University of Virginia Library

THE HISTORY OF THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The first chapter in the History of the Former Han Dynasty contains
an account of the rise of Liu Chi, who became Emperor Kao-tsu and
the founder of the Han dynasty, and of the important events in his
reign. In accordance with the canon of Chinese historical writing
that the most reliable account is to be obtained by copying sources
practically verbatim, this chapter is largely a copy of the chapter devoted
to Kao-tsu in Sze-ma Ch'ien's Historical Records or Shih-chi, together
with additions taken from the SC chapter on Hsiang Yü. Those
chapters were probably themselves largely copied from the Ch'u-Han
Ch'un-ch'iu by Lu Chia, who presented his book to Kao-tsu in 197 B.C.
His book is now lost, but it was preserved in T'ang times, and notations
of the information it contained in addition to what is found in the HS
are found in the notes. Very little indeed is so noted. Probably this
book was allowed to disappear because practically everything in it had
been incorporated into the History.

We have thus in the first part of this chapter an account of the conflict
that arose after the death of the First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty,
taken from documents contemporary with those events. The second part
of the chapter contains the chronicle of events in Kao-tsu's reign after
he assumed the title of Emperor. This part of the chapter is also copied
largely from the corresponding chapter in the SC, but there are significant
additions, especially among the imperial edicts recorded for that
period. Pan Ku seems to have had access to a collection of imperial
edicts preserved in the archives at the capital and to a set of annals of
important events kept by imperial officials. Since he admired Szu-ma
Ch'ien so greatly, he made Szu-ma Ch'ien's account the basis of his own
account, and added to it or corrected it at the few places where changes
seemed necessary.

The Imperial Annals, the first of which constitutes this chapter, are
merely the chronological summary of the History of the Former Han
Dynasty, a typical Chinese encyclopedic history. In this History the
twelve Annals constitute only about one twentieth of the whole work.

It is therefore not to be expected that the Annals should give the whole
story of any reign or even any detailed account of the events in it. Pan
Ku realized that history cannot be broken off at the death of each emperor.
He conceived of history as the record of the deeds of individuals,
so he put into his Memoirs and Treatises many facts that are essential
to a full understanding of historical movements. While this chapter
does contain many more details than usually appear in annals, yet much
additional material is to be found in the relevant Memoirs. We have
summarized in the Glossary the important Memoirs bearing on this
and other reigns; it is suggested that the reader consult the Glossary sub
the names of places and persons in each chapter. He will find there many
events not to be found in the Annals. Pan Ku limited himself to one
dynasty because the immense wealth of material at his command made
a limitation of scope imperative. He has indeed been criticized for the
great length to which his history grew, yet that great length was needed
for an adequate picture of this unusual period. Because his history was
planned as an encyclopedia rather than as a straightforward account,
the extraordinarily complete picture given by Pan Ku will not be
available until the whole of this long History has been translated.

* * *

The account of the rebellion against the Ch'in dynasty and the rise
of Kao-tsu, given in the first part of this chapter, is quite logical and is
told in detail. The China of that day was still largely confined to the
Yellow River valley. In 209 B.C., at the opening of revolt, the imperial
capital was at Hsien-yang, near the present city by the same name in
Shensi. Central Shensi, then called Kuan-chung, is a great natural
fortress, with mountains and the Yellow River making a formidable
barrier to invasion. To the east, Kuan-chung was entered chiefly by
the Han-ku Pass, which is easily defensible. Within this fortress is the
Wei River valley, then very fertile and well populated. This region
had been the seat of the Ch'in state, which had conquered China and
whose king had taken the proud title of the First Emperor in 221 B.C.
He had extinguished all the feudal nobility and had divided China into
thirty-six commanderies, each governed by an official appointed by
himself.

Southwest of Kuan-chung in the mountainous southwestern Shensi
was the Han-chung Commandery, from which difficult roads led to the
commanderies of Pa and Shu in the present Szechuan. This region had
not yet been fully civilized; it was still a region of exile. Here was soon
to be established the kingdom of Hans, to which Liu Chi was appointed.

Travel east of Kuan-chung went chiefly down the Yellow River valley
to the place where the great coastal plain begins to broaden out. There
was also a road across the mountains of eastern Shensi and up the Fen
River valley, which debouched through mountain passes onto the great
plain in the present central Hopei. Because of its difficulties, traffic
usually took the other road via the Yellow River valley. The northern
road was the one followed by Han Hsin in his conquest of Chao, Yen,
and Ch'i in 205-3 B.C. In the narrow east and west corridor which is
the Yellow River valley east of Kuan-chung, lay the city of Jung-yang,
which Kao-tsu long made his headquarters when fighting Hsiang Yü,
and where he was besieged by the latter and almost captured. Here
too was the immense granary of Ao, on a mountain by the shore of the
Yellow River. It contained so much grain that for three years Kao-tsu's
forces, numbering hundreds of thousands, continued to draw food from
this granary, and yet did not exhaust it. Its location made it easily
defensible; Hsiang Yü's failure to garrison adequately this stronghold
left him without an appropriate base of supplies to fight Kao-tsu and
eventually brought about his defeat. At the place where the plain
starts to broaden out had been the last capital of the ancient state of
Hanh.

The Yellow River at that time turned north from its present bed near
the place where the Peiping-Hankow railroad now crosses the River,
and flowed northeast, following approximately the present Grand Canal,
until it emptied into the sea near the present Tientsin. Between this
channel of the Yellow River and the Gulf of Chihli (then called the
P'o Sea) had been the ancient state of Ch'i, one of the richest parts of
China. West of the Yellow River had been the ancient state of Chao,
and north of Chao, Yen. South of the Shantung promontory, in the
present northern Kiangsu, was P'eng-ch'eng, the last capital of the
ancient state of Ch'u. Not far away was the birthplace of Liu Chi.
To the south in the seaboard plain, across the Yangtze River, was the
K'uai-chi Commandery, which had formerly been the state of Wu,
from which arose Hsiang Yü and his uncle.

The remainder of the present China, outside the Yellow River valley
and the seaboard plain, had not yet become important. Even
the Hsiang River valley, which later became the kingdom of Ch'ang-sha,
was still considered as "low, damp, and poverty-stricken," and
was used as a place of exile. Present Fukien was the seat of a semiindependent
barbarian kingdom, Min-yüeh; present Kwangtung was
the seat of another barbarian kingdom, Nan-yüeh. The First Emperor
had conquered these regions and had sent convicts there as

colonists, but these regions were still sparsely settled, largely barbarous,
and played only a small part in the Chinese politics of the time.
The significant regions of China, in which most of the matters related
in this chapter occurred, were Kuan-chung, where was the capital, the
narrow valley where the Yellow River flows eastwards, and the
seaboard plain, where had been located the flourishing states that
had been conquered by Ch'in. Among these states there started
the revolt which finally conquered Ch'in.

In the background of this revolt there lay the exactions and cruelly
overwhelming force wielded by the First Emperor. After his death,
his son, the Second Emperor, continued his harsh policy. The people's
resentment had gradually accumulated and a spark set it aflame.

Ch'en Shê was an ambitious farm boy who became one of the chiefs
in a levy of men made in the present southern Honan, which had been
part of the ancient kingdom of Ch'u. In the late summer of 209 B.C.,
a bad rain prevented this levy from reaching its destination on time.
According to the Ch'in laws, the officers and men of the levy would
have been condemned to death; they accordingly conspired to rebel.
As a slogan they falsely called themselves partisans of Fu-su, the displaced
heir of the First Emperor, and fabricated miracles to legitimize
themselves. The rebellion was not thus at first openly directed against
the dynasty, but was merely the act of men driven to desperation by
over-harsh laws.

Success in capturing important cities and the favorable response
of the people led Ch'en Shê to call himself the King of Ch'u and appoint
subordinate generals to overrun the surrounding country. These
generals found themselves welcomed by the people, and set themselves
up as kings of the regions which they controlled. Soon much of
eastern China was aflame.

The Ch'in forces were sent to put down the rebellion, with Chang
Han, a very capable general, at their head. He defeated Ch'en Shê
and relieved the siege of an important city. Ch'en Shê's important
generals were likewise defeated, and he fled eastwards into the present
northern Kiangsu, where he was assassinated by his own charioteer.

But neither the death of Ch'en Shê nor the continued successes of
Chang Han could stop the rebellion. Ambitious men all over eastern
China saw their opportunity, excited their neighbors to arise and
massacre the officials appointed by the Ch'in dynasty, and put themselves
at the head of a rebel force. Against such a wholesale uprising
even the ablest general could do little, for he could not be everywhere.
Soon the less able rebel generals subordinated themselves to the more
successful ones.

In the present southern Kiangsu, an uncle and nephew, Hsiang
Liang and Hsiang Yü, murdered the Commandery Administrator,
took his army, and marched north. They were descendants of the
famous generals in Ch'u, and as they came north other generals came
to them with their armies. They set up a successor to Ch'en Shê in
the person of a scion from the ancient kings of Ch'u, thus legitimizing
their rebellion and bringing further recruits. Their capital was put
at P'eng-ch'eng, in the present northern Kiangsu.

Among the generals who had previously come to Hsiang Liang was
Liu Chi, the future Kao-tsu. (There is no evidence that he used the
name Liu Pang until after his coronation, when that name was
tabooed.) He was a former village official who had become a bandit
as the result of official oppression and bad luck, and had been summoned
with his followers when the chief town of his commandery
intended to rebel. He killed its vacillating magistrate when the
magistrate changed his mind and refused to rebel, then he made
himself master of P'ei, a city in the present northern Kiangsu, together
with surrounding cities. From that time he was known as the Lord
of P'ei. A subordinate who had been left in charge of Feng went
over to another rebel general who had a better pedigree than Liu Chi,
and Liu Chi was unable to retake Feng. He finally applied to Hsiang
Liang, who gave him troops and enabled him to recapture Feng.
When Chang Han defeated and killed Hsiang Liang, Liu Chi attached
himself closely to Hsiang Yü and was made a marquis by the King
of Ch'u.

