21.11. 11. Of Carthage and Marseilles.
The law of nations which prevailed
at Carthage was very extraordinary: all strangers who traded to Sardinia
and towards Hercules' Pillars this haughty republic sentenced to be
drowned. Her civil polity was equally surprising; she forbade the
Sardinians to cultivate their lands, upon pain of death. She increased
her power by her riches, and afterwards her riches by her power. Being
mistress of the coasts of Africa, which are washed by the Mediterranean,
she extended herself along the ocean. Hanno, by order of the senate of
Carthage, distributed thirty thousand Carthaginians from Hercules'
Pillars as far as Cerne. This place, he says, is as distant from
Hercules' Pillars as the latter from Carthage. This situation is
extremely remarkable. It lets us see that Hanno limited his settlements
to the 25th degree of north latitude; that is, to two or three degrees
south of the Canaries.
Hanno being at Cerne undertook another voyage, with a view of making
further discoveries towards the south. He took but little notice of the
continent. He followed the coast for twenty-six days, when he was
obliged to return for want of provisions. The Carthaginians, it seems,
made no use of this second enterprise. Scylax says
[85]
that the sea is
not navigable beyond Cerne, because it is shallow, full of mud and
sea-weeds:
[86]
and, in fact, there are many of these in those
latitudes.
[87]
The Carthaginian merchants mentioned by Scylax might find
obstacles which Hanno, who had sixty vessels of fifty oars each, had
surmounted. Difficulties are at most but relative; besides, we ought not
to confound an enterprise in which bravery and resolution must be
exerted with things that require no extraordinary conduct.
The relation of Hanno's voyage is a fine fragment of antiquity. It
was written by the very man that performed it.
His recital is not mingled with ostentation. Great commanders write
their actions with simplicity; because they receive more glory from
facts than from words.
The style is agreeable to the subject; he deals not in the
marvellous. All he says of the climate, of the soil, the behaviour, the
manners of the inhabitants, correspond with what is every day seen on
this coast of Africa; one would imagine it the journal of a modern
sailor.
He observed from his fleet that in the day-time there was a
prodigious silence on the continent, that in the night he heard the
sound of various musical instruments, and that fires might then be
everywhere seen, some larger than others.
[88]
Our relations are
conformable to this; it has been discovered that in the day the savages
retire into the forests to avoid the heat of the sun, that they light up
great fires in the night to disperse the beasts of prey, and that they
are passionately fond of music and dancing.
The same writer describes a volcano with all the phenomena of
Vesuvius; and relates that he captured two hairy women, who chose to die
rather than follow the Carthaginians, and whose skins he carried to
Carthage. This has been found not void of probability.
This narration is so much the more valuable as it is a monument of
Punic antiquity; and hence alone it has been regarded as fabulous. For
the Romans retained their hatred of the Carthaginians, even after they
had destroyed them. But it was victory alone that decided whether we
ought to say the Punic or the Roman faith.
Some moderns
[89]
have imbibed these prejudices. What has become, say
they, of the cities described by Hanno, of which even in Pliny's time
there remained no vestiges? But it would have been a wonder indeed if
any such vestiges had remained. Was it a Corinth or Athens that Hanno
built on those coasts? He left Carthaginian families in such places as
were most commodious for trade, and secured them as well as his hurry
would permit against savages and wild beasts. The calamities of the
Carthaginians put a period to the navigation of Africa; these families
must necessarily then either perish or become savages. Besides, were the
ruins of these cities even still in being, who is it that would venture
into the woods and marshes to make the discovery? We find, however, in
Scylax and Polybius that the Carthaginians had considerable settlements
on those coasts. These are the vestiges of the cities of Hanno; there
are no others, for the same reason that there are no others of Carthage
itself.
The Carthaginians were in the high road to wealth; and had they gone
so far as four degrees of north latitude, and fifteen of longitude, they
would have discovered the Gold Coast. They would then have had a trade
of much greater importance than that which is carried on at present on
that coast, at a time when America seems to have degraded the riches of
all other countries. They would there have found treasures of which they
could never have been deprived by the Romans.
Very surprising things have been said of the riches of Spain. If we
may believe Aristotle,
[90]
the Phoenicians who arrived at Tartessus
found so much silver there that their ships could not hold it all; and
they made of this metal their meanest utensils. The Carthaginians,
according to Diodorus,
[91]
found so much gold and silver in the Pyrenean
mountains, that they adorned the anchors of their ships with it. But no
foundation can be built on such popular reports. Let us therefore
examine the facts themselves.
