Pu. [Ch'ing] Pu fought
[with them, but] did not defeat them. In the
twelfth month, [Ch'ing] Pu, with Sui Ho, by unfrequented
Han gave him a part of his own troops and, together
with him, he collected troops and reached Ch'eng-kao.
Hsiang Yü several times invaded and captured the
walled road of Han [with the result that] the army
of Han lacked food. [The King of Han] schemed
with Li Yi-chi to enfeeble the power of Ch'u. [Li]
Yi-chi wanted to set up the descendants of the six
[ancient feudal] states in order to establish factions;
the King of Han had seals engraved and was going to
send [Li] Yi-chi to set them up, when he asked
Chang Liang about it. Chang Liang brought forward
eating and spit out what he had in his mouth, saying
[to Li Yi-chi], "Stupid bookworm! You've almost
spoiled your daddy's business." [Then] he ordered
the seals to be quickly melted down. He also asked
Ch'en P'ing [what to do], and followed his plan. He
gave [Ch'en] P'ing forty thousand catties of [real] gold
in order in Ch'u to separate the lord from his
followers.
In the summer, the fourth month, Hsiang Yü
besieged the [King of[389] ] Hans at Jung-yang, and the
King of Hans begged for peace, [offering] to cut off
[the region] west of Jung-yang as [the country of]
Hans [leaving the rest to Hsiang Yü. But] his
Second Father, [Fan Tseng], urged Hsiang Yü to
hasten and attack Jung-yang. The King of Han
was worried over [that possibility, but] since Ch'en
P'ing's [plan to bring about] a change and a separation
[between the lord and his followers in Ch'u] had
already succeeded, [Hsiang] Yü was, as a result, suspicious
of his Second Father, [Fan Tseng]. His Second
Father was [therefore] very angry, so went away,
became ill, and died. In the fifth month, General
Chi Hsin said, "The situation has become urgent.
Your servant begs [for permission] to deceive [the
army of] Ch'u [so that] you can thereby escape in the
interval." Therefore Ch'en P'ing at night sent out
more than two thousand women by the east gate.[392]
[The troops of] Ch'u thereupon attacked them from
all sides. Now Chi Hsin had mounted the King's
chariot, with its yellow canopy and plumes on the
Han submits to Ch'u." [The soldiers of] Ch'u all
called out, "Long live the King," and went to the
east of the city to look at [the pretended King of
Han]. Because of that, the King of Han succeeded
in going out of the western gate with several tens of
cavalrymen and fled. He had ordered the Grandee
Secretary Chou Ho, Wei Pao, and his excellency
Ts'ung to defend Jung-yang.
When [Hsiang] Yü saw Chi Hsin, he asked where
the King of Han was. [Chi Hsin] replied, "He has
already gone away." [Hsiang] Yü [thereupon]
burnt [Chi] Hsin to death.
Meanwhile Chou Ho and his excellency Ts'ung
said to each other, "It is difficult to defend a city
together with a king who has made his state rebel."
Hence they killed Wei Pao.
When the King of Han went out of Jung-yang, he
went to Ch'eng-kao, [and] from Ch'eng-kao he entered
the [Han-ku] pass. He collected troops,
wanting to return eastwards, but Master Yüan
advised the King of Han, saying, "Hans and Ch'u
years, and Hans has continually been exhausted.
I wish that your Majesty would go out by the Wu
pass.[397] [Then] King Hsiang [Yü] would have to lead
[away] his troops and hasten southwards. Your
on the defensive], so you would permit [the region]
between Jung-yang and Ch'eng-kao temporarily
to secure a rest. You would send Han Hsin and
others to take, piece by piece, [the state of] Chao
in the region north of the [Yellow] River, and make
an alliance with [the states of] Yen and Ch'i.
Your majesty will thereupon [be able to] return
to Jung-yang. If you do this, then [the state of]
Ch'u must be prepared at many places, and its
strength will be divided. When Hans has secured
a rest, and fights with [Ch'u] again, the rout [of Ch'u]
will be certain." The King of Han followed his
plan and led out his army between Yüan and Shê;
he marched and collected soldiers with Ch'ing Pu.
When [Hsiang] Yü heard that the King of Han was
at Yüan, he really led his troops southwards. [But]
the King of Han was firmly entrenched, and did
not fight with him.
In that month, P'eng Yüeh crossed the Sui
[River], fought with Hsiang Sheng and the Lord of
Hsieh at Hsia-p'ei, routed [their armies], and killed
the Lord of Hsieh. [Hsiang] Yü had the old gentleman
Chung defend Ch'eng-kao and himself went
east to attack P'eng Yüeh. The King of Han led
his troops north, attacked and routed the old gentleman
Chung, and again encamped at Ch'eng-kao.
P'eng Yüeh and made him flee.
When he heard that [the King of] Han had again
encamped at Ch'eng-kao, he thereupon led his troops
west, took the city of Jung-yang by storm, and captured
Chou Ho alive. [Hsiang] Yü said to [Chou] Ho:
"Be my general and I will make your honor First
[Ranking] General and will appoint you [with the
income of] thirty thousand families." [But] Chou
Ho reviled him and said: "If you do not forthwith
captive. You are not a match for the King of Han."
[Hsiang] Yü boiled Chou Ho [alive] and also killed
his excellency Ts'ung. Moreover he captured
the King of Hanh, [Hanw] Hsin. Thereupon he
besieged Ch'eng-kao. The King of Hans fled;
alone, with the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying],
sharing his chariot, he came out of Ch'eng-kao by the
Jade Gate, went northwards, crossed the [Yellow]
River, and spent the night at Hsiao-hsiu-wu. By
calling himself a messenger, at dawn he [managed to]
gallop into the entrenchments of Chang Erh and
Han Hsin and took from them [the command of]
their army. Then he sent Chang Erh northwards to
collect troops in the region of Chao.
In the seventh month, there was a bushy comet in
When the King of Hans got the army of Han
Hsin, he became powerful again. In the eighth
going southwards, he encamped at Hsiao-hsiu-wu,
intending to engage in battle again. [But] the
Gentleman-of-the-Palace Cheng Chung advised him
to stop, that he, the King of Han, should build high
his ramparts, deepen his moats, and not fight [any
battles]. The King of Han followed this strategy.
He sent [out] Lu Wan and Liu Chia, leading
twenty thousand soldiers and several hundred
Pai-ma ford, entered the territory of Ch'u, assisted
P'eng Yüeh to burn the accumulated stores of Ch'u,
again attacked and routed the army of Ch'u west of
the suburb of Yen, and attacked and captured Sui-yang
and Wai-huang, seventeen cities [in all].
In the ninth month, [Hsiang] Yü said to his Commander-in-chief,
"Cautiously defend Ch'eng-kao. If the
King of Han wishes to provoke a battle, be careful
not to engage in a battle with him. Only do not
allow him to go eastwards. In fifteen days I shall
certainly have subjugated the region of Liang and
will again come to you, general." [Hsiang] Yü led
his troops eastwards and attacked P'eng Yüeh. The
King of Han sent Li Yi-chi to advise the King of
Ch'i, T'ien Kuang, to cease defending himself with
his troops and make peace with Hans.
In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Han Hsin, following the plan of K'uai T'ung, made a
surprise attack upon and routed [the army of] Ch'i.
The King of Ch'i [thereupon] boiled Master Li
[Yi-chi alive] and fled east to Kao-mi. When Hsiang
Yü heard that Han Hsin had routed [the army of]
Ch'i and moreover wanted to attack Ch'u, he sent
Lung Chü to save Ch'i.
[As Hsiang Yü had] predicted, [the army of] Hans
[tried] several times to provoke a battle at Ch'eng-kao,
but the army of Ch'u would not come out.
[Then the King of Hans] sent people to insult [the
army and its generals. After] several days, the
Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao] Chiu, was angry and
the officers and soldiers were half-way across, [the
army of] Hans attacked them and severely routed
the army of Ch'u. [The King of Han then] took
all that the state of Ch'u had of gold, jewels,
goods, and riches. The Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao]
Chiu and his Chief Official,[414] [Szu-ma] Hsin, both cut
their own throats on the Szu River. The King of
Hans led his troops across the [Yellow] River and
again took Ch'eng-kao, encamping at Kuang-wu
[Hsiang] Yü had subjugated some ten odd cities of
the region of Liang when he heard that the Marquis
of Hai-ch'un, [Ts'ao Chiu's, army] had been routed.
Thereupon he led his troops back. The army of
Hans was just then besieging Chung-li Mo [at a
place] east of Jung-yang; when it heard that [Hsiang]
Yü had arrived, it all fled to the precipitous and
difficult [terrain at Kuang-wu.]
[Hsiang] Yü also encamped at Kuang-wu; [his
army] and [that of] Hans watched each other; the
strong men were suffering from [constant] military
service, the old and weak were exhausted in transporting
food. The King of Han and [Hsiang] Yü
had an interview on the border of the stream in the
gully[417]
[between the two cities of] Kuang-wu, and
talked [together. Hsiang] Yü wanted to fight a duel
single-handed with the King of Han. [But] the
King of Han rebuked [Hsiang] Yü by enumerating
his faults, saying, "When at first I received orders
first subjugates Kuan-chung will be made its king.