Meanwhile rebellion had flared throughout the present Shantung
and Hopei. The King of Chao was besieged by the Ch'in forces at
Chü-lu in central Hopei and sent to Ch'u for rescue. At that time
two projects required the urgent attention of Ch'u: the raising of the
siege at Chü-lu and the carrying of the war to the capital of the
dynasty at Hsien-yang, in Kuan-chung. The ablest generals, including
Hsiang Yü, were sent north, and Liu Chi was sent west.

The General-in-chief in charge of the army sent to the relief of
Chü-lu proved dilatory and incompetent, so Hsiang Yü boldly killed
him and took charge of the army. Hsiang Yü's prestige was so high that
generals from other parts of the country joined him in rescuing Chao.
When he crossed the Chang River he boldly burnt his boats and destroyed
all but three days' provisions, then advanced to the attack.
In nine battles he defeated the besiegers, captured their general,
burnt their camp, and raised the siege. The fame of this deed brought
to Hsiang Yü's standard the outstanding generals of the country.
Then he turned his attention to Chang Han.

Chang Han had been fighting rebels for almost two full years;
they had gained in strength in spite of his victories. A defeated
general could expect little but execution from the harsh authorities
at the capital. Chang Han was said to have lost over a hundred
thousand men in those two years. The imperial authority was then
in the hands of a eunuch Chancellor of State, who had slaughtered
his enemies. Chang Han was now defeated in battle by Hsiang Yü,
and, when the latter promised him a kingdom, Chang Han was ready
to surrender, although his army was said still to contain more than
two hundred thousand soldiers. When the surrendered army showed
signs of discontent at this action of its generals, Hsiang Yü had
it massacred at night. Then he started for Hsien-yang with an army
said to be of four hundred thousand men.

Meanwhile Liu Chi had worked his way westwards. He had been
sent off with a totally inadequate force and with the promise that the
person who conquered the capital would be made the king of that
region. He spent a whole year going westwards, gathering recruits,
preaching rebellion, making friends, and fighting with the Ch'in armies,
usually, but not always, successfully. When he reached the borders of
Kuan-chung, he first sent a messenger into that region to preach rebellion,
then avoided the easily defensible Han-ku Pass, made a detour to
the southwards, and entered the lightly defended Wu Pass. After
tricking and crushing the Ch'in army sent against him, he arrived at the
suburbs of the capital, which was empty of troops. There, in Nov./Dec.
207 B.C., the last ruler of the Ch'in dynasty came and surrendered to
him. Kao-tsu later dated the beginning of his reign with this event.

Liu Chi showed himself generous and kindly. Instead of looting the
city, he sealed up the imperial palaces and treasuries and moved his
troops out of the capital, for Hsiang Yü might ask for an accounting
of its treasures. Hsiao Ho, his future Chancellor, took the charts and
registers out of the imperial chancellor's office. Through their possession,
Liu Chi was later able to know the strategic points of the empire,
the size of the population, and the people's grievances. Liu Chi gathered
the leaders of the region and announced to them that he had been
promised the kingship of Kuan-chung and that he was going to agree
with them on a code consisting of only three articles: death for murder,
proportionate punishment for robbery and assault, and the repeal of all
other penal laws. While this drastic abrogation of the detailed and
vexatious laws in effect in Ch'in could not be entirely carried out, yet
it actually meant a great lightening of the people's burdens and secured
for Liu Chi their good will. Then Liu Chi sent a guard to the Han-ku
Pass.

When Hsiang Yü reached that Pass and found it barred, he forced it
and marched on to the capital. Not only was he enraged that Liu Chi
should have dared to try to keep him out (an act of rebellion by a subordinate
against his Commander-in-chief), but he was jealous that
another person should have captured the capital. With an overwhelming
force, he hastened to crush Liu Chi. But the latter was forewarned
and came to make apologies. With lordly generosity, Hsiang Yü accepted
them, especially since the treasures of the capital had been left
for him to loot. He marched into the capital, massacred its people,
killed the surrendered King, and burnt the imperial palaces. That fire
was the real "Burning of the Books," for in the imperial palaces there
had been preserved the proscribed literature for the use of the imperial
Frudits and officials. Those fires did not cease until the third month.

Hsiang Yü proceeded to divide the conquered empire. It was a
military man's division. The King of Ch'u, who had done little but
reign, was nominally elevated to be Emperor, but really exiled to southern
Hunan, where an emissary of Hsiang Yü soon assassinated him.
Hsiang Yü made himself King of Ch'u and Lord Protector of the Empire,
with Kiangsu, southern Shantung, and parts of Honan and the Yangtze
valley as his territory. The agreement about making the conqueror of
Kuan-chung its king was disregarded; Liu Chi was made King of Hans,
a region located in southwestern Shensi and Szechuan. Kuan-chung
was divided into three kingdoms, with the three generals of Chang
Han's surrendered army as its kings. Chang Han was put in that kingdom
which bordered upon Hans, to serve as a buffer against Liu Chi.
Those generals and nobles who had conquered parts of the country and
had followed Hsiang Yü to the capital were confirmed as kings of their
territory. In so doing, a few former kings had to be moved, and T'ien
Jung, who had conquered Ch'i (northern Shantung), but had refused to
submit to Hsiang Yü, was left out. P'eng Yüeh, a bandit chieftain in
eastern Honan, was likewise neglected.

Liu Chi saw that any opposition to this unjust division was useless,
so went to his capital, burning the bridges behind him; Hsiang Yü and
the other generals went to their kingdoms. A month later Liu Chi
returned, surprised and defeated Chang Han, and besieged him in his
capital. Then Liu Chi overran Kuang-chung. In Ch'i, T'ien Jung
likewise attacked the kings that Hsiang Yü had appointed to that
region, and made himself king.

Hsiang Yü attacked Ch'i first, for it was nearer his own kingdom and
he was told that Liu Chi had no designs on the east. He defeated T'ien
Jung, who was then assassinated. But Hsiang Yü's excesses in the

conquest of Ch'i so roused the people that the dead King's brother was
able to raise an army to continue the struggle. Meanwhile Liu Chi had
established himself firmly in Kuan-chung and invaded Honan as far
as Lo-yang. When the assassination of the new Emperor by an emissary
of Hsiang Yü became known, Liu Chi preached a crusade against
the murderer, persuaded and compelled five kings to follow him, and
marched east with a coalition army said to comprise five hundred and
sixty thousand men. He captured and entered Hsiang Yü's capital,
P'eng-ch'eng. Hsiang Yü was in Ch'i; with thirty thousand picked troops,
he reached P'eng-ch'eng by forced marches, and surprised the coalition
army at the city where it had been feasting, crushing it utterly. A
hundred thousand men were forced into the rivers and drowned.

Liu Chi escaped and fortified himself in Jung-yang (near the present
Cheng-hsien, Honan). There he was reinforced by new troops from
Kuan-chung and elsewhere. Then he sent emissaries to stir up rebellion
against Hsiang Yü in Anhui, and sent Han Hsin, who was his
titular General-in-chief, to conquer Shansi and Hopei, and thence to
press into Shantung.

When Hsiang Yü proceeded to besiege Liu Chi in Jung-yang, Liu
Chi was now able to offer peace, dividing China in half, with only that
part west of Jung-yang for his own. Hsiang Yü refused and pressed
the siege. Liu Chi had to escape and permit the city to be captured;
he returned to his impregnable fortress of Kuan-chung, and drew Hsiang
Yü into northern Hupeh by going out of the southern part of Kuan-chung.
Meanwhile P'eng Yüeh was looting near P'eng-ch'eng, so
Hsiang Yü had to return to his capital. Then Liu Chi recaptured the
cities he had lost in Honan. When Hsiang Yü returned to Honan,
Liu Chi fled, but sent assistance to P'eng Yüeh, who burnt Hsiang Yü's
stores. When Hsiang Yü pursued P'eng Yüeh, Liu Chi crushed the
army Hsiang Yü had left behind and took possession of his treasures.
Meanwhile Han Hsin, in a brilliant campaign, had conquered the region
into which he had been sent, and had established himself in Ch'i.

Liu Chi entrenched himself in the hills northwest of Cheng-hsien,
where he could draw food from the immense granary at Ao. There he
was besieged by Hsiang Yü. But Anhui and Shantung revolted against
Hsiang Yü; P'eng Yüeh cut off his supplies, and finally Hsiang Yü had
to make peace and agree to the same division of the country as that
previously proposed by Liu Chi.

When Hsiang Yü returned east, Liu Chi, disregarding the treaty,
pursued him with fresh troops. By promises of territory, he induced
Han Hsin, P'eng Yüeh, and others to unite with his forces. Together

they besieged Hsiang Yü in his camp near his capital. By a trick they
got him to flee from his camp with a body of cavalry, pursued, and
killed him in Dec./Jan. 203/2 B.C.

Liu Chi now feared Han Hsin most, so he rode into Han Hsin's entrenchments,
took away his army, and appointed him King of Ch'u.
Ch'i was too valuable a territory to be left to anyone who might rebel.
Liu Chi also sent his generals to overrun Ch'u and extinguish rebellion
there.

Liu Chi's nobles and adherents now proposed to make him Emperor.
He declined the requisite number of times, and was enthroned on Feb.
28, 202 B.C. He proceeded to organize his empire and appoint his
followers as marquises or kings. At a great banquet, he tactfully declared
that his success had been due to Chang Liang, his chief advisor,
Hsiao Ho, his Chancellor, and Han Hsin, his best general. The organization
of the empire was largely the work of Hsiao Ho, who had done
no fighting, but whom Kao-tsu esteemed most highly among all his
nobles. Because of its natural strength, Kao-tsu moved his capital
from Lo-yang to Ch'ang-an in Kuan-chung (Shensi).

