1. § I
"Some ther be that do defye
All that is newe, and ever do crye
The olde is better, away with the new
Because it is false, and the olde is true.
Let them this booke reade and beholde
For it preferreth the learning most olde."
A Comparison betwene the old learrynge and the newe
(1537).[11.1]
AFTER a storm a fringe of weed and driftwood
stretches a serried line along the sands, and now
and then—too often on the flat shores of one of
our northern estuaries, whence can be seen the white teeth
of the sea biting at the shoals flanking the fairway—are
mingled with the flotsam sodden relics of life aboard ship
and driftwood of tell-tale shape, which silently point to a
tragedy of the sea. Usually the daily paper completes
the tale; but on some rare occasion these poor bits of
drift remain the only evidence of the vain struggle, and
from them we must piece together the narrative as best
we can. And as the sea does not give up everything, nor
all at once, some wreckage sinking, or perishing, or floating
upon the water a long time before finding a well-concealed hiding-place upon some unfrequented shore, so
the past yields but a fraction of its records, and that
fraction slowly and grudgingly. So far this book has been a gathering of
the flotsam of a past age: odd relics and scattered records, a sign here
and a hint there; often unrelated, sometimes contradictory. In more
skilful hands possibly a coherent story might be wrought out of these
pièces justificatives; but the author is too well aware of
the difficulty of arranging and selecting from the mass of material,
remembers too well the tale of mistakes thankfully avoided, and is too
apprehensive that other errors lurk undiscovered, to be confident that
he has succeeded in his aim. Whether the story is worth telling is
another matter. Surely it is. To be able to follow the history of the
Middle Ages, to become acquainted with the people, their mode of life
and customs and manners, is of profound interest and great utility; and
it is by no means the least important part of such study to discover
what books they had, how extensively the books were read, and what
section of the people read them.
Let us here sum up the information given in detail in the
foregoing pages; adding thereto some other facts of interest. And first,
what of the character of the medieval library?
During the earlier centuries monastic libraries contained books
which were deemed necessary for grammatical study in the claustral
schools, and other books, chiefly the Fathers, as we have seen, which
were regarded as proper literature for the monk. The books used in the
cathedral schools were similar. Such schools and such libraries were for
the glory of God and the increase of clergy and religious. At first,
especially, the ideal of the monks was high, if narrow. It is epitomised
in the untranslatable epigram Claustrum sine armario (est) quasi
castrum sine armamentario.[11.2] "The
library is the
monastery's true treasure," writes Thomas a Kempis;
[11.3] "without which the monastery is like . . .
a well without water . . . an unwatched tower." Again: "Let not the toil
and fatigue pain you. They who read the books formerly written
beautifully by you will pray for you when you are dead. And if he who
gives a cup of cold water shall not lack his guerdon, still less shall
he who gives the living water of wisdom lose his reward in heaven."
[11.4] St. Bernard wrote in like terms. Books were
their tools, "the silent preachers of the divine word," or the weapons
of their armoury. "Thence it is," writes a sub-prior to his friend,
"that we bring forth the sentences of the divine law, like sharp arrows,
to attack the enemy. Thence we take the armour of righteousness, the
helmet of salvation, the shield of faith, and the sword of the Spirit
which is the Word of God."
[11.5] With such
an end in view Reculfus of Soissons required his clergy to have a
missal, a lectionary, the Gospels, a martyrology, an antiphonary, a
psalter, a book of forty homilies of Gregory, and as many Christian
books as they could get (879). With this end in view were chosen for
reading in the Refectory at Durham (1395) such books as the Bible,
homilies, Legends of the Saints, lives of Gregory, Martin, Nicholas,
Dunstan, Augustine, Cuthbert, King Oswald, Aidan, Thomas of Canterbury,
and other saints.
[11.6] With this end in
view the monastic libraries contained a very large proportion of Bibles,
books of the Bible, and commentaries —a proportion suggesting the
Scriptures were studied with a closeness and assiduity for which the
monks have not always received due credit.
[11.7] A great deal of room was
given up to the works of the Fathers—their confessions, retractations,
and letters, their polemics against heresies, their dogmatic and
doctrinal treatises, and their sermons and ethical discourses. Of all
these writings those of Hilary, Basil, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Jerome, and
the great Augustine were most popular. John Cassian, Leo, Prosper,
Cassiodorus, Gregory the Great, Aldhelm, Bede, Anselm, and Bernard, and
the two encyclopædists, Martianus Capella and Isidore of Seville,
were the church's great teachers, and their works and the sacred poetry
and hymns of Juvencus the Spanish priest, of Prudentius, of Sedulius,
the author of a widely-read and influential poem on the life of Christ,
and of Fortunatus, were nearly always well represented in the monastic
catalogues, as may be seen on a cursory examination of those of Christ
Church and St. Augustine's, Canterbury, of Durham, of Glastonbury in
1248, of Peterborough in 1400, and of Syon in the sixteenth century. In
the earlier libraries the greater part of the books were Scriptural and
theological; to these were added later a mass of books on canon and
civil law; so that the monastic collection may be characterised as
almost entirely special and fit for Christian service, as this service
was conceived by the religious.