You, Yü, outraged this covenant and made me king
of Shu and Hans—this was your first crime. You,
Yü, murdered by a false authorization the high
minister[419] who had command of the army, and
exalted yourself—this was your second crime.
After you, Yü, had rescued [the state of] Chao, you
ought to have returned to report [to King Huai];
the troops of the nobles and went through the [Han-ku]
Pass—this was your third crime. King Huai had
engaged his word that when [the troops] entered [the
region of] Ch'in there would be no violence or plundering;
[but] you, Yü, burnt the palaces and courts of
Ch'in, dug up the tomb of the First Emperor,[422] and
took for your own his riches[423] —this was your fourth
crime. In violence you also murdered the King of
Ch'in, Tzu-ying, who had surrendered—this was your
fifth crime. By treachery yoù buried in a trench at
Hsin-an two hundred thousand young men of Ch'in
and gave kingdoms to their generals[424] —this was
your sixth crime. You have everywhere made the
generals kings of good regions and removed and
expelled their former lords,[425] making ministers and
subjects to strive, rebel, and commit treason—this
was your seventh crime. You drove out and expelled
the Emperor Yi from P'eng-ch'eng, making
it your own capital. You took by force the territory
of the King of Hanh,[426] and reigned over Liang
and Ch'u at the same time, giving too much [of
the conquered territory] to yourself—this was your
peror Yi secretly in Chiang-nan—this was your ninth
crime. Verily, in your own character as a subject,
you have murdered your lord, murdered those who
had[429] already surrendered, in your government you
have been unjust, and as administrator of the covenant
you have been faithless. [Such deeds are what]
the world cannot endure; [they constitute] treason
and inhuman conduct[431] —this is your tenth crime. I,
with my righteous soldiers,[432] am an associate of the
nobles in punishing a merciless brigand. I should
send an ex-convict to fight with you, sir—why should
I then suffer the trouble of [fighting] a duel with you,
sir?" [Hsiang] Yü was very angry, shot a hidden crossbow,
and hit the King of Han. The King of Han
was wounded in the breast, but he grasped his foot
and said, "This caitiff has hit me in the toe."[433]
The King of Han suffered from his wound and lay
on his bed, [but] Chang Liang strongly begged the
King of Han to arise, go about among the army and
allay [their disquietude] in order to quiet the officers
and soldiers and not permit [the army of] Ch'u to
take advantage of it to gain a victory. The King
of Han went out and visited the army, [but] he
suffered greatly, and consequently rode into Ch'eng-kao.
In the eleventh month, Han Hsin and Kuan Ying
Ch'u general, Lung Chü. They pursued it to
Ch'eng-yang and captured the King of Ch'i, [T'ien]
Kuang. The minister of Ch'i, T'ien Heng, set himself
Hans set up Chang Erh as King of Chao.
When the King of Han's illness was abated, he
went west through the [Han-ku] Pass [and came] to
Yüeh-yang, [where he] visited and conversed with the
elders, and gave them a feast. He exposed on a
post in the market-place of Yüeh-yang the head
of the former King of Sai, [Szu-ma] Hsin.[438]
He
stayed [there] four days [and then] went back to his
army. It remained encamped at Kuang-wu, [so
that] soldiers more and more came out from Kuan-chung,
while, [on the other hand] P'eng Yüeh and
T'ien Heng[439]
were in the region of Liang, going back
and forth and harassing the troops of Ch'u, cutting
off their food supplies.
When Han Hsin had routed [the forces of] Ch'i, he
Ch'i is a neighbor of [the state of] Ch'u. My
authority is slight; if you do not make me king
temporarily, I fear that I may not be able to
tranquillize Ch'i." The King of Han was angry and
wished to attack him, [but] Chang Liang said, "It is
better to accede to [his request] and to set him up
[as king,] thus causing him to defend [Ch'i] for his
own sake." In the spring, the second month, [the
King of Han] sent Chang Liang with a seal to establish
Han Hsin as King of Ch'i.
In the autumn, the seventh month, he set up
People of the northern Mo and of Yen come,
bringing intrepid cavalry[447]
to assist Hans.
The King of Han issued an order that the officials
should provide shrouds, coverlets, coffins, and
encoffining for all the soldiers in the army who were
so unfortunate as to die, and send them back to
their homes. In all directions, [people's] hearts
turned to him.
Hsiang Yü himself knew that he had little support
and that his food supply was at an end. Han Hsin
was again advancing his troops to attack Ch'u,[448]
and
Chia to talk to [Hsiang] Yü and beg for the T'ai-kung,[450]
but [Hsiang] Yü did not listen [to him]. Hans
again sent his excellency Hou to talk to [Hsiang]
Yü. [Hsiang] Yü then made a treaty [with Hans] to
divide the world[451] in half, making the boundary at
the Hung-kou,—[the territory] west of it to be
Hans's and that east of it to be Ch'u's. In the ninth
month [Hsiang Yü] sent back the T'ai-kung and the
life." Thereupon [the King of Han] appointed
his excellency Hou as the P'ing-kuo General.[455]
[Hsiang] Yü withdrew [his army] and returned to
the east. The King of Han wanted to return to the
west, [but] Chang Liang and Ch'en P'ing admonished
him, saying, "Now Hans has the larger half of the
world and the nobles are all its adherents, [whereas]
the troops of Ch'u are exhausted and their food is
If you do not profit by this opportunity and take
[the kingdom of Ch'u], [you will be in the situation
when] it is said: `By rearing a tiger one brings misfortune
upon himself.' " The King of Han followed
[their counsel].[457]
In the Ch'ing period a hsien [OMITTED] was a sub-division of a prefecture
[OMITTED]; in Han times, however, as Chavannes remarks (cf. Mh, II, 531), there was
no administrative division between a hsien and a commandery, hence I have followed
him in translating hsien for Han times as "prefecture." The Han dynasty's commandery
[OMITTED] corresponded roughly to the modern province in that it was the primary subdivision
of the country, although the ancient term [OMITTED], which I have translated "province," was
later also put into use. Under the Ch'in dynasty, there were 36 commanderies; under
the Han the number kept increasing until there were 108.
A "district town" [OMITTED] was a walled city which was the administrative center
for a subdivision of a prefecture. In ancient times the [OMITTED] was a large walled city and
the [OMITTED] was a small walled town; under the influence of the Lord of Shang, Kung-sun
Yang, the Ch'in dynasty had organized towns into districts, which districts were
often given the name of their walled towns. The districts were subdivided into t'ing
(cf. p. 29, n. 3), and the t'ing were further subdivided into hamlets.
It is an interesting fact that quite a few of Kao-tsu's early followers came from the
same district as he: Hsiao Ho, Ts'ao Ts'an, Wang Ling, Chou P'o, Fan K'uai, Hsia-hou
Ying, Chou Hsieh (cf. HS ch. 41), Chou Ho, Chou Ch'ang, and Jen Ao (cf. HS
ch. 42); while his general Lu Wan came from the same hamlet as Kao-tsu.
A supposed ancestor of Kao-tsu, Liu Lui, is said to have tamed dragons—thus the
story about Kao-tsu's conception would appear natural. The reliable commentators
do not even give the surname of his mother. Huang-fu Mi (215-282), a decidedly
unreliable source, says, "The old dame was probably surnamed Wang [OMITTED]." She died
before Kao-tsu came to the throne, so that her surname was not preserved.
Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) notes that the T'ai-p'ing Huan-yü Chi (written by Yo
Shih, 930-1007) tells that 6 li north of the city of Feng there was a large marsh. The
Book of Odes, I, xii, x, 1 (Legge, p. 213) has a similar passage, "By the dyke of that
marsh. . . . There is the beautiful lady."
The word yü [OMITTED] is said by Yen Shih-ku to mean "a meeting; to meet without having
an appointment is called yü." Wang Min-sheng (1720-1798) adds that sexual intercourse
is implied. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) adds that the conception here is
similar to that in the stele of 175 A.D. to the Emperor Yao, which says, "Ch'ing-tu
had intercourse with a red dragon, and gave birth to Yi Yao," [Yi was the surname of
Yao], and the Ling-t'ai stele at Ch'eng-yang, which says, "She wandered and glanced
around on the shore of the [Yellow] River, and, affected by intercourse with a red
dragon, she then gave birth to Yao." This account thus likens Kao-tsu to his supposed
ancestor, Yao.
T'ai-kung [OMITTED] is a term of respectful address for an aged and respected grandfather.
It merely means, "the aged and respected head of the
family." Huang-fu Mi (215-282), who is not reliable, says that
his name was Chih-chia [OMITTED]. Wang Fu (i & ii cent.) said that
his name was T'uan [OMITTED]. Chang Shou-chieh (fl. 737) quotes the Ch'un-ch'iu Wu-ch'eng
(now lost, written before 386), as saying, "The old dame Liu [Kao-tsu's
grandmother] dreamed [about] a red bird like a dragon playing [with her]. After that
she gave birth to Chih-chia." None of these sources is reliable; perhaps Kao-tsu's father,
like his sons, had no given name.