* * *

During the remainder of his reign, Kao-tsu was chiefly occupied in
putting down a series of revolts, and in appointing his sons and relatives
to the kingdoms thus vacated. When Kao-tsu took the throne,
there were seven kings in the empire who were not members of the
imperial family, and no members of the imperial family who were kings.
Gradually the kings who were not members of the imperial family revolted
or were disposed of. The first to revolt was Tsang Tu, who had
been a follower of Hsiang Yü and had been appointed by him as King of
Yen, with his capital at the present Pei-p'ing. Kao-tsu marched against
him, captured and executed him, and made his own boyhood companion
and best friend, Lu Wan, the King of Yen. Then Li Chi, who was a
marquis and had previously been a general of Hsiang Yü, but had submitted
to Kao-tsu, became afraid of treachery, and rebelled. He was
routed. Han Hsin, now King of Ch'u, failed to deliver up promptly a
friend who had taken refuge with him and who had been proscribed by
Kao-tsu; Kao-tsu marched to Ch'u with an army, caught Han Hsin
unprepared, and arrested him. He was imprisoned, then pardoned and
made a marquis, but kept at court where he could be watched.

Hanw Hsin had been made King of Hanh in Honan. But Kao-tsu
wanted that territory free from possible rebels, so in the spring of 201,
he moved Hanw Hsin to be King of a new Hanh, located in the present

Shansi. That autumn, the Huns besieged Hanw Hsin in his capital.
Kao-tsu suspected his loyalty and made the mistake of sending him a
letter reproving him; whereupon Hanw Hsin became suspicious of Kao-tsu's
intentions and went over to the Huns. Kao-tsu himself took the
field and routed Hanw Hsin, but Hanw Hsin's generals and the Huns
continued to make incursions and to stir up trouble. At Lou-fan,
Kao-tsu's soldiers were almost frozen to death; at P'ing-ch'eng, Kao-tsu
was almost captured by the Huns. The invaders were finally driven out.

At the court of his son-in-law, Chang Ao, King of Chao, Kao-tsu did
not bother to be polite; the scrupulous Chancellor of the kingdom was
enraged, and ambushed Kao-tsu the next time he traveled through the
kingdom. A premonition saved Kao-tsu's life. When the conspiracy
was discovered, its members committed suicide and Chang Ao was
degraded to be a marquis.

Then in Sept./Oct. 197, Ch'en Hsi, whom Kao-tsu sincerely trusted,
and who had been made Chancellor in Tai (southwestern Chahar), was
induced by Hanw Hsin to revolt. Kao-tsu was unprepared for another
revolt; he rushed to Han-tan (in Hopei), but found himself without an
army. Even an urgent call for troops was slow in bringing results.
Kao-tsu spent the winter in Han-tan waiting. Not until spring was
Ch'en Hsi's power broken and Hanw Hsin killed as he came to Ch'en
Hsi's aid. Ch'en Hsi was pursued and killed the next winter.

Meanwhile, in the capital, the Empress née Lü had become so alarmed
and suspicious that she lured Han Hsin into the palace and executed
him. P'eng Yüeh had sent troops to the assistance of Kao-tsu at Han-tan,
but had failed to come himself; whereupon Kao-tsu impatiently
and angrily sent a rebuke to P'eng Yüeh. Then P'eng Yüeh himself
wanted to go to Kao-tsu. He was however warned that the Emperor
would probably execute him in anger. So he feigned illness. Then a
disgruntled official went to Kao-tsu and informed him that P'eng Yüeh
was planning rebellion. Kao-tsu thereupon had P'eng Yüeh arrested,
dismissed him from his kingdom, and sent him into exile. On the way
he met the Empress; she promised to plead for him, but instead she had
Kao-tsu informed that P'eng Yüeh was again planning to revolt, whereupon
he was executed. The remaining loyal kings who were not members
of the imperial family were now very suspicious, wondering when
their turn would come.

Ch'ing Pu had been Hsiang Yü's Commander-in-chief, and had been
made King of Chiu-chiang. An emissary of Kao-tsu had induced him
to rebel against Hsiang Yü; he had been compelled to flee to Kao-tsu
in Jan./Feb. 204 with a very few men. Kao-tsu then used him to stir

up trouble for Hsiang Yü in the lower Yangtze region, and gave him a
kingdom in southern Anhui and northern Kiangsi. After the execution
of Han Hsin and P'eng Yüeh, Ch'ing Pu became very nervous, and
started to collect troops so as not to be caught defenseless. Word of
this move was brought to Ch'ang-an, and an envoy was sent to investigate;
Ch'ing Pu feared what was coming, and put his army into the field
in open rebellion. He was an able general and fighter; he routed two
neighboring kings belonging to the imperial house, killing one of them.
But Kao-tsu had kept a large standing army ready for emergencies; he
was himself ill, nevertheless he took the field against Ch'ing Pu, routed
him in northern Anhui, drove him south, and finally compelled him to
flee. Ch'ing Pu was killed by the people at a stopping-place.

After the death of Ch'ing Pu, no one else dared to rebel; indeed it
is very doubtful that even he would have rebelled had he not felt that
there was no other way to escape execution. It was discovered however
that Lu Wan, the King of Yen, had had secret communication with
the Huns and with Ch'en Hsi. Lu Wan had been afraid that he would
be the next king to be dispossessed and killed, so had dallied with the
thought of rebellion. Kao-tsu sent an emissary to investigate the matter.
Some evidence was unearthed and Kao-tsu summoned Lu Wan to
court. He claimed illness, so the Emperor sent two generals to attack
him. Lu Wan did not think of resisting the imperial forces; he took
his family and several thousand troops and moved just outside the
Great Wall, hoping for a chance to come to court and beg his old friend
for pardon. The Emperor's death deprived him of that chance, and he
fled to the Huns, who gave him a kingdom.

There was left now only one king not of the imperial house—the King
of Ch'ang-sha. His kingdom was so small and unimportant that it
was not worth while to disturb him. Kao-tsu's suspicions had eliminated
almost all those not of his own family and had put his clan and the men
from his prefecture into practically all the important positions. At his
death, nine of Kao-tsu's sons and relatives occupied kingdoms.

Kao-tsu was ill before he started out against Ch'ing Pu; a wound from
a stray arrow became infected and killed him seven months later.
While he was suffering from this wound, the problem of the succession
to the throne became acute. As a political move in 205, ten years
previously, Kao-tsu had appointed Ying, the son of the Empress née Lü,
as his Heir-apparent. The boy was now fifteen. He had been domineered
over by his mother, and had turned out to be a weakling. Kao-tsu
was not pleased with him, saying openly that Ying was not like
himself. Kao-tsu's favorite concubine was the Lady née Ch'i, whose

son, Ju-yi, was only nine. Kao-tsu liked the boy greatly and said, "He
is like me." The Empress hated the Lady née Ch'i bitterly, and Kao-tsu
realized that after his death the Empress would probably try to
injure the Lady née Ch'i and Ju-yi. For Kao-tsu it was a choice between
a weak heir with a strong and capable but cruel mother, and a mere
child with a beloved mother. The Lady née Ch'i's pleadings finally
brought Kao-tsu to the point of ordering the feast at which he would
announce the change. But during that feast he found that Ying had
secured the following of certain learned men whom Kao-tsu had been
unable to attract, and so refused to change the succession.

When Kao-tsu died, on June 1, 195 B.C., the Empress née Lü was
at first uncertain whether her party would be able to enthrone her son.
She concealed the death for four days and toyed with the notion of
assassinating the prominent generals who might stand in the way of
her son. But she soon saw that this policy was not really feasible, so
distributed rewards to them liberally, and succeeded in enthroning her
son on the day of Kao-tsu's burial, twenty-two days after his death.

Kao-tsu was probably forty when rebellion first broke out against the
Second Emperor. His early life had been spent in farming, holding a
village office, and finally, as a bandit chieftain. His ability to make
decisions rapidly and surely and his willingness to consult with and take
advice of others were powerful assets. He was ambitious, yet he recognized
the abilities of others, and realized that he must depend on others
for his own greatness. He had the ability to choose the right man for
the place. Han Hsin was utterly undistinguished, a common soldier
who had been a mere peasant and a beggar, when Hsiao Ho recommended
him to Kao-tsu; he was immediately made General-in-chief. Kao-tsu's
personality attracted to him able men and kept them loyal. Hsiao Ho,
his Chancellor, was his former official superior. He had been Chief
Official in the prefecture where Liu Chi was a village official; when the
Prefect showed himself incapable, Hsiao Ho assisted in summoning Liu
Chi, helped to make him Prefect, and became his loyal follower. Li
Yi-chi, a garrulous Confucian, was so attracted by the sight of Liu Chi
that he voluntarily came to him.

As a general, Kao-tsu showed great but not superlative capacity.
He won most of his battles, but lost a respectable number of them. His
tactics in the campaign against Hsiang Yü were admirable. Liu Chi
refused to fight a pitched battle and kept Hsiang Yü running from one
part of the country to another, then defeated Hsiang Yü's generals
when Hsiang Yü had gone. Hsiang Yü never lost a battle in which he
commanded, yet Liu Chi succeeded in eliminating him. It was as a

politician that Kao-tsu showed himself most capable; he drew away
from Hsiang Yü his capable subordinates, inducing them to revolt or
stirring up Hsiang Yü to suspect and dismiss them. Kao-tsu was himself
suspicious of even his greatest intimates and was quite careless
about good manners. But he was just and not opinionated, so that he
was quite ready to make changes. He was favored by circumstances in
many ways, but he also created his circumstances. His achievements
mark him as one of the world's great men.

* * *

The accession of Kao-tsu marks, in at least two important circumstances,
an epoch in Chinese history. In the first place, it marks the
final breakdown of the ancient aristocracy.