And classical literature was received into the fold for a like
purpose. From the earliest days of Christendom prejudice against the
classics was widespread among Christians. Such books, it was urged, had
no connexion with the Church or the Gospel; Ciceronianism was not the
road to God; Plato and Aristotle could not show the way to happiness;
Ovid, above all, was to be avoided.[11.8] In
dreams the poets took the form of demons; they must be exorcised, for
the soul did not profit by them. The precepts —and for these the
Christian sought—in the poems were
like serpents, born of the evil one; the characters, devils. Some
Christians sighed as they thrust the tempting books away. Jerome frankly
confesses he cared little for the homely Latin of the Psalms, and much
for Plautus and Cicero. For a time he renounced them with other vanities
of the world; yet when going through the catacombs at Rome, where the
Apostles and Martyrs had their graves, a fine line of Virgil thrills
him; and later he instructed boys at Bethlehem in Plautus, Terence, and
Virgil, much to the horror of Rufinus. Even in the eleventh century this
feeling existed. Lanfranc wrote to Dumnoaldus to say it was unbefitting
he should study such books, but he confessed that although he now
renounced them, he had read them a good deal in his youth. Somewhat
later Herbert "Losinga," abbot of Ramsey, had a dream which led him to
cease reading and imitating Virgil and Ovid; but elsewhere he recommends
his pupils to accept Ovid as a model in Latin verse, while he quotes the
Tristia.
[11.9] The rules of some
orders, as those of Isidore, St. Francis, and St. Dominic, forbade the
reading of the classics, save by permission. For their value in
teaching grammar and as models of literary style, however, certain
classic authors— especially Virgil, Ovid, Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, and
Statius —were regarded as supplementary to the grammatical works of
Donatus, Victorinus, Macroblus, and Priscian, and were studied by the
religious throughout the Middle Ages. They were grammatical text-books,
as indeed they are still; but then they were very little else. A man
would call himself Virgil, not from inordinate vanity, but from a naive
pride in his profession of grammarian: to his way of thinking the great
poet was no more.
[11.10] "As decade
followed decade," writes Mr. H. O. Taylor, "and century followed
century, there was no falling off in the study of the
Æneid. Virgil's
fame towered, his authority became absolute. But how? In what respect?
As a supreme master of grammatical correctness and rhetorical excellence
and of all learning. With increasing emptiness of soul, the
grammarians—the `Virgils'—of the succeeding centuries put the great
poet to ever baser uses."
[11.11]
From time to time the use of the classics even for grammatical
purposes was condemned, though unavailingly. They were necessary in the
schools; evils, doubtless, but unavoidable. Then, again, some of the
classics were looked upon as allegorical: from the sixth century to the
Renascence the Æneid was often interpreted in this way;
and Virgil's Fourth Eclogue was thought to be a prophecy of Christ's
coming. Ovid allegorised contained profound truths; his Art of
Love, so treated, was not unfit for nuns.
[11.12] Other writers, as Lucan, were appreciated
for their didacticism; Juvenal, Cato and Seneca the younger as
moralists. And some of the religious fell a prey to these evils,
inasmuch as they assessed them at their true value as literature.
The classics therefore were accepted. Anselm recommended Virgil.
Horace, in his most amorous moods, was sung by the monks. Ovid, either
adapted or in his natural state, was a great favourite. In an appendix
we have scheduled the chief classics found in English monastic
catalogues to indicate roughly the extent to which they were collected
and used. A glance at Becker's sheaf of catalogues will show us that
Aristotle, Horace, Juvenal, Lucan, Persius, Plato, Pliny the elder,
Porphyry, Sallust, Statius, Terence, and especially Cicero, Ovid,
Seneca, and Virgil are well represented. But it must not be supposed
that they were in monastic libraries in excessive numbers. On the
contrary. An inspection of almost any catalogue of
such a library will prove that only a small proportion of it
consisted of classical writings, especially in those catalogues
compiled prior to the time when Aristotle's works dominated
the whole of medieval scholarship. The monastic library
was throughout the Middle Ages the armoury of the
religious against evil, and the few slight changes of character
which it underwent at one time and another do not alter
the fact that on the whole it was a fit and proper collection
for its purpose.[11.13]