The HS writes [OMITTED]; the SC (8: 2a) writes chiao [OMITTED]; so does Hsün Yüeh (148-209)
in his Han-chi, and the Wen-hsüan (ca. 530). Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that HS ch. 51
reads as HS ch. 1 does, but we have not been able to find this passage. He also says
that these two characters were interchanged. Hence we have followed the SC, for the
HS is copying it here. The Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) says, "When it has
scales it is called a chiao dragon." The Shuo-wen (ca. 100) defines chiao as follows:
"A sort of dragon. When in a pool there are 3600 fish, the chiao comes and is made
their leader. He is able to lead the fish and to fly. If a basket fish trap is put in the
water, he thereupon leaves." Couvreur (Dict. Classique) says that the chiao is a
crocodile. Cf. 6: 29a and note 29.2.
Seventy-two was a mystic number, being the number of the days of each year
attributed to each of the five elements, the number of ancient sovereigns who had
performed the feng and shan sacrifices, the number of the metals, etc. Cf. Mh II,
325, n. 6. It was also the number of the Ch'ih-yu brotherhood, cf. Granet, Chinese
Civilization, p. 197.
The t'ing [OMITTED] was an administrative division usually composed of ten hamlets [OMITTED],
each of 25 to 50 families. Stein (Serindia, II, 748) found that, at the boundary, a
t'ing was expected to maintain a tui [OMITTED] or company (whose average effective strength
was 150 men), both as to personnel and supplies. Probably something of the same sort
was required in China proper in times of war. Ten t'ing usually made a district [OMITTED].
Cf. Mh II, 236, n. 1.
The chief of a t'ing had charge of both a military and civil affairs of the t'ing.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) writes, "In ancient times he was
called `The Bearer of the Crossbow.' " In Han times he used
all five weapons: crossbow, lance, sword, bow, and cuirass.
Instead of "the Szu-shang T'ing", the SC (Mh II, 336) reads
"the Szu-shui T'ing", which reading is confirmed by HHS,
Tr. 20: 13b. Shang is an error for shui.
The Kua-ti-chih 5: 5b (vii cent.) said, "The Szu-shui T'ing
is in Hsü-chou, 100 paces east of P'ei Hsien, and has a temple
to Kao-tsu."
Yen Shih-ku writes, " `In the great hall' [means] in the
great hall of the commandery headquarters."
The SC reads differently: these women "often saw a
dragon above him and wondered at it." HS 100A: 11a reads,
"He had prodigies of dragons and snakes."
Chao Yi (1727-1814) suggests an interpretation for this
sentence similiar to the story in HS 8: 3a, that when Emperor
Hsüan, as a young man, bought cakes, he made them popular,
so that the seller made great sales.
Such congratulations necessitate the bringing of gifts, in
this case, of money, and a feast in return.
It is still a common practice in China to tell a person's
fortune by `reading his face.' This is the practise referred to.
Hsün-tzu (ca. 320-235 B.C.) attacks this practise (cf. his ch. V).
Wang Ch'ung (29-97) defends it in the Lun-heng, ch. ii (Forke
p. 305), and quotes this passage.
So that some of the guests were leaving. Guests do not
necessarily stay through a feast. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220)
says, "It says that of those who drank wine half had left and
half were [still] present."
He uses a set expression for "wife," which is literally, "the
concubine of the dust-pan and broom." The word "concubine"
gives it a depreciatory turn. Cf. Mh II, 328, n. 3.
The SC says that they were weeding. At the time, the
Empress Lü was merely a peasant woman; the historian respectfully
uses the title later bestowed upon her. So with the
children.
The SC reads [OMITTED] for the HS [OMITTED]. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265)
and Ch'ien Tao-chao (1744-1813) think that the SC's reading
should be adopted. The Han-chi 1: 3a however reads, "The
[princely signs of] the madam and children are due to your
power, sir," and Yen Shih-ku wishes to read this passage similarly.
The Lun-heng (by Wang Ch'ung, 29-97) reads like the
SC. We have adopted its reading.
Ying Shao writes that anciently there were two subordinates
to the Chief of a t'ing: one, called the T'ing-fu [OMITTED],
whose duty it was to open and shut the gates, sweep and clean
[streets]; the other, called the Thief-catcher ch'iu-tao [OMITTED],
pursued and caught robbers and thieves. Chavannes (Mh II
330) did not understand that ch'iu-tao was the name of an
officer, so mistranslated this sentence.
For an account of this ceremonial article, cf. Glossary sub
Hat of the House of Liu.
Enslavement or convict labor was a common punishment; a criminal could be
sentenced to enslavement for a number of years. The First Emperor used these convicts
on his works. As a guard, Kao-tsu was personally responsible for each prisoner,
and would be punished if one was lost.
The San-fu Huang-t'u (quoted in iii cent.; prob. completed by 587) 6:2a, b sub
Ling-chin Nei-fu, says, "When the Grand Emperor [Kao-tsu's father] was an humble
person, he wore a sword that was three feet long. On it there were unintelligible
words engraved. Tradition says it was made just at the time when `Kao-tsung of the
Yin [dynasty, i.e., the Emperor Wu-ting, reigned 1324-1266 B.C.] attacked the Demon
region.' [A quotation from the Book of Changes, hexagram 63, Legge, p. 205. The
`Demon region' was among the Western Jung.] When the Grand Emperor was
travelling around Feng and P'ei, in the middle of the mountains, at a temporary lodge
in an obstructed valley there was a man casting metal. The Grand Emperor stopped
beside him and asked him, `What implement are you casting?' The workman
laughingly said, `I am casting swords for the Son of Heaven. Be careful and do not
speak.' He [later] said, `If I could secure the sword which you, sir, are wearing,
mix it [with the metal], and cast it, then it would make a marvellous implement, which
could conquer and subjugate the world. The essence of the Pleiades is helping, the [element]
wood is decreasing and [the element] fire is increasing
[water was the element by which the Ch'in dynasty is said to
have ruled, and fire the element of the Han dynasty]—this is an
unusual omen.' The Grand Emperor loosened his pi-shou [a sword with its point in
the form of a spoon], and threw it into the furnace. When the sword was completed,
he killed three victims in order to anoint [the sword] with the blood of the sacrifice.
The workman asked him where he had gotten this [sword which had been melted],
and the Grand Emperor replied, `At the time of King Chao-hsiang of Ch'in [306-251
B.C.], I was going along a path in the fields and a rustic gave it to me, saying,
"This is a supernatural thing from the time of the Yin [dynasty]." ' The workman
thereupon took the sword and gave it to the Grand Emperor. The Grand Emperor
therefore gave it to Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu wore it, and this it was which cut in two the white
snake. When he had subjugated the world, he stored it in the treasury for valuables.
The guardian of the storehouse saw a white vapor like a cloud coming out of the door,
in shape like a dragon or snake. The Empress [née] Lü changed the treasury's
[name] and called it, `The Storehouse for Supernatural Metallic [Objects].' When the Emperor
Hui came to the throne, he used this treasury to store the [imperial] reserved military
equipment, and its name was called, `The Palace Office for Supernatural Metallic
[Objects, i.e., ling-chin nei-fu]." The Chin Dynastic History, in the Treatise on Carriages
and Clothes, says, "In the time of the Emperor Hui, the military treasury was burnt
by fire." The Shih-chi Cheng-yi (pub. 737) quotes the Kua-ti-chih, (vii cent.) as saying,
"The Ditch [Where] the Snake Was Cut in Two [OMITTED] has its source in the territory
of Chung-p'ing, P'ei Hsien, Hsü-chou, [in present Kiangsu]. Hence old people
say, `It is the place where Kao-tsu cut in two the snake.' [It flows] to [a place] 15 li
west of the hsien, where it flows into the P'ao [OMITTED] River."
The SC, the Official ed. of the HS (1739) the Academy ed. (prob. 1124), and Lin
Chih-lung's ed. (1581) read [OMITTED]; Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) points out that [OMITTED] gives
a much better sense. We have followed him.
Ying Shao comments, "Duke Hsiang of Ch'in [777-766 BC], from the time that
he dwelt in the west [771 B.C., cf. Mh II, 14f], took as his lord the spirit of Shao-hao
[supposed to have reigned 2598-2515 B.C.], made the Western Sacred Place
[120 li southwest of Ch'in [OMITTED] Hsien, Kansu] and sacrificed to the White God [the SC
says that he sacrificed to a Lord on High [OMITTED], cf. Mh II, 59]. In the time of
Duke Hsien [384-362 B.C.] at Yo-yang it rained metal, which was considered an
auspicious [omen]. He also made the Ch'i Sacred Place [in Yo-yang] and sacrificed
to the White God, Shao-hao, who has the virtue of metal. The Red God is a descendant
of Yao, and refers to the Han [dynasty]. The killing makes plain that the Han
[dynasty] must destroy the Ch'in [dynasty]."
This incident was applied by Liu Hsiang to the theory of the five elements. The
relationship of the elements to each other was differently conceived by different theorists.
One theory was that metal overcame wood, wood overcame earth, earth overcame
water, water overcame fire, fire overcame metal, and so on. Another theory was that
wood gave birth to fire, fire gave birth to earth, earth gave birth to metal, metal gave
birth to water, water gave birth to wood, and so on (cf. Forke, Lun-heng, vol. II, App. I).