The Ch'in dynasty had disestablished all noble titles. But the noble
families remained, and retained much of their prestige. A large number
of the early leaders against the Ch'in dynasty were aristocrats. Hsiang
Liang and Hsiang Yü, who became the dominant leaders, were members
of the family which had given generals to the state of Ch'u, and owed much
of their success to their family's prestige. When they killed the Administrator
of K'uai-chi, the people came to them because of their
family's reputation. That reputation likewise brought them important
recruits when they started north. When Hsiang Yü killed Sung Yi, his
family's prestige enabled the former to secure the following of the army.
The first leaders in Ch'i, T'ien Tan, T'ien Fu, T'ien Tu, T'ien An,
T'ien Jung, T'ien Kuang, and T'ien Heng were all of the princely family
in Ch'i. Wei Chiu, who became King of Weih, was a scion of the ancient
princes of Weih. Chao Hsieh, the first King of Chao after the rebellion
began, was a descendant of the kings of Chao. Han Ch'eng, the first
King of Hanh, was likewise a descendant of its kings. King Huai, the
third King of Ch'u, was a grandson of the older King Huai of Ch'u.
Indeed, there was a distinct tendency in all the states to make the
descendant of some noble family the titular ruler of the state, although
that state might have been conquered by a commoner. The commoner
took a subordinate position, such as Chancellor or General-in-chief.
Ch'en Ying was offered the kingship in Ch'u by the people, but he refused,
for he did not come from a noble family.

On the other hand, some of the early leaders, especially the earliest
ones, were commoners. Few aristocrats would risk themselves until
the people had taken the lead. Ch'en Shê, who inaugurated the revolt
and became the first King of Ch'u, was a commoner. So were Ching
Chü, the second King of Ch'u, whose reign lasted only three months,

Wu Ch'en, the first King of Chao, Chang Erh, the Lieutenant Chancellor
and finally the King of Chao, Ch'en Yu, the General-in-chief of Chao
who made himself King of Tai, Han Kuang, the first King of Yen, and
others, including Liu Chi.

But the aristocrats did not do so well in the test of severe competition.
Indeed they did so poorly that in the apportionment of kingdoms
after the downfall of the Ch'in dynasty, Hsiang Yü contemptuously disregarded
birth. Thirteen kingdoms were given to commoners and only
six to scions of noble families. Three of these nobles were given their
kingly assignments merely because they had followed along in the train
of Hsiang Yü, so that he could not very well dismiss them; they were
degraded by being removed to kingdoms smaller than those they had
previously occupied. Two more were appointed to Ch'i, which seems
to have had stronger aristocratic prejudices than other parts of the
country. The only aristocrat who really distinguished himself was
Hsiang Yü. One king, Han Ch'eng, had shown himself so weak that
Hsiang Yü killed him and put a commoner in his place. When King
Huai dared to oppose Hsiang Yü, the latter had him exiled and assassinated.
The T'ien family in Ch'i showed some vigor, but it was
crushed. Thus the drastic testing of war eliminated most of the noblemen
very soon after the revolt began.

The result of this debacle among the aristocracy was a turning of
popular opinion away from the aristocrats and a strengthening of its
attitude to those commoners who had dared to set themselves up as
leaders. Liu Chi's followers were practically all commoners, and came,
especially at first, mostly from his own district, P'ei. Only one aristocrat
achieved any distinction in his group—Chang Liang, whose family
had given the Chancellors to Hanh. He acted as Liu Chi's advisor; in
physique he was sickly and weak, and as a general he was a failure,
although as a strategist he was excellent. Practically all of Kao-tsu's
nobles were self-made men who had achieved distinction in the hurly-burly
of war. His Empress had an aristocratic surname, Lü, but her
family had no aristocratic connections.

The accession of Kao-tsu thus represents a popular movement. He
seems to have caught the popular imagination; he maintained personally
the bearing and habits of a peasant rather than those of an aristocrat.
He was continually squatting down—something that, in those days
before the introduction of chairs, no cultivated person would do and
all peasants did. The language he used so vituperatively was that of a
peasant, so that many cultivated persons avoided him. Yet his very
evident desire to help the common people attracted to him such people

as Li Yi-chi (cf. 43:1b). The common people turned to Liu Chi and
helped him. The old gentleman Tung (1A: 31a) advised Liu Chi to
use the assassination of Emperor Yi as a pretext for a league against
Hsiang Yü. Thus the accession of Kao-tsu marks the definite ending
of the ancient aristocratic tradition. He showed that even the
highest position does not require aristocratic descent.

Yet the aristocratic prejudice was not thus easily exorcised. For
Kao-tsu himself there was fabricated a long pedigree, tracing his descent
to the nobility of Chin and the early emperors; this pedigree served to
convert many followers. The families he ennobled became as aristocratic
as the old nobility had been. But there was a great difference,
for the Han nobility was under the thumb of the emperor. The commonest
punishment for crime was deprivation of noble rank. One
after another family was deprived of its rank, so that very few noble
families lasted more than a century. With kingdoms and marquisates
thus enduring only for a time and revokable for cause, hereditary
nobility counted for much less than before. Under such circumstances
the aristocratic prejudice was greatly weakened, until at last it disappeared.

In the second place, the accession of Kao-tsu marks the victory of
the Confucian conception that the imperial authority is limited, should
be exercised for the benefit of the people, and should be founded upon
justice, over the legalistic conception of arbitrary and absolute sovereignty.
While Kao-tsu and his successors technically remained absolute
sovereigns, in practise their powers were much limited by custom.

The theory and practise of government in the Ch'in state and empire
was that of centralized absolutism. The Ch'in ideal of government was
that "none will dare not to do what the ruler likes, but all will avoid
what he dislikes" (The Book of Lord Shang, Duyvendak, p. 292). The
primary concern of Lord Shang's theorizing, like that of Macchiavelli,
was to make the ruler all powerful. In this respect, the First Emperor
of the Ch'in dynasty was a thorough-going exemplar of the legalist theory.

While Kao-tsu adopted many of the Ch'in practises, he nevertheless
realized that what the people most condemned in the Ch'in rule was
precisely this unreasoning absolutism, and he carefully avoided any
semblance of such absolutism. He realized that he was handicapped
by his peasant birth, and knew that he must gain the good-will of the
people in order to maintain his rule. Hence he consciously adopted the
policy of always considering the interests of the people and the requirements
of justice and righteousness. Before he entered Kuan-chung, he
sent an emissary to its people in order to acquaint them with his virtuous

intentions. At the surrender of the Ch'in king, he was careful to be
generous and indulgent and to avoid plundering the people. One of
his first official acts in Ch'in was to summon the people and inform them
that he was doing away with the severe and cruel laws of Ch'in—an
act which helped him greatly when he had later to reconquer the region.
He refused to exact food from the people for his army, preferring to use
that stored up in the government granaries. When Hsiang Yü gave him
a kingdom in Hans, he asserted that injustice had been done because a
covenant had been broken. He exempted from taxes those people who
had been too heavily burdened in furnishing the armies with supplies,
and granted his soldiers various and increasing exemptions. He continued
the practise of giving the representatives of the people the position
of San-lao, and had them advise with the officials so that the people
would have a direct voice in government. He granted general amnesties
on all appropriate occasions. He had his soldiers who had died in
battle enshrouded and encoffined and sent home to be buried at official
expense. He appointed caretakers for the graves of the great kings, in
order that their hungry manes might not disturb the country. He waited
to assume the title of Emperor until it was formally offered him by his
followers, and then accepted it because "the vassal kings would be
favored by it and they considered it to be an advantage to all the people
in the world." At his accession he freed all slaves and restored to civil
rights all refugees and exiles. He granted aristocratic ranks to all his
soldiers. He fixed the amount of the military tax so that the people
would not be oppressed by exactions.

More important still, soon after his accession he adopted the practise
of not taking the initiative in appointing any of his relatives or sons
to any kingdoms or nobilities, but acting only at the suggestion of his
followers. Of course it was always possible to give hints to others about
what the Emperor wanted to be done. Yet this practise that the
Emperor acts only at the suggestion of others became a real check upon
absolutism. At first it seems to have been confined to the enfeoffment
of the emperor's sons, but later it was extended to other important
matters, so that the standard practise in enacting an administrative
measure, even the appointment of an Empress, came to be that some
official or group would memorialize the Emperor concerning what they
thought should be done, and the Emperor approved the suggestion.

This custom, that the ruler acts at the suggestion of his important
subordinates, was a real and often effective limitation upon the imperial
power. When the Emperor Hsiao-hui died, the Empress Dowager nén
Lü was unable to obtain any effective power until one of the great officials

suggested to her that she appoint her two nephews to the highest
positions in the government and members of her own family as kings.
Until that suggestion was made, she could only spend her time weeping
helplessly. After it had been made, she rewarded very highly the person
who first suggested it (cf. Glossary, sub Liu Tse). When this custom
was disregarded by the ruler, the results were disastrous. After the
Empress Dowager née Lü had dismissed the son of Emperor Hui from
the throne, she asked the high officials to suggest his successor. The
Emperor had had only this one son, although the Empress Dowager
had enfeoffed six other babes on the pretense that they were his sons.
The officials refused to suggest any of them for the throne, and the
Empress Dowager, on her own motion, appointed one of these babes
as Emperor. But the officials, by refusing to suggest him, had disclaimed
responsibility for him, and, when the Empress Dowager died,
they selected a son of Kao-tsu as the new emperor and killed this boy
whom the Empress had put upon the throne.

This Han custom was expressed most forcibly after the death of the
Empress Dowager née Lü. The high officials sent someone to tell her
nephew, Lü Lu, who was then in control of the army, that "the establishing
of the kings . . . was a matter all done after discussion with the
great officials, announcement, and information to the vassal kings. The
vassal kings considered it suitable." Lü Lu was warned that if he tried
to do anything contrary to the will of the great officials, the greatest
disaster would come upon him. So strongly did he realize the truth of
the assumption behind those words, namely that the rule of the emperor
is not absolute, but is vested in him in consultation with the great
officials, that he finally (though too late) resigned his powers. After
the extermination of the Lü family, the next emperor was chosen by the
high officials and the heads of the Liu family.

