University of Virginia Library

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.[1]

Dear Sir,—I was very glad at not being disappointed
in my expectation of a favor from you by
yesterday's post. Several reports, in quick succession,
of the arrival and progress of the predatory
band under Arnold, had rendered us exceedingly
anxious to hear the truth and particulars of the matter.
Some letters, by the post, tell us that the Governor
and Baron Steuben were wholly engaged in
removing and securing the arms and ammunition.
If so, he was better employed than in writing to Congress
on the subject, which, from his usual punctuality,
was expected. The enterprise against Richmond,
at this season, was certainly an audacious one, and
strongly marks the character which directed it. Having
been long sensible that the security of the country,
as high up as the tide-water reaches, has been
owing more to the ignorance and caution of the
enemy than to its own strength or inaccessibleness, I
was much less astonished at the news than many

others. To those who are strangers to the sparse
manner in which that country is settled, and the easy
penetration afforded by its long, navigable rivers, the
rapid and unopposed advances of the enemy appear
unaccountable, and our national character suffers imputations
which are by no means due to it.

Congress have yet received no official report of
the result of the conciliatory measures taken with
the revolted soldiers at Trenton. From oral and
circumstantial evidence, there is no doubt that they
have been successful. A discharge of a part from
the service, and a supply of clothing and money to
the rest, is the price of their submission. This much,
considered in itself, was required by justice, and is,
consequently, consistent with dignity. But, considered
with respect to the circumstances attending the
negotiation, there is but too much ground to suspect
that it will be attributed to our fears, and is, therefore,
not a little mortifying. Happily, the example, as we
understand by a letter from General Washington
received yesterday, had not infected the other parts
of the army. As the same causes, however, which
engendered this malignant humour in the Pennsylvania
line, are known to exist in the other lines, we
cannot be sure that the same effects will not yet
take place in the latter, unless they be speedily removed.
As one step towards it, Congress are endeavouring
to profit by the alarm which this event
must have excited in the States, by calling upon
them for the means of immediately furnishing some
pay to the troops of their respective lines.

You ask me what I think of the Delegate Extraordinary
to Congress.[2] I wish you had told me what
you think of such an appointment. It is pretty
certain, I believe, that people in general will not
consider it as a proof of confidence in the ordinary
delegation. As Mr. Jones, who, I believe, possesses
the confidence of his country, and, I am sure, will
have as much weight in Congress as any man that
will be sent on such an occasion, will come about the
same time, and, having attended the Legislature, will
be as well informed in every point of view, I cannot
deny that the appointment appears to me to be, at
least, a supernumerary one. I wish the good effects
of it may show that I am mistaken.

The trade of this city has just suffered a very
severe blow. No less than seven fine vessels have
been taken out of an outward bound fleet, and carried
into New York.

The emissary from Clinton, and his guide, were
executed on Saturday morning last.