Chang Ts'ang (d. 152 B.C.) held that the Han dynasty ruled by virtue of the element
water; Chia Yi (200-168 B.C.), followed by Szu-ma Ch'ien, held that the Ch'in dynasty
ruled by virtue of water, and was overcome by the Han dynasty because the latter ruled
by virtue of earth. Liu Hsiang (76-6 B.C.) and his son, Liu Hsin, however argued from
the passage in the text that the Han dynasty ruled by virtue of the element fire, whose
color is red, and that the Ch'in dynasty ruled by virtue of wood, which gave birth to
fire (cf. HS 25 B: 23b). Wang Mang adopted this latter theory and argued that since
he was descended from the Yellow Emperor, whose virtue is earth, and since earth is
born of fire, he must succeed the Han dynasty. Ying Shao's interpretation is still
different: the Ch'in dynasty reigned by virtue of metal, which was overcome by fire, the
virtue of the Han dynasty. Thus history was interpreted to yield a philosophical theory
of the elements and that was used to prognosticate events and legitimize usurpation.
The SC has [OMITTED] "beat," instead of the HS's k'u [OMITTED] "trouble." Hsü Kuang (ca.
352-425) says that one text of the SC writes k'u, and Shen Ch'in-han quotes a similar
passage from the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (possibly ii cent.) Bk. XXII, ch. iii, also using k'u.
Wang Ch'i-yüan (xix cent.) notes that the Chin Dynastic History, in the Treatise
on Astronomy, says, "The emanation of the Son of Heaven is
red within and yellow without on all sides. In the place where
it appears there must be either a king or the Son of Heaven.
If there is a place to which he is going to travel, that place also
beforehand produces this emanation. Sometimes there are the gates of a city indistinctly
in the midst of the vapor or emanation. . . . Sometimes the emanation is like a person
clothed in black clothes without hands to the west of the sun. Sometimes it is like a
dragon-horse [an auspicious kind of horse]. Sometimes there is a mixed emanation
rising towards heaven. These are all the emanations of an emperor or king."
Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) says that the Shih-chi Cheng-yi (737) quotes Yen
Shih-ku as saying that Ching Fang (i cent. B.C.) in his Yi-chao-hou says, "How can
a sage who is hiding be known? In all directions there always is a great cloud with
all five colors, yet it does not rain. Below it there is then a sage hiding himself.
Thus the Empress [née] Lü looked at the cloudy emanation and found him." This
comment is lacking in the present text.
P'ei Yin (fl. 465-472) quotes Hsü Kuang (ca. 352-425) as saying "Kao-tsu was at
this time in his 48th year." Dates will be given in accordance with the calendar in
"Variétés Sinologiques," vol. 29, Père P. Hoang, Concordance des Chronologies Néoméniques,
Shanghai 1910. But its Gregorian dates will be changed to Julian dates, in accordance
with the common usage of historians and astronomers.
Li Chi (fl. ca 200) explains, "The [state of] Ch'in had destroyed [the state of]
Ch'u, [hence] the people of Ch'u hated Ch'in. Hence [Ch'en] Shê, because of the
people's desire, called himself the King of Ch'u, according with the people's hopes."
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Whenever it says [OMITTED], it
always means to take it as one goes along with little labor or
force."
Yen Shih-ku writes, "At that time they suffered from the
oppressive government of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Taxes were
heavy and corvée labor much. Hence there were those who
fled and escaped to avoid the officials."
Lit. "All under heaven." The ancient Chinese, like the
Romans, thought of their country as being the [known] world,
or all of it that counted.
Reading [OMITTED] with the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the
Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739), and the SC instead
of the present [OMITTED].
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Of the people in a village or
town, those who are aged and older [than the speaker] are the
group of `fathers and older brothers' [we have translated this
binomial `elders']; those who are young and younger [than the
speaker] are the group of `sons and younger brothers' [we have
translated `brothers'], hence he addressed them all."
Reading [OMITTED] with the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the
Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739) and the SC, instead
of [OMITTED].
Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) says, "[The rulers of] Ch'u had formerly usurped the
title of King, and their rulers in the prefectures were made kung [OMITTED]. Ch'en Shê was
made the King of Ch'u; P'ei kung [i.e., Kao-tsu] arose in response to [Ch'en] Shê, hence
he conformed to the regulations of [the state of] Ch'u and called [himself] kung."
In the time of the Chou dynasty, the kung were the highest of the noble ranks, and
the word is accordingly to be translated `Duke.' In Ch'u however somewhat different
practices had prevailed. At this time the feudal ranks had broken up; the Han dynasty
preserved only the titles, Kings, Marquises, and Baronets. In Ch'u the kung were
members of the official hierarchy rather than nobles; hence we have translated kung in
this and similar titles as `Lord'. Kung was also commonly used to denote a father
or aged person. Cf. p. 28, n. 2. From this time until he was made King of Hans,
Kao-tsu is regularly styled `the Lord of P'ei.' Cf. Mh II, 335, n. 1.
The distinction between the two words used for the worship of these two gods is
not exact. Chi [OMITTED] (here translated "sacrificed to") seems to have been the general
term for sacrifices. The Li-chi, ch. XX, uses chi as the title of its chapter on the
various kinds of sacrifices. The Shuo-wen says, "Chi is to worship. [It comes] from
`worship' and a hand holding meat." Of tz'u [OMITTED] (here translated "worshipped"), the
Shuo-wen says, "The spring sacrifice (chi) is called tz'u. Few objects and many words
[are used. It comes] from `to worship' and the sound szu. In the second month of
spring, in the tz'u, sacrificial animals are not used. Jade tablets and circlets together
with leather (furs) and silk are used." But this sacrifice of Kao-tsu was made in
October. The Chou-li ch. XIX (Biot's trans. p. 454) says, The Szu-szu [an official]
"establishes the great sacrifices, which use jade, silk, and pure
victims. He establishes the second class sacrifices, which use
victims and silk. He establishes the inferior sacrifices, which
use victims." Then tz'u is a sacrifice of the first rank.
The difference between these two words then seems to have
been that chi was a general term for sacrifice, whereas tz'u
denoted a worship mainly verbal and of the first rank.
Yen Shih-ku says, "Anciently people, when they had newly
completed a bell or a three-legged cauldron, had to anoint it with
blood." This procedure was an aspersion of the blood of the
sacrificed animal upon an object. The aspersing of the newly-made
war-drums made them efficacious. Cf. Mh II, 336, n. 1.
Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien
think that "standards" should be read with the preceding
sentence and "pennons" with the next. Yang Shu-ta (1885-present)
shows that these two words are generally read together
and that there is no reason to separate them. The correctness
of his view is shown by the similar phrase in 1B: 26a.
Chu Tzu-wen (lived before 1195) remarked that the last
part of this sentence, beginning with "because," is an interpolation,
since it repeats what had previously been said. But the
story referred to was one of the important justifications of Kao-tsu's
claim to the throne (cf. 100A: 8a), hence it is deservedly
emphasized.
When [OMITTED] is used alone, it usually refers to Han-ku Pass.
The Ch'in dynasty's capital was beyond the pass.
This was the first month of the official year. Cf. App. II.
The HS differs in its order of events here from the SC ch. 7
& 8, because the HS attempts to follow a strictly chronological
order of events, following SC ch. 16.
We have emended the [OMITTED] of the text to [OMITTED]. HS ch. 28
and 20 speak of a Szu-shui Commandery, but there was no place
by the name of Szu-ch'uan. These two characters are alike in
the seal script and were easily confused. Chavannes (Mh II,
337) has failed to note this necessary emendation.
We have emended the [OMITTED] of the text to [OMITTED]. HS ch. 28
and 20 speak of a Szu-shui Commandery, but there was no place
by the name of Szu-ch'uan. These two characters are alike in
the seal script and were easily confused. Chavannes (Mh II,
337) has failed to note this necessary emendation.
The location of this place is not certain; HS 28Aiii: 10a mentions
a town 70 li south of the present T'eng Hsien, Shantung
by this name, which might have been the place. Wang
Hsien-ch'ien points out that 39:10b tells that Ts'ao Ts'an
attacked Yüan-ch'i and K'ang-fu. Ch'i might then be Yüan-ch'i,
q. v. in Glossary.
His Junior Majors at that time were K'ung Chü, Ch'en
Ho, and T'ang Li, according to Chou Shou-chang. They are
named in ch. 16.
SC 48: 7b says that the murder was committed "in order
to surrender to Ch'in." Chuang Chia was killed by Lü Ch'en.
Cf. 31: 7a.
The SC adds that Kao-tsu (the Lord of P'ei) was sick.
In this section, the HS is not copying the SC literally; it
adds and omits phrases and sentences.
Yen Shih-ku says that [OMITTED] means "to pursue" and quotes
in substantiation the Preface to the Book of History, verse 14,
(Legge, p. 5).
Liu Pin (1022-1088) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggest reading
"general" with the succeeding proper name.
Yen Shih-ku writes, "[OMITTED] is to break into a walled city or
town and take it. It is like pulling up a tree and getting
both its trunk and roots."
Hsiang Liang wanted to do some king-making on his own
account. Since Ching Chü had not done much for him, Kao-tsu
felt quite free to go over to Ching Chü's successor.