The Han rulers also recognized the principle that the empire belonged,
not to Kao-tsu alone, but also to his followers and associates, for they had
helped him to conquer it. As long as any of Kao-tsu's companions were
alive, they and no others were given the important positions in the
government. Perhaps this was the reason that the high officials tolerated
the Empress Dowager née Lü as long as she was alive. She had taken
an active part in the conquest of the country. In 179, Emperor Wen
gave additional rewards to those of Kao-tsu's followers who were still
alive, and sought out some thirty of his followers who had not been
previously rewarded. For this reason, until 176, the imperial chancellors
were all military men. Not until 150 was there an imperial
chancellor who had not been a follower of Kao-tsu, and then it was Chou

Ya-fu, the son of Kao-tsu's General, Chou P'o, who had also been
Chancellor under Emperor Wen. The first chancellor who was not even
a son of Kao-tsu's followers was Wei Wan, appointed in 143 B.C. Thus
Kao-tsu's followers controlled the government for sixty years after his
accession. Even after that time, the government made an effort to
continue the marquisates of Kao-tsu's outstanding followers, in spite of
the lack and derelicitions of their heirs. As Kao-tsu said in an edict of
196 B.C., "I, by the spiritual power of Heaven and by my capable
gentlemen and high officials, have subjugated and possess the empire.
. . . Capable men have already shared with me in its pacification. Should
it be that any capable persons are not to share with me in its comfort
and its profit?" The emperor was thus limited by the necessity of
giving high office to those who did outstanding services to the state.

Since the government cultivated popular support and the Emperor
recognized that he depended upon his officials, it was quite natural that
Kao-tsu should have initiated the procedure which finally brought about
the Chinese imperial civil service examination system. In an edict of 196
B.C., possibly at the instigation of Hsiao Ho, Kao-tsu ordered the officials
to send to the Chancellor of State all people of excellent reputation and
manifest virtue, so that their accomplishments and appearance could be
recorded and they could be given positions. Emperors Wen and Wu continued
this practise, and the examination system gradually grew out of it.

We have said that this conception of imperial rule as limited by consultation
with the high ministers and by moral considerations was specifically
Confucian. This doctrine is to be found in the Book of History,
where the great rulers consult their ministers on all important matters.
It is the outgrowth of the attitude represented in that Book (II, iii, iv, 7),
that Heaven sees as the people see, in Mencius (VII, ii, xiv, 1), when he
says that the sovereign is inferior to the people and the spirits, and in
Hsün-tzu (IX, 4), "The prince is the boat; the common people are the
water. The water can support the boat, or the water can capsize the
boat." The Han dynasty became the first great patrons of Confucianism
and under Emperor Wu that philosophy became an important
influence in the theory of government and in the training of government
servants. It has not always been realized that this Confucian influence
began with Kao-tsu.

Kao-tsu was not himself a Confucian. He seems indeed to have had,
especially in his earlier days, a deep dislike for the learned pedants of
the time. It is said, in the biography of Li Yi-chi, that before 207 B.C.,
probably when Kao-tsu had just started out as a general, some literati
came to him in full costume, with their literati's bonnets on, and that

Kao-tsu, in order to show his contempt for them, suddenly snatched off
a bonnet and urinated into it. It is also told that when, in May 205,
Shu-sun T'ung came to Kao-tsu and wore his literatus's robes, Kao-tsu
hated it, so that Shu-sun T'ung changed and wore short clothes like those
worn in Ch'u. Thus Kao-tsu had an aversion to the sight of the Confucian
literatus.

That fact does not however warrant us in holding that Kao-tsu disliked
Confucianism and was not influenced by it. Quite the contrary
seems to have been the case. In Kao-tsu's father's home, four sons grew
to maturity. The two oldest sons seem to have been farmers; Liu Chi,
the third to grow up, studied military matters and became the Chief
of a T'ing; Liu Chiao, the youngest, was sent to the state of Lu, which
was not far from the homestead, and studied with three Confucian
teachers. Later he studied the Book of Odes with Fou-ch'iu Po, a
disciple of Hsün-tzu, who became the most outstanding member of the
Confucian school. After Liu Chiao had been made the King of Ch'u,
he summoned the three Confucian teachers with whom he had studied
in his youth, and honored them as his Palace Grandees. In the time of
the Empress Dowager née Lü, he sent his own son to study under Foueh'iu
Po. Liu Chiao is furthermore said to have been very fond of the
Book of Odes and to have himself written a commentary on it. Thus
Liu Chiao, the younger brother of Kao-tsu, was himself a devoted and
life-long Confucian, who secured an excellent Confucian classical education
at the center of Confucian culture.

Liu Chiao was an intimate follower and companion of Kao-tsu from
the time that Kao-tsu started out as a general. Kao-tsu left his older
brother, Liu Chung (the oldest, Liu Po, had died previously), and Shen
Yi-chi at the homestead to care for his father and wife, and took his
other friends and followers with him to swell his army. It is said
specifically that when Kao-tsu became Emperor, Liu Chiao waited upon
him. He and Lu Wan, a boyhood friend, were the two persons closest
to the Emperor. They had access to his private chambers, served as
intermediaries, carried messages, and helped him to decide matters and
make secret plans. Through his brother, much Confucian influence undoubtedly
reached Kao-tsu. No one else of any education had as close
relations with him; while Kao-tsu disliked the pedant and the pedant's
appearance, yet he probably welcomed the Confucian teaching when
it came to him divorced from the pedant.

There were several others who undoubtedly influenced Kao-tsu towards
Confucianism. The earliest was Chang Liang, who came to Kao-tsu
in February 208. He was not a literatus, but a politician, the descendant

of the chancellors in Hanh. He was a well-educated man, and on occasion
is represented as using classical allusions to back up advice on
politics in a thoroughly Confucian manner. Kao-tsu respected him very
highly, and publicly recognized him as his best advisor.

Li Yi-chi was a well-read Confucian who came to Kao-tsu in March/
April 207. He was known to the people of his town as a Master or
teacher, sheng, and came voluntarily to call upon and advise Kao-tsu.
The latter contemptuously squatted upon the k'ang with two maids
washing his feet, as he received him. But Li Yi-chi was more than a
pedant, even though he probably wore his literatus's robes on that
occasion. He was over sixty years old, six feet tall (English measure),
and fearless. He reproved Kao-tsu for his discourtesy; the latter, who
seems to have been trained to respect his elders, was impressed by the
old man, arose, dismissed the maids, begged Li Yi-chi's pardon, and
escorted him to the seat of honor. At that time Kao-tsu could not afford
to lose any worthwhile advice; Li Yi-chi delighted him with stories of
earlier times, then gave him direction and assistance in capturing a
neighboring city. For that Kao-tsu rewarded him; the old man was
quite garrulous; he had earned the nickname of "the Mad Master,"
and Kao-tsu liked him. At the time, Kao-tsu was giving honorary
titles to those of his followers who distinguished themselves; to Li Yi-chi
he gave the title of Baronet Enlarging Our Territory. Kao-tsu
respected the old man, consulted with him about important matters, and
sent him as a confidential envoy on important commissions.

In April 205, when Kao-tsu came to Lo-yang, the old gentleman Tung,
who was a San-lao or leader of the people, stopped him and advised him,
in thoroughly Confucian terms, to declare a crusade against Hsiang Yü
because the latter had caused the assassination of his superior, the Emperor
Yi. This practise, that of leading a military force to chastize
a wicked ruler, is typically Confucian; in the Book of History Kings
T'ang and Wu are both said to have led such a crusade and to have
founded their dynasties in so doing. The notion was welcomed by
Kao-tsu; he found it worked, for it enabled him to lead a coalition
army of 560,000 men with five kings against Hsiang Yü, and to capture
his capital. After this experience, Kao-tsu would not have looked with
disfavor upon a teaching that so helped him against his enemy. Confucianism
now became to him a most useful and helpful philosophy.

Shu-sun T'ung had been made an Erudit by the Second Emperor, and
had served Hsiang Yü as an Erudit. When, in May 205, Kao-tsu
captured P'eng-ch`eng, Hsiang Yü's capital, Shu-sun T'ung, who followed
the policy of making himself useful to whoever was in power,

surrendered to Kao-tsu. He pleased Kao-tsu with stories of fighting and
war, avoiding any typically Confucian teaching. Kao-tsu made him an
Erudit and gave him a title. When Kao-tsu ascended the throne, Shu-sun
T'ung arranged the ceremony.

After the court had been established, Kao-tsu found himself at a loss
without any court ceremonial. He himself believed in simple direct
intercourse without bothering about ceremonial. Possibly what he most
disliked in Confucianism was its excessive ceremonialism. Now Kao-tsu's
courtiers, who were his old camp-companions, were behaving in the
court just as they did in camp. Especially when under the influence of
liquor, they quarrelled, shouted, acted mannerlessly, and even pulled
out their swords and hacked at the columns of the palace. Kao-tsu was
very much worried, for he saw that this sort of conduct must somehow
be stopped. Shu-sun T'ung offered to remedy the matter by arranging
a court ceremonial. Kao-tsu saw that something of that sort was necessary,
so told him to go ahead, with the admonition, "Make it easy."
Shu-sun T'ung called some thirty odd literati from Lu, and with them
created a court ceremonial by mixing the Confucian ceremonial with
that of the Ch'in court. After more than a month of preparation, the
ceremonial was performed out in the country before Kao-tsu, who approved
it, and had it put into practise at the court of November 201.
After the ceremony Kao-tsu was so impressed that he said, "Now, I
have today known what is the greatness of being an Emperor." Thus
Kao-tsu even accepted a semi-Confucian ceremonial for his court.

