University of Virginia Library

Symbiosis: The Congregation and the Media

just as television and motion pictures have occasionally disseminated fine dramatic art beyond the theaters of major cities, so too the mass media extend the audience of social drama. Where newspaper editors and reporters are interested in issues of social change, the presence of an action group gives them opportunity to call such issues to public attention. For some newsmen in Dayton, the Congregation became a convenient vehicle for exposing social issues. In the process, the spotlight unavoidably illuminated the Congregation and contributed to its public visibility.

The dramaturgical model assumes the presence of an audience, and the news media, in a sense, can provide a stage on which the actors advance and retreat before the audience. Of course, the public relations skills of the opponents relate to the media. But in situations where activist challengers provide the initiative and their opponents assume a passive or defensive stance, the former group will attract greater attention. They command the initiative in the conflict. Only if they encounter an unusually aggressive opponent, or if the media are disposed to protect the status quo, will the activists carry less natural affinity for the media. Like bees and flowers, each meets, to some extent, the other's needs. In the following paragraphs, we will attempt to trace this symbiotic

relationship between media and activists, illustrating with the case of the Congregation and the Dayton newspapers.

The Congregation needs the media for several reasons. First, in order for social issues to become "issues" rather than private concerns, they must corner public consciousness. The most effective channel for doing this is obviously the news media. The Christmas card distribution directly reached six hundred persons with a message. The media coverage, on the other hand, probably extended the message to more than a hundred times as many.

Second, organizations desirous of the favorable opinion of large numbers of people to vote for their candidates, buy their products, or contribute to their causes fear adverse publicity as a blow to the efficiency and viability of their enterprise. In this way, a small well-prepared group skillfully using the media wields social power far out of proportion to its wealth or numbers. Thus the Congregation can take on opponents to whom it stands in relative power and size as a flea in a kennel.

Third, the media can create both name identification and image; they can reinforce the credibility of an otherwise anonymous group. Support mechanisms thus fan out far beyond the range of personal penetration into a community. If the Congregation champions a cause and through media exposure gains some lever of public support, subsequent issues more easily find favor with the same audience. Ralph Nader, for instance, has used this transference effect quite extensively as Nader's Raiders have moved from one issue to another. The end result is an escalation of influence in the public arena, a mustering of more clout for future confrontations.

Finally, for the Congregation for Reconciliation, lacking the active support of the Presbyterian clergy to recruit members, the media inadvertently serve to "advertise" the Congregation to potential participants. For activists seeking group-based, issue oriented involvement, each exposure serves as an altar call for the Congregation.

The media, too, derive benefits from their relationship with this activist group. First, with few exceptions, action committees of the Congregation endure the tedium of research and present credible issues. The "facts" presented to reporters prove easy to verify with committee help and are in most cases accurate. This

emphasis on their own credibility manifests an activist professionalism impressive to news people. The Congregation also eschews . resorting to vendettas or smear tactics and discourages drawing attention to personalities. They focus on issues, and where attack is important, their bead is drawn on institutions or organizations rather than on individuals. The advantages to reporters are self-evident. It is clear from editorials, as well as from interviews with media people, that many journalists in Dayton disapprove of some of the Congregation's tactics. Nevertheless, they give coverage to the group both because they feel the issues it raises are important and because its activities usually fit the definition of "newsworthy."

Covering congregational activities also helps anticipate controversies. News people do compete with one another, and a good working relationship with key members of the Congregation offers an advantage for scooping stories. Journalistic competition, on the other hand, gives action committees bargaining leverage, ensuring fuller and more conspicuous coverage.

But the symbiotic relationship goes even further. The journalist's role reaches beyond reporting the news accurately and fairly. Journalists also judge and select community issues which they think deserve attention for editorial and feature story coverage. Sometimes they latch onto a problem and refuse to let go. Other times an equally serious issue absolutely eludes journalistic imagination or indignation. As the Congregation serves as a resource for the media through its research and involvement in action projects, the media also influence the Congregation. Feature stories bring problems to the attention of the Congregation, and at least some have grown into projects. Also, the Congregation's decision to pursue or drop a project may be directly, but certainly subtly, influenced by whether reporters pay attention to their initial efforts.

Finally, in a countervailing circle paradox, we need to recall that the Congregation began its foray into social action with direct confrontation tactics. On the one hand, Righter had already established media contacts, but to assure wide coverage for the Congregation daring action was needed. On the other hand, the attention-getting event led media people both to report the happening objectively and also to brand the Congregation as

"controversial." From this initial point, the circle of mutual expectation has grown.