Weih was the state to which Yung Ch'ih had given his
allegiance. Kao-tsu's steadfast purpose to recapture Feng and
punish a traitor deserves attention.
Wei Chao (197-273/4) says that [OMITTED] is the ancient word
for pei [OMITTED] "turn the back upon." Wang Nien-sun shows from
the Shuo-wen and the Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) that
these two words were interchanged. He quotes a passage from
the Kuan-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) ch. 31: 3b saying that the first
word above "means to turn the back upon one's lord." He
says that this word takes the meaning of turn the back upon,
hence to be defeated and to flee is also denoted by this word. He
also quotes the Tso-chuan, Dk. Huan, yr. IX (Legge, p. 53)
where the word has the same meaning. Anciently these two
words had the same pronunciation, hence were interchanged.
[OMITTED]. Cf. Mh II, 341, n. 2. Chinese generals, in a night
attack, had their men hold sticks of wood, like chop-sticks, in
their mouths, to prevent talking.
In this and the next paragraph, the HS departs from the
SC ch. 8. This paragraph is taken from SC 16:6b (Mh III,
63) or its source (it is contradicted in SC 90:1b). The next
paragraph is taken from SC ch. 7 (Mh II 260, 261).
The SC has [OMITTED] "treacherous," instead of the HS's [OMITTED]
"causing destruction"; these two words are however written
almost alike in the seal character, so that the HS's reading
is probably the original one, for Hsiang Yü was not particularly
treacherous.
Lit. "no creature was left to chew," seemingly a vigorous
local expression. For the massacre at Hsiang-ch'eng, cf. 31:
11b; Mh II, 255.
The HS writes Yang-ch'eng [OMITTED], but the SC writes
Ch'eng-yang [OMITTED], inverting the words. HS 39:8a reads,
"He attacked the army of Wang Li south of Ch'eng-yang,
and also attacked Chiang-li, routing its [troops] completely."
Hence the reading of the SC should be followed.
The SC has a quite different reading. A commentator
on the SC says that this passage refers to the battle at Wu-ch'eng,
with which Chavannes agrees. Cf. Mh II, 344, n. 2.
The HS dates this battle before the tenth month, in which
the SC says that the battle at Wu-ch'eng occurred. The
HS also mentions this battle before it mentions the rebellion
of T'ien Tu (which happened, according to the SC, on the
fourth day of the month, whereas the battle at Wu-ch'eng
happened on the fifteenth day). Cf. Mh III, 64. Hence the
battle at Chiang-li and the one at Wu-ch'eng must have been
two different events.
Sung Yi was cautious and would not advance to raise the
siege of Chü-lu even though his soldiers were cold and hungry;
hence Hsiang Yü killed him. Cf. 31: 14a.
The HS omits a sentence in the SC which tells that Kao-tsu
fought an unsuccessful battle with the Ch'in armies and was
forced back to Li.
Ying Shao says, "He was a general of King Huai of Ch'u.
HS 16: [19b] has a Marquis Kang of Chih-p'u, Ch'en Wu
[OMITTED] [cf. p. 227, n. 3.]. Wu was also surnamed
Ch'ai [OMITTED] [as the present text reads] should properly
be [OMITTED]. He was a general of Weih." Meng K'ang
(iii cent.) objects, "According to HS chap. 16, Ch'ai Wu arose
as a general at Hsieh, went to Pa-shang, and entered Han
[-chung]. He was not a general of King Huai, and also not a
general of Weih. According to custom, he should not be
called by his posthumous name." Yen Shih-ku also objects to
Ying Shao's statement and declares that he has no evidence
for it. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) says, "This man is
Kang-wu Hou and [the text] certainly cannot be changed to
make him Ch'en Wu." He however proceeds to attempt to identify
Ch'en Wu with the General of P'u or General P'u [OMITTED]
[OMITTED], who is said in 31: 11a to have been a subordinate of
Hsiang Liang and who consequently became a general of King
Huai after the death of Hsiang Liang. But there seems to be
no evidence for this identification and Wei Chao says that P'u
was a surname. Ying Shao seems to have identified the
Marquis of Kang-wu with General P'u and with Ch'en Wu.
In all probability the surname and given name of the Marquis
of Kang-wu have merely been lost.
The SC, the Fukien ed. (1549) and the Wang Wenshen
ed. (1546) of the HS write Wu Man's given name as [OMITTED].
The SC adds the title [OMITTED] of Weih. The Ch'ien-tao ed.
(1167) writes as in the text.
This event and the next few events, down to the attack
upon Ch'ang-yi, are taken from SC 16: 7a, b (Mh III, 65;
which is not a complete translation).
The commentary of Ho Hsiu on Kung-yang's Commentary,
written by the end of the later Han dynasty, sub Duke Hsüan,
15th year, says: "In a district there are [subdivisions] called li [OMITTED]
[the word we have here translated "hamlet"]. A li [consists of]
eighty houses. Eight families together [compose] a lane [OMITTED]. In
a li there is an assembly house. [The li] selects some members
from those who are over sixty years of age and have very good
character, and calls them the Elders. One person, who is eloquent,
can protect the people, and is robust, is made the Head
of the li. . . . In the spring, when [the people] go to work in the
fields, at dawn the Elders and Head of the li open the gate,
sitting in the rooms beside the gate [to keep watch]. Those who
are late in going out, coming after the [appointed] time, are
not allowed to go out. In the evening those who do not return
bearing firewood are not allowed to come in." The superintendent
of the gate to a li was thus not an underling, but the
most respected member of the hamlet (he had the privilege of
riding a horse), and had underlings subordinate to him to
sprinkle and sweep the streets and watch the gates.
The SC adds, "So he took possession of the grain which
the Ch'in [emperor] had accumulated there." Cf. Mh II, 346.
Kao-tsu followed Li Yi-chi's advice.
The HS has [OMITTED], but the second word of this name is
written [OMITTED] in the SC, which is correct. Ying-ch'uan was the
name of a commandery in Ch'in and Han times (cf. glossary),
in which the city of Ying-yang was located.
Chang Liang's ancestors had been for five generations the
Chancellors of Hanh, hence Kao-tsu seized that region for him.
[OMITTED], which Yen Shih-ku wishes to interpret, "traversed
the ford." Liu T'ai-kung (1751-1805) justifies our translation,
saying it implies that Kao-tsu closed the ford in order
to prevent Szu-ma Ang from getting ahead of him into the pass.
The present text adds the word [OMITTED], meaning that Lü Yi
suffered a severe defeat; the Ching yu edition (1034/5) and the
SC are without this word—it is probably an interpolation.
The present text has Hsiang [OMITTED]; Wei Chao (197-273/4)
says that in Nan-yang there was a hsien by the name of Jang [OMITTED],
whereas Hsiang Hsien is far from Nan-yang, where Kao-tsu
met the Marquis of this place; hence the name should be written
Jang.
In the SC, Chang Liang is made to give this advice before
Kao-tsu captures the Wu Pass, not the Yao Pass, cf. Mh II,
351.
Kao-tsu later claimed to have begun his reign when he
entered Kuan-chung and overthrew the Ch'in dynasty, although
at that time he was merely the Lord of P'ei and was not actually
enthroned as Emperor until the fifth year afterwards. The
HS is following this later numbering of the years.
The Chan-kuo-ts'e (iii cent. B.C.) ch. V, sub Ch'u, King Ching-hsiang, says,
"Marquis Ling of Ts'ai [542-529 B.C.] ... did not pay attention to his state, not
knowing that his son, Fa, was just then receiving orders from the spiritual kings [i.e.,
the ancestors] that he [the Marquis] must tie himself up with vermillion silk and
present himself [to the ancestors]." Shen Ch'in-han remarks, "After this event, a
captive was always presented in this manner." The biography of Liu Shou-kuang in
the History of the Five Dynasties says, "The King of Chin came to T'ai-yuan dragging
Liu Jen-kung by his seal-cord, and offered him in the ancestral temple." The cord
around King Tzu-ying's neck was thus a sign of surrender. Today on the Chinese stage
a prisoner is indicated by a cord around his neck.
Wei Chao (197-273/4) writes, "The `insignia' [OMITTED] are for generals to lead out troops.
The `credentials' [OMITTED] are for internuncios to hold." The Shuo-wen (100) says that the
former character means "a witness [OMITTED]". Szu-ma Cheng (fl. 713-742) says, "According
to the Han [dynastic] regulations, [the insignia] were made of bamboo, six inches long.
They were divided and matched together."