Lu Chia came to Kao-tsu possibly at the same time as Li Yi-chi, for
we find them associated together only a few months later. He was also
a highly educated man and was sent as an envoy to Ch'ao T'o, King of
Nan-yüeh, whose capital was at the present Canton. After his return
in 196 or 195 B.C., he is said to have quoted the Book of Odes and the
Book of History to Kao-tsu, whereat the latter scolded him and said,
"I got the empire on horseback; why should I bother with the Book of
Odes or the Book of History?" Lu Chia replied, "You got it on horseback,
but can you rule it from horseback?" Then he proceeded to
quote cases, from ancient history, of kings who had lost their thrones
through their wickedness, concluding with the Ch'in dynasty, which
Kao-tsu had himself overthrown. Kao-tsu blushed for shame and asked
Lu Chia to write a book explaining why these rulers had lost their kingdoms.
That book has come down to us. It is a piece of thoroughly
Confucian exhortation, which argues that the rise and fall of dynasties
depends on their virtue. It is said that when each chapter was completed,
Lu Chia read it to Kao-tsu, who praised it and gave the book its

title, the Hsin-yü, "New Discourses." This event undoubtedly deepened
Kao-tsu's gradual conversion to Confucianism.

As his experience of statecraft increased and as he saw deeper into the
necessities of an empire, Confucianism thus looked more and more attractive.
It is recorded that when in December/January 195/4 Kao-tsu
passed through Lu, he sacrificed a suovetaurilia to Confucius, but this
record is very likely unhistorical.

The climax of Kao-tsu's allegiance to Confucianism came when he
proposed to change the succession to the throne. Chang Liang, Shu-sun
T'ung, and others remonstrated with Kao-tsu against this change, but
without effect. Because of Kao-tsu's lack of manners, some Confucians
had refused to come to his court. Kao-tsu had by this time realized
how deep was the influence of the Confucians with the people. He
knew that just as he had won the throne, so his successors could only
keep it by securing the respect of the people. When, in the first part
of 195 B.C., Kao-tsu came actually to change the succession, and found
that his Empress had succeeded in bringing to follow her son, Ying, four
outstanding Confucians who had previously refused to come to Kao-tsu,
he refused to change the succession, for he knew how powerful was their
influence. Thus Kao-tsu finally bowed to the influence of Confucianism.

The gradual turning of Kao-tsu to Confucianism does not mean that
other philosophies had no influence. Chang Liang was much more a
Taoist than a Confucian. The imperial administration was taken over
from the Ch'in court, and brought with it much Legalist influence.
Ts'ao Ts'an was a devotee of Lao-tsu. It was only gradually that Confucianism
came to have nominally exclusive sway as a philosophy in the
Han court. Under Emperor Wen, there were Erudits who specialized in
the non-Confucian philosophers; the only Confucian erudit at his court
was Chia Yi. It was not until 141 that Emperor Wu forbade the promotion
of scholars who were learned in the non-Confucian teachings. Even
after that, many Legalist practises persisted. Thus the victory of Confucianism
was only a gradual growth, yet it was a natural continuation
of the development in Kao-tsu's own thought.

* * *

The tremendous achievement of Kao-tsu in rising from the status of a
farmer boy to Emperor against the keenest competition, early attracted
the attention of thoughtful persons and led them to state reasons for
his victory. At a grand feast after Kao-tsu's accession, he is said to have
asked his courtiers to name the reasons for his victory. Kao Ch'i and

Wang Ling declared that although Kao-tsu was unmannerly and rude
to people, while Hsiang Yü was kind and respectful, yet Kao-tsu rewarded
his associates adequately, sharing his conquests with them,
whereas Hsiang Yü was suspicious of capable people, did not give them
any recognition for their victories, and kept the fruits of victory for
himself and his family. Kao-tsu replied that there was an additional
factor: Hsiang Yü did not trust his most capable advisor, whereas Kao-tsu
succeeded because he could make use of his followers—a most tactful
speech.

Kao Ch'i and Wang Ling undoubtedly hit upon a most unfortunate
defect in Hsiang Yü. He seems to have been jealous of anyone else who
achieved any military glory. He probably minimized other people's
achievements. He had several uncles and cousins who had to be taken
care of, so that he was not free to give the best territory to others. He
also seems to have been suspicious of those who were not of his own clan.
(Kao-tsu was also suspicious, but he trusted the men of P'ei, who were
his early followers, and gave them high positions.) As a consequence,
the best of Hsiang Yü's followers left him or rebelled. Han Hsin came
to Kao-tsu because Hsiang Yü had rebuffed him. Ch'ing Pu, Hsiang
Yü's Commander-in-chief, rebelled and came to Kao-tsu because of the
treatment he had received from Hsiang Yü. At the division of the
territory, the kings complained that Hsiang Yü had given himself too
much of the best territory. Hsiang Yü's unfortunate temperament
thus more than undid all he accomplished by his wonderful military
ability.

About 22 A.D. Pan Piao, Pan Ku's father, wrote his Discussion on the
Destiny of Kings (cf. ch. 100), in which he argues that Kao-tsu's rise
was not due to chance, as many were saying, and enumerates five reasons
for that victory: (1) his descent from Yao, (2) his unusual body and
features, (3) his military success, (4) his liberality, perspicacity, benevolence,
and consideration for others, and (5) his keenness in judging
others and in selecting his subordinates. He adds that Kao-tsu was
faithful and sincere; he made far-reaching plans and was willing to accept
the advice of others; he did not hesitate, but acted promptly; and he was
favored by the supernatural powers with marvellous events. Pan Piao
concludes that Kao-tsu's success was due to supernatural influence. His
list of reasons undoubtedly contains much insight. There have been
very many other such lists, from early Han times down.

We mention here three further factors. First, Kao-tsu made the people
feel that he was governing in their interests. This factor appeared in
his conception of rule as ethical, not an arbitrary absolutism.

Secondly, there was probably a general fellow-feeling among the common
people for this commoner who was aspiring to the supreme position.
The oppression of the aristocrats, which culminated in the cruelties of
the Ch'in dynasty, brought about a reaction in popular feeling, so that
many common people came to prefer for their ruler a commoner to an
aristocrat. Especially when the aristocrats showed their weakness as
generals in competition with others, this feeling was bound to have been
intensified. The actions of Hsiang Yü, the outstanding aristocrat, did
not help matters. His carelessness for the people's lives became notorious.
At the storming of Hsiang-ch'eng, in June 208, he massacred every
living thing in the city. In July/August 207, when the surrendered
army of Chang Han threatened trouble, he had the whole army massacred,
said to be more than twenty thousand men. Such acts were sure to set the
common people against the aristocrats. By contrast, Kao-tsu took care
to be generous and mild. When, in October 208, the older generals of
King Huai had to select someone to go west and attempt to capture the
Ch'in capital, they chose Kao-tsu rather than Hsiang Yü, because of the
reputation for destructiveness that Hsiang Yü had acquired at Hsiang-ch'eng,
and because of Kao-tsu's reputation for generosity. They were
afraid that the news of Hsiang Yü's approach would nerve the people
of Kuan-chung to defend their country vigorously, in which case it would
be impregnable. Kao-tsu acquainted these people with his mild purposes,
and they made no move to support their rulers, so that the capital
fell. After Kao-tsu had acquired their confidence and got them to mount
their natural barriers, Hsiang Yü did not even attempt to invade Kuan-chung.

Kao-tsu's generous and kindly treatment of the people thus brought
to him the fellow-feeling of the people. They realized that he was one
of them. More than once the leaders of the people came to him with
important advice. His lack of manners and use of churlish language
towards even his most distinguished followers probably accentuated the
kindly feeling of the people to him. He won because he manipulated
public opinion in his favor; that feeling was so strong two centuries
later that, at the downfall of his dynasty, only another Han dynasty
with the same surname could gain the throne.

In the third place, Kao-tsu introduced not only new ideas, but also
new blood into the government. His nobles were self-made men who
fought their way to distinction. His government was organized by
Hsiao Ho. The latter was a personal friend and fellow-villager of Kao-tsu,
who had been promoted to be Chief Official in P'ei because of his
skill in the law. He was a trained administrator, and was put in charge

of Kuan-chung as Chancellor while Kao-tsu went out fighting. Hsiao
Ho thus administered Kao-tsu's base and organized Kao-tsu's supplies.
He furthermore enacted the fundamental laws of the Han
empire and gave to the government its organization. He performed this
task so well that for half a century afterwards, his successors merely
followed in his footsteps. He built the imperial palaces in a grander
style than Kao-tsu had conceived of, because he knew that this magnificence
was necessary to impress the people. When the campaign against
Hsiang Yü was over, Kao-tsu awarded to Hsiao Ho the first place in the
court and gave him the title of Chancellor of State, even though he had
done no fighting, for Kao-tsu realized the importance of Hsiao Ho's
work. To the frugal and simple administration of government by Hsiao
Ho and his assistants must be credited much of Kao-tsu's success. After
Hsiao Ho, except for his immediate successor and the Empress née Lü's
uncle, both of whom were not important historically, the high title of
Chancellor of State was not used again, so great was the respect of the
dynasty for Hsiao Ho.

Whether we shall ever be able to state all of the reasons for the success
of Kao-tsu is doubtful. His own personality, the mistakes of his opponents,
especially of the Ch'in dynasty and Hsiang Yü, Kao-tsu's cultivation
of the people's good will, the fellow-feeling of the people for this
commoner, and the ability of the new blood he introduced into the
government, especially Hsiao Ho, are undoubtedly important factors.

THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
[FIRST DIVISION—THE IMPERIAL ANNALS]

Chapter I
THE FIRST [IMPERIAL ANNALS]

The Annals of [The Emperor][1] Kao-[Tsu]

I. PART I

Kao-tsu was a man from the hamlet of Chung-yang
[in the district] town of Feng, [prefecture[2] of]
P'ei.

His family name was Liu. One day the old dame,
his mother, was resting upon the dyke of a large pond
when she dreamed that she had a meeting with a
supernatural being.[6] At the time there was thunder
and lighting, and it became dark. When [Kao-tsu's]
father, the T'ai-kung,[7] came to look for her, he saw a
scaly dragon[9] above her. After that she was with
child and subsequently gave birth to Kao-tsu.