We find in a fragment of Polybius, cited by Strabo,
[92]
that the
silver mines at the source of the river Bætis, in which forty thousand
men were employed, produced to the Romans twenty-five thousand drachmas
a day, that is, about five million livres a year, at fifty livres to the
mark. The mountains that contained these mines were called the Silver
Mountains:
[93]
which shows they were the Potosi of those times. At
present, the mines of Hanover do not employ a fourth part of the
workmen, and yet they yield more. But as the Romans had not many copper
mines, and but few of silver; and as the Greeks knew none but the Attic
mines, which were of little value, they might well be astonished at
their abundance.
In the war that broke out for the succession of Spain, a man called
the Marquis of Rhodes, of whom it was said that he was ruined in gold
mines and enriched in hospitals,
[94]
proposed to the court of France to
open the Pyrenean mines. He alleged the example of the Tyrians, the
Carthaginians, and the Romans. He was permitted to search, but sought in
vain; he still alleged, and found nothing.
The Carthaginians, being masters of the gold and silver trade, were
willing to be so of the lead and pewter. These metals were carried by
land from the ports of Gaul upon the ocean to those of the
Mediterranean. The Carthaginians were desirous of receiving them at the
first hand; they sent Himilco to make a settlement in the isles called
Cassiterides,
[95]
which are imagined to be those of Scilly.
These voyages from Bætica into England have made some persons imagine
that the Carthaginians knew the compass: but it is very certain that
they followed the coasts. There needs no other proof than Himilco's
being four months in sailing from the mouth of the Bætis to England;
besides, the famous piece of history of the Carthaginian
[96]
pilot who,
being followed by a Roman vessel, ran aground, that he might not show
her the way to England,
[97]
plainly intimates that those vessels were
very near the shore when they fell in with each other.
The ancients might have performed voyages that would make one
imagine they had the compass, though they had not. If a pilot was far
from land, and during his voyage had such serene weather that in the
night he could always see a polar star and in the day the rising and
setting of the sun, it is certain he might regulate his course as well
as we do now by the compass: but this must be a fortuitous case, and not
a regular method of navigation.
We see in the treaty which put an end to the first Punic war that
Carthage was principally attentive to preserve the empire of the sea,
and Rome that of the land. Hanno,
[98]
in his negotiation with the
Romans, declared that they should not be suffered even to wash their
hands in the sea of Sicily; they were not permitted to sail beyond the
promontorium pulchrum; they were forbidden to trade in Sicily, Sardinia,
and Africa, except at Carthage:
[99]
an exception that proves there was
no design to favour them in their trade with that city.
In early times there had been very great wars between Carthage and
Marseilles
[100]
on the subject of fishing. After the peace they entered
jointly into economical commerce. Marseilles at length grew jealous,
especially as, being equal to her rival in industry, she had become
inferior to her in power. This is the motive of her great fidelity to
the Romans. The war between the latter and the Carthaginians in Spain
was a source of riches to Marseilles, which had now become their
magazine. The ruin of Carthage and Corinth still increased the glory of
Marseilles, and had it not been for the civil wars, in which this
republic ought on no account to have engaged, she would have been happy
under the protection of the Romans, who were not the least jealous of
her commerce.
Footnotes
[85]
See his "Periplus," under the article on Carthage.
[86]
See Herodotus, "Melpomene," lib. iv, cap. 43, on the obstacles which
Sataspes encountered.
[87]
See the charts and relations in the first volume of Collection
of Voyages that Contributed to the Establishment of the East India
Company, part i, p. 201. This weed covers the surface of the water in
such a manner as to be scarcely perceived, and ships can only pass
through it with a stiff gale.
[88]
Pliny tells us the same thing, speaking of Mount Atlas:
"Noctibus micare crebris ignibus, tibiarum cantu timpanorumque sonitu
strepere, neminem interdiu cerni."
[89]
Mr. Dodwell. See his Dissertation on Hanno's "Periplus."
[90]
"Of Wonderful Things."
[94]
He had some share in their management.
[96]
Strabo, lib. iii, towards the end.
[97]
He was rewarded by the senate of Carthage.
[98]
Freinshemius, "Supplement to Livy," dec. 2, vi.
[99]
In the parts subject to the Carthaginians.
[100]
Justin, lib. xliii, cap. 5.