The Han-Chiu Yi, ch. I, p. 1b (written by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57; the same passage
is found in the Han-kuan Yi, II, 13a, b), says: "The Emperor's six seals are all
of white jade with a knob [made in the shape of] a hornless dragon or tiger. Their inscriptions
read: `The Seal of the Emperor's Command,' The Emperor's [Own] Seal,'
`The Emperor's Witnessing Seal,' `The Seal of the Son of Heaven's Command,' `The
Son of Heaven's [Own] Seal,' `The Son of Heaven's Witnessing Seal,' six seals in all
[OMITTED]. The `Seal of
the Emperor's Command was used for all miscellaneous matters. `The Emperor's [Own]
Seal' was used for correspondence with the vassal kings. The `Emperor's Witnessing
Seal' was used in mobilizing troops. In summoning the great officials, there was used
the `Seal of the Emperor's Command.' In tablets for installing [officials or kings]
and for matters [concerning] foreign states, the `Son of Heaven's [Own] Seal' was
used. In serving Heaven, Earth, and the spirits, the `Son of Heaven's Witnessing
Seal' was used. All [documents] are sealed with Wu-tu brown mortar and a blue
cloth bag with plain white lining [covers them]. The two ends are without a crack
[and are] a tablet one foot [long, (a phrase denoting an imperial edict, according to
Li Hsien, 651-684, in HHS, Mem. 47: 10b)]. In the middle it was tied and inscribed.
The Emperor's girdle and seal cord have a yellow ground [and are adorned in]
six colors." This passage seems to refer to the same sort of ancient stationery as
that described by Stein in Serindia, vol. IV, pl. XXI.
The SC So-yin (by Szu-ma Cheng, fl. 713-742) quotes the Ch'u-Han Ch'un-ch'iu
(197 B.C.) as saying, "Fan K'uai begged for permission to kill him."
HS 40: 4a says that Fan K'uai admonished him but he would not listen; then
Chang Liang added his arguments and he acceded.
The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (vi cent.) ch. 3, says, "When Kao-tsu first entered the palace
at Hsien-yang, he went all around the storehouses and treasuries, and the gold, jade,
rarities, and treasures could not be enumerated. It is said that [among] its extraordinary
and strange rarities there was a blue jade five-branched lamp, seven feet and five
inches [ca. 6 ft. Eng. measure] high, made [in the shape of] coiled hornless dragons
holding lamps in their mouths. When the lamps are lighted, the scales all move
[(turned by the heat?). Its light] is bright and luminous like the assembled stars and
fills the room.
"Also there were twelve seated men cast in bronze, all of them three feet [27 in.
Eng. meas.] high, arranged on a mat. Each one held a lute or a reed organ. All
had sewed on them variegated colored silk [clothes] exactly like live men. Below the
mat there were two bronze tubes. The upper end was several feet high and protruded
behind the mat. One of these pipes was empty; in one of the pipes there was a rope
as large as a finger. One man was made to blow the empty pipe and one man to
make a knot with the rope. Then the group all made music just like real musicians.
"There was a lute six feet [54 in. Eng. meas.] long with 13 strings and 26 marks
for the cords, each adorned with seven jewels. It was engraved with the words,
`The music of [the precious stone] Fan and Yü.' [Cf. Tso-chuan, Dk. Ting, yr. V,
Legge, p. 760.]
"[There was] a jade flute with two tubes two feet and three inches long, with six
holes. When it is blown, one sees numerous carriages, with horses, mountains, and
forests in succession. It was engraved with the words, `The flute of bright flowers.' ...
"There was a square mirror four feet [3 ft. Eng. meas.] wide and five feet nine inches
tall, with the recto and verso sides both shining. When a man [standing] upright
comes and reflects himself in it, then his image appears upside down. When he
comes with his hand covering his heart, then he sees his bowels, his stomach, and his
five viscera one by one without hindrance. If a person has a sickness within himself,
and he covers his heart and reflects himself in it, then he can tell where his sickness is.
Moreover, if a woman has evil intentions, then her gall is enlarged and her heart
moves. The First Emperor of Ch'in used to use it to reflect the women of his harem.
If [anyone's] gall was enlarged or her heart moved, he killed her. Kao-tsu sealed and
closed them all up in order to await Hsiang Yü. [Hsiang] Yü took them all [away]
to the east; it is unknown where they were after that."
This very important sentence is not in the SC ch. 8, but is in SC 53: 2a. These
maps seem to have been preserved in Later Han times; they are mentioned in 28Aiii:
7a, sub Ch'ang-kuang.
Lit. "talk in pairs," i.e., plot against the government. Ying Shao says, "The
laws of Ch'in forbade any gatherings of the people."
[OMITTED] was a regular punishment—it was "public execution"; quartering of the
body after execution was called [OMITTED], and was considered a still more severe punishment.
Cf., ch. 5, n. 6.4 and Han-lü K'ao, ch. II, 17b.
The Yi-wen Lei-chi (by Ou-yang Hsün, 557-641) quotes the Ch'u-Han Ch'un-ch'iu
(197 B.C.) as follows: "The Lord of P'ei went west thru the Wu Pass and stopped
at Pa. Master Chieh [OMITTED] advised him to send a general to defend the Han-ku Pass and
not admit King Hsiang. His General-in-chief, the Second Father [Fan Tseng],
came to the Barrier, [but] was not permitted to enter. He was enraged, and said,
`Does the Lord of P'ei intend to rebel?' Then he ordered [each] person to bring
a bundle of firewood, wishing to burn the gates of the Barrier. Then the gates of the
Barrier were opened."
[OMITTED]. There was no commandery by this name; here and later (1A: 29a) it is
used as a common noun, not a proper name.
This word [OMITTED] refers to the emanation supposed to rise from a person who will
become distinguished, presaging his future. The "dragon" is
the emblem of the emperor; "five colors," instead of only one,
presages an especially brilliant future, because they are identified
with the five points of the compass.
The Ching-yu ed. (1034), the Ch'ien-tao ed. (1171), the
Wang ed. (1546) all read [OMITTED]; we have emended it to [OMITTED] with
the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the Fukien ed. (1549), the
SC ch. 7 & 8, the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084), and the Ch'ienHan-chi
(ii cent.)
The SC (Mh, II, 279) states that he resolved to share the
fate of Kao-tsu and forced his way in, striking down the guards
in doing so.
The Lord of T'eng was with Kao-tsu in two other narrow
escapes: after the battle of P'eng-ch'eng and in his escape from
Ch'eng-kao.
The SC names Chi Hsin [OMITTED] instead. The SC So-yin
(by Szu-ma Cheng) says that the HS reads Chi T'ung (the son
of the Chi Ch'eng).
A pi [OMITTED] was a circular piece of flat jade with a hole in
the center, considered at the time as a very precious gift.
They were made in pairs. Cf. B. Laufer, Jade, pp. 86f, 157f.
The K'ang-hsi Dictionary says that the pi was circular outside
(to represent heaven) and square inside (to represent
earth), but Laufer mentions only those with circular holes.
In issuing orders he did not even pretend to legitimize them by using the Emperor's
name; he issued orders in his own name.
The SC reads "in the first month"; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien adopts the reading
of the HS. The Official ed. (1739) omits this date and notes that in the Academy ed.
(1124) the words "second month" are interpolated; following the Sung Ch'i edition
(ca. xii cent.) they are excised.
Pa [OMITTED] was the title taken by or given to the outstanding feudal chiefs in the time
of the later Chou dynasty. The Pa or Lord Protector was the dictator over or the
leader of the nobles, often really taking the authority of the Chou dynasty's kings.
Hsiang Yü thus chose for himself a title signifying that he was the leader or dictator
of the kings.
The ancient feudal state of Ch'u was, in the latter part of the Chou dynasty,
roughly the region of the Yangtze valley below the gorges and the eastern seaboard
as far north as Shantung. In the SC, chap. 129, we find a description of the various
regions of China in terms of the popular divisions of the feudal states. "North of the
Huai [river], the P'ei, the Ch'en, the Ju-nan, and the Nan Commanderies—these are
Western Ch'u . . . East of P'eng-ch'eng, the Tung-hai, Wu, and Kuang-ling—these are
Eastern Ch'u . . . Heng-shan, Chiu-chiang, Chiang-nan, Yü-chang, and Ch'ang-sha—
these are Southern Ch'u." (SC 129: 10a, b.) Meng K'ang (pro. ca. 180-260) says
that Southern Ch'u centered around Chiang-ling [OMITTED] (where was the capital of
ancient Ch'u); Eastern Ch'u centered around Wu [OMITTED] (a former feudal state with its
capital at the modern Soochow, Kiangsu); and Western Ch'u centered around P'eng-ch'eng
in northern Kiangsu. Hsiang Yü wanted to make P'eng-ch'eng his capital,
hence he called himself the King of Western Ch'u.
The nine commanderies taken by Hsiang Yü have been identified by Wang Hsien-ch'ien
as being nine of the thirty-six commanderies into which the Ch'in dynasty had
divided the country. Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) previously reached the same conclusions.