Kao-tsu was a man with a prominent nose and a
dragon forehead. He had a beautiful beard on his

chin and cheeks. On his left thigh were seventy-two
black moles.[12] He was kindly disposed to others,
benevolent, and liked people. His mind was vast.
He always had large ideas and so did not follow the
same productive occupations [as those followed by]
the members of his family. When he grew up, he took
the tests for officials, and was made Chief of the
Szu-shui T'ing.[13] There was none of the officials in the
great hall[14] whom he did not dare to treat cavalierly.

He liked wine and women. He frequently went to
an old dame Wang and an old lady Wu to buy wine

on credit. While he was sleeping off the effects of
the wine, the old lady Wu and the old woman Wang
frequently saw wonderful sights above him.[17] Every
time Kao-tsu came to buy wine, he would stay and
drink, and they would sell several times [as much
as usual],[18] and when they saw the wonderful sights,
at the end of the year, these two shop-keepers often
broke up his accounts[19] and forgave his debt.

Kao-tsu was frequently made to do fatigue duty
in Hsien-yang, and had free access to see the Emperor
of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Moved in spirit he would
heave a deep sigh and say, "Ah! A real man should
be like this."

A man of Shan-fu, the old gentleman Lü, was a
good friend of the magistrate in [the city of] P'ei.

In order to escape a feud, he came to [the magistrate]
as his guest and consequently settled there. When
the eminent and distinguished persons and officials
of P'ei heard that the magistrate had an important
guest, they all went to congratulate him.[22] Hsiao Ho
was the superintendant of officials and took charge
of the offerings. He made announcement to the
prominent guests, saying, "Anyone who comes presenting
less than a thousand cash will be directed to
sit below the [main] hall." Although Kao-tsu was
[only] Chief of a t'ing, he used to treat his fellow-officials
contemptuously, so he falsely had written
on his card: "I come to congratulate [with an offering
of] ten thousand cash." Really he did not
bring even one cash.

When his card was sent in, the old gentleman Lü
was greatly surprised, arose, and welcomed him at
the door. [Now] the old gentleman Lü liked to
physiognomize[23] people and it was because he noticed
Kao-tsu's appearance and features that he greatly
honored him. He escorted him in and seated him
at the seat of honor. Hsiao Ho said, "Liu Chi

certainly talks very big, but he achieves little."
Because Kao-tsu was contemptuous of the guests,
he thereupon seated himself on the place of
honor without any signs of nervousness. When
the drinking drew to an end,[25] the old gentleman Lü
glanced at Kao-tsu in such a way as definitely to
detain him. After the drinking was over, the old
gentleman Lü said, "Your servant, from his youth,
has liked to physiognomize people. I have physiog-
nomized many people. [But] none of them had [as
auspicious] a physiognomy as yours, Chi. You, Chi,
should take care of yourself. There is a daughter
born to your servant whom I would like to make
your hand-maid."[27]

When the feast was over, the old lady Lü was
angry with the old gentleman Lü, and said: "Previously
you, sir, have always wanted to hold this
girl precious in order to give her [in marriage] to
some distinguished person. The magistrate of
P'ei is your good friend. He has asked for her,
but you would not give her to him. Why did you
yourself thus senselessly promise to give her to this
Liu Chi?" The old gentleman Lü replied, "This is
not anything that children or women can understand."
In the end he gave her to Kao-tsu. The
daughter of the old gentleman Lü was [later] the
Empress [née] Lü and gave birth to the Emperor
Hsiao-hui and the Princess Yüan of Lu.

Kao-tsu once asked for leave to go home to his fields.
While the Empress [née] Lü and her two children
were in the fields,[29] an old man went by and asked
for a drink; the Empress [née] Lü therefore fed
him. The old man physiognomized the Empress
and said: "Madam will be the most honorable
personage in the world." She [then] asked him to
physiognomize her two children. When he saw the
Emperor Hsiao-hui, he said, "The reason that
Madam will be such an honorable personage is
this boy." He physiognomized the Princess Yüan
of Lu [and said] also, "Both will be honorable personages."

When the old man had gone, Kao-tsu happened to
come in from a neighboring dwelling. The Empress
née Lü told him everything, "A stranger has gone by
who physiognomized me and the children, [and told
me that] we would all be very honorable personages."
When Kao-tsu questioned her, she added, "He has
not yet gone far." So he went after him and caught
up with him. When he questioned the old man, the
old man said, "The madam and children whom I
have just looked at are all like you, sir [in princely
signs].[32] Your physiognomy, sir, is honorable beyond
all telling." Kao-tsu thereupon thanked him, saying,
"If it should really happen as you say, I shall
not dare to forget what you have done for me."
When Kao-tsu became an honorable personage, no
one knew where the old man was.

When Kao-tsu was the Chief of a t'ing, he constructed
a hat of bamboo-skin and ordered his thief-catcher
to go to Hsieh to have it perfected.[33] From

time to time he wore it. When he became an
honorable personage, he wore it constantly; it is
called the "Hat of the House of Liu."

Kao-tsu, in his capacity as the Chief of a t'ing, had
to escort convict laborers[36] to Mount Li for the prefecture.
Many [of the convict laborers] escaped on
the way. He thought to himself that before he arrived
[at his destination] all of them would have escaped.
When [the party] got to the Tse-chung T'ing,
west of Feng, he stopped to drink. At night he unbound
and set free all the convict laborers he was
escorting, saying, "Gentlemen, all go away. From
this time on I too will abscond."[37] Some ten odd of
the stout fellows among the convict laborers were
willing to follow him.

Kao-tsu, under the influence of liquor, was

traversing the marsh [one] night. He had ordered
a man to go in front. The man who was in
front returned and reported, "Up ahead there is a
large serpent blocking the path. We had better go
back." Kao-tsu was drunk and said, "When a
strong man walks along, what is there to fear?"
Then he went ahead, drew his sword, and cut the
serpent in two.[39] The serpent was divided into two
parts and the way cleared. After walking several li,
he was overpowered by drink[41] and slept. When a
man [who came along] afterwards reached the place
where the serpent had been, an old woman was
weeping there in the night. The man asked the old
woman why she wept, and the old woman replied,
"A man killed my son." The man said, "How did
your son come to be killed?" and the old woman
replied, "My son is the son of the White God. He
metamorphosed himself into a serpent and blocked
the way. Just now the son of the Red God has cut
him in two; hence I weep [for him]."[43] Now the man
thought that the old woman was not speaking the
truth, and wanted to trouble her.[44] Therefore the
old woman suddenly disappeared. When the man
[who came along] afterwards reached [the place
where Kao-tsu was], Kao-tsu had awakened, [and
so] he told Kao-tsu [about it]. Then Kao-tsu privately
rejoiced in heart and took confidence in himself,
while his followers daily feared him more and more.

The First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty once[46]
said, "In the southeast there is the emanation of a
Son of Heaven."[47] Thereupon he travelled to the
east in order to check and obstruct [his rival].

Kao-tsu was hiding among the mountains and
marshes of Mang and Tang. The Empress [née]
Lü sought him, together with some men, and always
found him. Kao-tsu was surprised and asked her
about it. The Empress [née] Lü replied, "Above the
place where you, Chi, are, there is always a misty
emanation. So we follow after it and always find
you, Chi."[50] Kao-tsu was again glad. When some
of the young men in P'ei heard of it, many wanted
to attach themselves to him.

In the first year of the Second Emperor of the

Ch'in dynasty, in the autumn, the seventh month,[52]
Ch'en Shê arose at Chi1 and came to Ch'en2, setting
himself up as King of Ch'u.[55] He sent Wu Ch'en,
Chang Erh, and Ch'en Yü to overrun[58] the region of
Chao. In the eighth month, Wu Ch'en set himself up
as the King of Chao, and most of the commanderies
and prefectures, in responding to [Ch'en] Shê, killed
their chief officials. In the ninth month, the magistrate
of P'ei wanted to have P'ei also respond to
[Ch'en Shê]. The Chief [Jailor] and the Superintendent
of the Officials, Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an,
said [to him], "You, sir, have been an official of the
Ch'in [dynasty] and now wish to rebel against it,
and lead the young men of P'ei [in rebellion]. We
are afraid that they will not follow you. We wish
that you, sir, will summon back all those who have
fled outside [the city].[63] You can get several hundred
men. Then by using them you can coerce the
people, and the people will not dare but follow you."
So he ordered Fan K'uai to summon Kao-tsu.
Kao-tsu's followers had at this time reached [the
number of] several hundred.[64] Then Fan K'uai
came in the train of Kao-tsu [to P'ei].

The magistrate of Pei had however repented [for
what he had done], for he had feared that there would
be trouble, and so had closed the city [gates] and defended
the city wall. He wanted to execute Hsiao
[Ho] and Ts'ao [Ts'an]. Hsiao [Ho] and Ts'ao
[Ts'an] were afraid, escaped over the city wall, and
took refuge with Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu then wrote [a
message on a piece of] silk and shot it over the city

wall, saying to the elders of P'ei, "The world[66] has
already been filled for a long time with bitterness
against the Ch'in [dynasty]. Although you are now
defending the city for the magistrate of P'ei, the
nobles are all rising and they will immediately
slaughter [the people of] P'ei. Now if [you, people
of] P'ei, together execute your magistrate, select
someone who is able to lead you, make him your
leader, and make common cause with the nobles, your
houses and families will thereupon be safe; otherwise
old and young will all be slaughtered. Do not allow
[that to happen]." So the elders led the young men
and together they killed the magistrate of P'ei,
opened the city gates, and welcomed Kao-tsu [in].