They are as follows: (1) the Ch'u Commandery (the Ch'in dynasty, after
its conquest of Ch'u, separated off from this very large state five commanderies, viz.,
Chiu-chiang, Ch'ang-sha, Tung-hai, the Szu River Commandery, and Hsieh, retaining
the rest as the commandery of Ch'u. Cf. Mh IV, 416). Hsiang Yü's capital, P'eng-ch'eng,
was in this commandery, according to HS ch. 28; it also included the Han
kingdom of Huai-yang. (2) The Szu-shui [OMITTED] Commandery (it was later called
the P'ei Commandery), (3) the Hsieh [OMITTED] Commandery, in Shantung; in 187 B.C. it was
called the kingdom of Lu [OMITTED], (4) the Tung-hai [OMITTED] Commandery, which was also
called the T'an [OMITTED] Commandery; the Lin-huai [OMITTED] Commandery of Han times, was
included in this and the Szu-shui Commanderies; the kingdom of Kuang-ling [OMITTED]
was also included in this commandery, (5) the Ch'ien-chung [OMITTED] Commandery;
this region was organized by Ch'in out of the Wu [OMITTED], and the Chiang-nan [OMITTED]
Commanderies of Ch'u; cf. Mh II, 87 for this event, also Mh, 133, n. 1, 34°; but
Ch'ang-sha was evidently not included in it at the time, since Hsiang Yü had made
the Emperor Yi its suzerain with his capital at Ch'en1 (cf. 1A: 30a). After his assassination,
Ch'ang-sha probably reverted to Hsiang Yü, altho nothing is said about it
in the histories; perhaps that was the motive for the assassination, (6) the K'uai-chi
[OMITTED] Commandery; the Tan-yang [OMITTED] Commandery belonged to it; the commanderies
of Chang [OMITTED] and Wu [OMITTED] were divided from it in Ch'u and Han times; (7) the
Nan-yang [OMITTED] Commandery; this was the region where the ancient states of Hanh,
Liang, and Ch'u met; it included the cities, Yuan, Shê, Sui and Teng [OMITTED], (8) the
Tang [OMITTED] Commandery, which later became the kingdom of Liang [OMITTED] in modern
Honan; it included also the later Chi-yin [OMITTED], Ch'eng-liu and Shan-yang [OMITTED]
commanderies, and (9) the Tung [OMITTED] Commandery; this commandery had been organized
by Ch'in out of twenty cities of the state of Weih in modern Kiangsu, cf. Mh IV, 212.
Kao-tsu was thus practically banished to southwestern Shensi and Szechuan, outside
of central China.
Chavannes, following Yen Shih-ku, translates this sentence
as "they left the colors." Cf. Mh II, 358, and n. 1. Here he
is very probably wrong. Ku Yen-wu (1613-1682) the founder
of modern Chinese philology, says that this interpretation "does
not make sense" of the phrase. It is true that Hsi is sometimes
used with the meaning, "flag," but Suz-ma Cheng in a note to SC 7: 19b says that
it was the name of a river, and that Hsi-hsia [OMITTED] was quite the same sort
of expression as Hsü-hsia [OMITTED] and Lo-hsia [OMITTED]. Cf. p. 310, n. 3.3. As to
Yen Shih-ku's remark (which Chavannes quotes) that Hsiang Yü had already left
Hsi4, it is true that Hsiang Yü had come west of the Hsi River to Hung-men,
where he met Kao-tsu, and then to Hsien-yang, where he burnt the palaces, but the
nobles probably returned to the place where they had first encamped in order to take
formal leave of each other. Formal announcement was made that their warfare was
completed and each went to his kingdom. Our translation of this phrase is not however
certain; Takigawa Kame-ta-ro, in his recent edition of the SC, agrees with Yen
Shih-ku. Chang Mou-ch'ung (prob. xx cent.) quotes the Shuo-wen, "A hsi is a section
of the army."
The Shuo-wen 3A: 8a says an Ou [OMITTED] is a song of Ch'i, and Yen Shih-ku explains,
"It means that they sing together (ch'i). Or it is said that it is a song of the region
of Ch'i." The SC does not have the word ou. In the Sung dynastic history (section
on music) there is a famous Han song (with the direction: to be sung with cymbals),
which interestingly illustrates this passage:
High and great.
The Huai River [Kiangsu] is deep,
And difficult to reach.
The broken bridges have not been rebuilt—
What I could collect would not rise high.
To cross the waters—how can they be bridged,
Swelling and whirling?
On the brink of the river I look afar,
And my tears fall, dampening my garments.
A man of distant lands,
But what can I do?"
Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) thinks that the above song
was probably written by one of Kao-tsu's generals or officers
whose home was on the Huai River.
Ju Shun says that the Ch'in rulers had banished criminals
to Szechuan and Hans. SC 93: 1b and HS 33: 6b puts this
speech into the mouth of Hanw Hsin, an entirely different person.
After [OMITTED] the Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien
ed. (1549), and the Official ed. (1739) have [OMITTED].
The SC (Mh II, 360) says the "eighth" month, but that date
does not correspond with Han Hsin's advice to Kao-tsu to
take advantage of his soldiers' homesickness.
The SC mentions definitely the two commanderies of
Lung-hsi and Pei-ti as being overrun (cf. Mh II, 361; in the
SC text, instead of the "Shang" [OMITTED] commandery we should
probably read "two" [OMITTED], a common copyist's error).
At this point SC ch. 8 says that T'ien Tu was killed (cf.
Mh II, 360); but the HS 31: 3b and 31: 18b both say that he
submitted to Ch'u; in chap. 16 his submission is likewise implied—here
the HS has corrected the SC.
In the SC 16: 16b and in the HS 13: 5a this event is said
to have happened in the eighth month (cf. Mh III, 75, n. b &
c), and in the next month commanderies were made out of
these kingdoms; but in SC chap. 8 the event is dated in the next
year (Mh II, 362).
Su Lin (fl. 196-227) says that he was travelling about to
pacify his people. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) says he was
"overrunning" the territory and Yen Shih-ku approves this
explanation.
At that time, Wang Ling had several thousand men at
Nan-yang and surrendered to Kao-tsu. Cf. 40:17b.
Kuan-wai [OMITTED], the region east and outside of the
Han-ku Pass, i.e., in the present Honan.
Cf. Mh II, 535, no. 10. SC 16: 17b says that this event
happened in the eleventh (the next) month.
Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that this was the portion
of the former barrier at the northern border of the Ho-shang
[OMITTED] Commandery (the same as the later Tso-p'ing-yi [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] cf. Glossary), between the territory of the Huns and that of
the Chinese. Previously this region had belonged to the King of
Sai; when his territory was taken, the barrier was repaired.
Cf. 94A: 5b. Upon the appearance of disorder in China, the
Huns had probably invaded, hence this barrier was needed.
Yen Shih-ku says, "[A place where] fowl or animals are
reared is called a pasture [OMITTED]. When a pasture has a wall it
is called an enclosure [OMITTED]. [Places] where [things] are planted
are called gardens [OMITTED] means to cultivate."
A general amnesty, together with temporary exemptions
from taxes, was usually ordered at the accession of a new emperor—it
is now done with that connotation. The change in
the gods of the land and grains was only made at the beginning
of a new dynasty (not always then). Cf. Mh II, 363
for this custom.
Shen Ch'in-han remarks that "[people of] cultivated personalities"
later became a technical term denoting certain
persons who had been recommended to the central government
(as possessing this quality), just as did the terms, "filially
pious and incorrupt" and "accomplished talent."
The "three kings" have been variously identified: Yen Shih-ku
says they are the great rulers of the three dynasties, Hsia,
Yin, and Chou; the phrase plainly means that this practise
was followed by the model rulers of ancient times. This speech
and Kao-tsu's action indicates that Kao-tsu was reversing the
First Emperor's anti-Confucian policy; hence it is very significant.
The SC says instead, "The nobles all wore plain garments,"
which makes Chavannes end the proclamation here.
No campaign along these rivers is recorded in the SC
or HS. Probably this phrase merely records his hopes—these
rivers led into the state of Ch'u. The Comment to the Shui-ching
(by Li Tao-yüan, d. 527) 17:22a however tells of the establishment of the Ch'ang-sha
and Ch'ien-chung Commanderies in this year, implying a campaign along these rivers.
The commentators have discussed variously who these five were. Chavannes's
list, which is that of Yen Shih-ku (Mh II, 297, n. 3) is probably wrong. Chang Erh
had fled from his kingdom; nowhere is he said to have had troops. Shen Yang had
surrendered and his domain had been made into a commandery; hence he could not
have been considered a noble. Cheng Ch'ang had also surrendered, and his kingdom
had been given to Han Hsin, hence he was not among these nobles. Thus there are
left only two of Chavannes's list.
The best discussion is probably that of Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755). He writes
that Hans had by this time already completely subjugated the three states of Kuan-chung,
viz., Yung, Ti, and Sai, and had made commanderies out of them, so that
none of their former kings could be counted among the nobles, even tho in the succeeding
passage these kings are still given their former titles. Cf. p. 81, n. 5. HS
13: 5a also states that these commanderies were established in the eighth month of
Kao-tsu's first year. HS 16: 26a implies the same. The biography of King Pao of
Weih (SC 90: 2a, HS 33: 1b) testifies that he was one of these
five. HS 13: 7b testifies that another was Hanw Hsin, the
King of Hanh. HS 32: 7a and SC 92: 10b inform us that
Ch'en Yü, the minister of the state of Chao, was a third (he
had sent troops). The two others were the state of Ch'i (whose
troops are said in SC 92: 4b to have joined in the attack) and
Yin. On 1A: 31a it is said that Yin had also been made into a
commandery, but that is an anticipation of what happened a
month later. HS 16: 23b says, "Yen Tse-ch'ih ... was sent
as the chancellor of Yin to attack Hsiang Chi," hence the state
of Yin, with Szu-ma Ang as King, was not ended until his
death in battle this month (cf. 1A: 33b). Or, instead of Ch'i,
it might less probably have been the state of Heng-shan. Wu
Jui, the King of Heng-shan, had been demoted from Po to
Heng-shan, which was a worse position, hence he bore a grudge
against Hsiang Yü.
Tung Chiao-tseng (1750-1822) however suggests that "five
nobles" is here merely a way of referring to "all China," just
as the similar phrase in HS 31: 29a.
The Academy ed. (1124) reads "was severely defeated"
[OMITTED] instead of "fought a great battle" [OMITTED]. The Official
ed. follows the Sung Ch'i ed. (ca. xii cent.) in correcting to
read the latter.
HS 31: 11a-12a makes plain what happened: "[Hsiang]
Yü came by way of Hsiao and at dawn attacked the army of
Hans and drove it eastwards to P'eng-ch'eng. By noon he had
severely crushed the army of Hans. The army of Hans all fled
and were forced to the Ku and Szu Rivers; [then] the army of
Hans all fled south to the mountains. [The army of] Ch'u still
pursued and attacked it to the east of Ling-pi on the bank of the
Sui River."
Because it was blocked with corpses as the troops tried to
cross it. They were fleeing northwestward.
Chu Tzu-wen (before 1198) suggested that the repetition
of "his family" [OMITTED] and of "the King of Hans" [OMITTED] is
due to dittography.
His two children by the Empress née Lü, here called by
their later titles. He had also had other children by concubines.
The SC says that the children fell out three times and the
Lord of T'eng, Hsia-hou Ying, picked them up, until at last he
remonstrated with Kao-tsu. Cf. Mh II, 300. The HS version,
that they fell out only once, seems far more probable, for they
were being pursued. For a further detail of that escape, cf.
Glossary, sub Ting Ku.
Wang Nien-sun says that the word [OMITTED], which is in the present text, is an interpolation;
the Ching-yu ed. (1035) and the SC ch. 8 are without it. It has been
omitted in the translation.
Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) tells that in ancient times (before the Han period) a
youth was enrolled in his 20th year and tilled for three years, when he would have
stores for one year and was hence conscripted into the army in his 23rd year. Ju Shu
says that by law a youth was enrolled in his 23rd year as a person following his hereditary
occupation [OMITTED] and each one followed his father in learning his hereditary occupation.
If he was less than six feet two inches tall, [4 ft. 8 in. Eng. meas.], he was
excused on account of his defect. The Han-chiu-yi (written by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57),
pt. II, 5b, says that people in their 23rd year serve first as regular soldiers [OMITTED],
after a year they serve as guards [OMITTED], and after another year as skilled soldiers
[OMITTED] or cavalrymen. They were trained in archery, driving, riding, galloping, fighting,
and tactics. In his 56th year a soldier was superannuated on account of age, excused from
service, relegated to the ranks of the ordinary people, and went back to his farm and
village. Hsiao Ho, in sending the "old" and "unregistered," was sending those over
56 and under 23 to Kao-tsu. Cf. also 5: 3b.
The SC ch. 8 (Mh II, 367) puts this battle in the sixth month, after the naming of
the heir apparent; the HS however is in this section following SC ch. 7 (Mh II, 301f),
in which no monthly datings are given; this order is preferable.
SC 6: 14a (Mh II, 139 & n. 4) tells that the First Emperor built a similar walled
road [OMITTED] from Hsien-yang (his capital) to the Kan-ch'üan Palace, and Ying Shao
comments, "It says that on the outside of a road for galloping he built walls [so that
when] the Son of Heaven rode in between them, people outside would not see him."
Kao-tsu thus guarded the road to the granary by building walls on each side of it.
Ying Shao comments on the present passage, "He feared that the enemy would seize
his baggage-train, so he built walls like a street or narrow lane."
The SC records the establishment of these commanderies at the beginning of Kao-tsu's
second year; he had captured the territory before the end
of the siege of Fei-ch'iu. The HS mentions them all together
at this place for convenience's sake.
Wang Nien-sun says that the word [OMITTED] has dropped out of
this sentence; without it, the meaning is not clear. Li Shan
(649-689), in the Wen-hsüan 14: 18b, quotes this sentence without
this word. But in the Wen-hsüan 47: 11b, he quotes it
with this word, so that in the other quotation this word must
have later been deleted. Where this passage is quoted in the
Han-chi 3: 14a and in the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 10: 7b, the
word is used.
According to Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) and Ts'ai Yung (133192),
the emperor's chariot had a yellow silk lining to its roof,
and the "plumes" [OMITTED] were a bunch of feathers or of yak tail
hair attached to the left end of the yoke at the end of the
chariot tongue or attached to the left outer horse of the quadriga.
Ying Shao says that the "plumes" were made of pheasant
feathers and put onto the bit of the left outside horse, but Yen
Shih-ku says he is wrong. This passage, together with the foregoing
comments, is the locus classicus for the description of the
ancient imperial chariot.
This comet was supposed to be an inauspicious sign. It is
listed as no. 15 in John Williams, Observations of Comets, London,
1871.
The text here is [OMITTED]; the second word should probably
be [OMITTED] to conform to usage elsewhere in the HS.
Reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] at the suggestion of Ho Ch'uo (16611722)
and Chou Shou-ch'ang. The T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 69,
quoting this line from HS ch. 31, writes the former character.
Cf. Glossary sub "Kuang-wu".
Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says that [OMITTED] was at that time
an honorable appellation, analogous to [OMITTED]-tzu. Yen Shih-ku
(581-645) approves. Kao-tsu is here referring to the murder
of Sung Yi, who was the first ranking general in King Hsiang's
army. Cf. 13a, 14b.
Those sealed up by Kao-tsu in the palaces and courts as well as those in the
tomb. Cf. 1A: 20b.
For this incident cf. Mh II, 272-3. Hsiang Yü had treacherously murdered a
Ch'in army which had surrendered, numbering more than 200,000 men, saving only
its three generals, Chang Han, Szu-ma Hsin, and Tung Yi, alive, who were made
Kings of Yung, Sai, and Ti, respectively.
Such as Tsang Tu, the general of Yen, T'ien Tu, the general of Ch'i, Chang
Erh, the minister of Chao, and others who were made kings of their states, displacing
the former kings. Cf. 1A: 27a & b.
Cf. HS 1A: 29b. Chavannes forgot the incident noted in that passage (which is
in the SC, cf. Mh II, 293), so wrongly suggests emending Hanh to Weiw. Cf. Mh
II, 376, n. 1. Chang Liang, Kao-tsu's follower, had been a minister of King Ch'eng
of Hanh, hence Hsiang Yü's mistreatment and murder of King Ch'eng would touch
Kao-tsu closely.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that [OMITTED] is here a superfluous
interpolation and dittography; SC 8: 25a has this sentence
without this character.
He had the presence of mind to dissimulate the seriousness
of his wound in order to avoid frightening his troops.
He had committed suicide at the Szu River; his head was
exposed at Yüeh-yang because it was his former capital and he
had traitorously gone over to Hsiang Yü after surrendering to
Kao-tsu.
The name of T'ien Heng is also in the SC; after being
driven out by Hans he would hardly be helping Hans by harassing
Ch'u, yet on the page before he is said to have fled to
P'eng Yüeh, who was only an ally, not a subject of Hans.
Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien hence
think that "T'ien Heng" is an interpolation. It may however
be genuine.
Ju Shun writes that the comment in the Han-Chiu-yi
(written supposedly by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57) says, "People from
their fifteenth to their fifty-sixth year were required to pay the
capitation tax. Each person [paid] 120 cash as one poll-tax,
for the care of the arsenal, the soldiers, the chariots, and the
horses." Cf. Mh III, 541 n. 6. But cf. Glossary, sub Poll-tax.
Kao-tsu's father, whom Hsiang Yü was holding as a hostage,
together with his wife. The HS says nothing about his
mother, although the SC mentions her (but this mention is
probably a mistake. Cf. p. 124 n. 1; Mh II, 313).
The Chinese thought of their country as comprising the
(known) world and the Emperor regularly spoke of his territory
as "the world" [OMITTED].
Lit. "The general who brings peace to the country." The
Official ed. (1739), the SC 7: 28b and the Han-chi (ii cent.)
write "baronet" [OMITTED]; Wang Hsien-ch'ien and the old texts write
instead "general" [OMITTED]. For Kao-tsu's tribute to his excellency
Hou, which is taken from the Chu-Han Ch'un-ch'iu (197 B.C.),
cf. Mh II, 313.
Kao-tsu's action in attacking Hsiang Yü just after he had
made a treaty of peace with him does, of course, involve a breach
of that treaty. But in ancient China, as in modern Europe,
treaties were little respected unless keeping them was plainly
to the advantage of both parties. Hsiang Yü had showed himself
as little scrupulous in keeping his word as any of the leaders
in his time. Cf. p. 64. In his refusal to abide by the covenant
requiring him to award Kuan-chung to Kao-tsu (cf. p. 66), and
in his slaughter of a surrendered army (cf. p. 90, n. 3), he had
shown himself quite unscrupulous, so that he had no real claim
upon Kao-tsu that might require him to keep his agreement.
Kao-tsu was merely requiting Hsiang Yü with the sort of treatment
he had received from him.
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