They wanted him to be the magistrate of P'ei,
[but] Kao-tsu said, "At present the world is in disorder.
The nobles have all risen [in arms]. If
now[69] you should set as your commander someone
who is not capable, after a single defeat, you will be
trampled to the ground. It is not that I am concerned
about my own safety; I fear that I am not
capable enough and that I shall not be able to keep
you safe, elders and brothers.[70] This is an important
matter. I hope that you will select again[71] a

more capable person." Hsiao [Ho], Ts'ao [Ts'an],
and the others were all civil officials. They were
concerned about their own safety, and feared that,
if things should not turn out [successfully], the Ch'in
rulers would later destroy them together with their
families and kindred. So they every one withdrew in
favor of Kao-tsu. The elders all said, "For a long
time we have heard of wonders and prodigies concerning
Liu Chi, and that he was worthy to become
an honorable personage, and moreover that in divination,
no one's [lot was ever] nearly as auspicious as
that of Kao-tsu." Kao-tsu refused several times,
but no one in the crowd was willing to undertake
[the office]. So Kao-tsu was set up as Lord of P'ei.[74]
He worshipped[75] the Yellow Emperor, sacrificed to
Ch'ih-yu in the great [prefectural] hall of P'ei, and
anointed his drums with blood.[78] His standards and[79]
pennons were all red,[81] because the snake which was
killed was the son of the White god and the killer was
the son of the Red god. Because of this [fact] all the
younger braves and officials, like Hsiao [Ho], Ts'ao
[Ts'an], Fan K'uai, and others, gathered together the
youths of P'ei [for Kao-tsu. Thus he] secured three
thousand men.[83]

In this month, Hsiang Liang and his older brother's

son, [Hsiang] Yü, arose in Wu; T'ien Tan, together
with his cousins, [T'ien] Jung and [T'ien] Heng,
arose in Ch'i, setting himself up as King of Ch'i.
Han Kuang set himself up as the King of Yen.
Wei Chiu set himself up as King of Weih. A
general of Ch'en Shê, Chou Chang, [led an army]
west through the Pass[86] to Hsi4. The Ch'in general,
Chang Han, repulsed and routed him.

In the second year [of the Second Emperor of
the] Ch'in [dynasty], the tenth month,[90] the Lord
of P'ei attacked Hu-ling and Fang-yu, then he returned
and guarded [the town of] Feng. P'ing, the
Inspecting [Secretary] of the Szu-shui[92] [commandery]
led an army to besiege Feng. On the second day, [the
Lord of P'ei] made a sortie, fought with [the Inspector's
army] and routed it. [Then] he ordered
Yung Ch'ih to guard [the town of] Feng.

In the eleventh month, the Lord of P'ei led troops
to Hsieh. The troops of the Administrator of the
Szu-shui[94] [commandery] for the Ch'in [dynasty],
Chuang, were defeated at Hsieh, and fled to Ch'i.[95]
The Lord of P'ei's Junior Major[96] captured and killed
him. Then the Lord of P'ei returned, encamped at
K'ang-fu, and went to Fang-yü.

The King of Chao, Wu Ch'en, was killed by his

general.[99] In the twelfth month, the King of Ch'u,
Ch'en Shê, was killed by his charioteer, Chuang
Chia.[102]

A man of Weih, Chou Fu, overran the regions of
Feng and P'ei. He sent men to say to Yung Ch'ih,
"Feng was formerly a colony of Liang. Already
several tens of cities in the region of Weih have
been subjugated. If now you, [Yung] Ch'ih, come
under the rule of Weih, then the state of Weih will
make you, [Yung] Ch'ih, a marquis and put you in
charge of Feng. If you do not submit, then I will
massacre [the people of] Feng." Yung Ch'ih had
not previously wanted to be subordinate to the Lord
of P'ei, so when [the state of] Weih summoned him,
he immediately rebelled [against the Lord of P'ei]
and guarded Feng for [the state of] Weih. The
Lord of P'ei attacked Feng, but could not take it.
[Then] the Lord of P'ei returned to P'ei.[103] He held
a grudge against Yung Ch'ih because he had rebelled
against him together with the youths of Feng.

In the first month, Chang Erh and others set up a

descendant of [the kings of] Chao, Chao Hsieh,
as King of Chao. The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang
and Ch'in Chia set up Ching Chü as King of Ch'u at
Liu2. The Lord of P'ei went to attach himself
[to Ching Chü]. On the way he got Chang Liang.
Thereupon they together visited Ching Chü, and
asked him for troops to attack Feng. At that time
Chang Han was pursuing[107] [the army of] Ch'en. A de-
tached general,[109] Ssu-ma Yi, brought an army
north to subjugate the region of Ch'u; he massacred
[the people of] Hsiang, [and then] went to Tang.
The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang and the Lord of P'ei
led their troops westwards and fought with [this
general] west of Hsiao without success. So they
returned, raised troops, and collected them at Liu2.

In the second month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked
Tang; after three days he took it by storm.[112] Then
he collected the soldiers [that had been in] Tang and
secured six thousand men. He united them to his
former [troops; thus] altogether [he had] nine thousand
men. In the third month he attacked the city
of Hsia-yi and took it by storm. Then he turned
back and attacked Feng, but did not take it. In
the fourth month, Hsiang Liang attacked and killed
Ching Chü and Ch'in Chia and stopped at Hsieh.[115]
[So] the Lord of P'ei went to interview him. Hsiang
Liang added to the Lord of P'ei's troops five thousand
men and ten generals who were Fifth [Rank] Grandees.
[Then] the Lord of P'ei returned, led his
army to attack Feng, and took it by storm. Yung
Ch'ih fled to Weih.[116]

In the fifth month, Hsiang Yü captured Hsiang-ch'eng
by storm, [then] returned. Hsiang Liang
[next] summoned all the detached generals. In
the sixth month the Lord of P'ei came to Hsieh,
and, with Hsiang Liang, both together set up the
grandson of King Huai of Ch'u, Hsin, as King Huai
of Ch'u.[121]

Chang Han[122] routed and killed the King of Weih,
[Wei] Chiu, and the King of Ch'i, T'ien Tan, at
Lin-chi.

In the seventh month there was a great prolonged

rain. The Lord of P'ei attacked K'ang-fu.[124] Chang
Han besieged T'ien Jung at Tung-a. The Lord of
P'ei and Hsiang Liang together rescued T'ien Jung
and routed Chang Han's [army] completely at Tung-a.
[Thereupon] T'ien Jung attached himself to the Lord
of P'ei. Hsiang Yü pursued the fleeing[126] troops to
Ch'eng-yang. He attacked the city and massacred
its [people], then encamped his army east of P'u-yang.
Again he fought a battle with Chang Han, and again
routed him. Chang Han again rallied [his forces]
and defended P'u-yang, encircling it with water.
The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü went to attack
Ting-t'ao. In the eighth month, T'ien Jung set up
the son of T'ien Tan, [T'ien] Fu, as King of Ch'i.
Since Ting-t'ao had not yet fallen, the Lord of P'ei
together with Hsiang Yü went westward to overrun
the territory as far as Yung-ch'iu. They had a
battle with the Ch'in [dynasty] troops and defeated
them severely. They beheaded Li Yu, the Administrator
of San-ch'uan. [Then they] returned
and attacked Wai-huang, [but] Wai-huang did not
yet submit [to them].

Since Hsiang Liang had twice routed the Ch'in
[dynasty] armies, he became arrogant. Sung Yi
admonished him, but he would not listen. [The
state of] Ch'in reinforced the army of Chang Han.

In the ninth month, Chang Han, after having put
gags[132] into the mouths of his men, attacked Hsiang
Liang by night at Ting-t'ao, and routed his [army]
completely, killing Hsiang Liang. At this time there
had been continuous rains from the seventh month to
the ninth month. The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü
were just then attacking Ch'en-liu. When they
heard that [Hsiang] Liang was dead, the officers and
soldiers were afraid, so [the Lord of P'ei and Hsiang
Yü], together with the general Lü Ch'en, led the
army [away] and went to the east, moving King
Huai from Hsü-yi and establishing the capital at
P'eng-ch'eng. Lü Ch'en encamped east of P'eng-ch'eng;
Hsiang Yü encamped west of P'eng-ch'eng;
and the Lord of P'ei encamped at Tang.

The younger brother of Wei Chiu, [Wei] Pao,
set himself up as King of Weih.[134]

In the intercalary ninth month, King Huai united
the armies of Lü Ch'en and Hsiang Yü, commanding
[the united army] in person. He made the
Lord of P'ei the chief of the Tang Commandery, and
appointed him as the Marquis of Wu-an commanding
the troops of the Tang Commandery. He made
[Hsiang] Yü the Duke of Lu, and appointed him as
the Marquis of Ch'ang-an. Lü Ch'en was made
Minister over the Masses; his father, Lü Ch'ing,
was made Chief Chancellor.

When Chang Han had crushed Hsiang Liang, he
thought that the troops in the region of Ch'u were
not worth serious attention, so he crossed the
[Yellow] River, went northward, attacked the King of
Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, and routed his [army] completely.
[Chao] Hsieh [then] took refuge in the city of Chü-lu.
A general of the Ch'in [dynasty], Wang Li,
besieged him. [The state of] Chao several times
requested rescue. Then King Huai made Sung

Yi First [Ranking] General, Hsiang Yü the Second
General, and Fan Tseng the Lowest General, to go
north and rescue [the state of] Chao.

Formerly King Huai had made a covenant with
the generals [to the effect that] he who would
first enter and subjugate Kuan-chung would be
made its king. [But] at that time the troops of the
Ch'in [dynasty] were strong and very often took
advantage of their victories to pursue the fleeing,
[so that] none of the [Ch'u] generals [thought it of]
any advantage to be first in going thru the pass.
[Hsiang] Yü alone, who held a grudge against [the
forces of Ch'in] for having routed Hsiang Liang,
was seething with energy and wanted to go west
and enter through the pass with the Lord of P'ei.
[But] the older generals of King Huai all said:
"Hsiang Yü in character is fiery, violent, and very

destructive.[140] When he attacked Hsiang-ch'eng, he
left nothing alive;[142] wherever he passes, he destroys
and exterminates. In addition, although [the state of]
Ch'u has several times [attempted to] advance and
conquer, both of the former [leaders], King Ch'en
[Shê] and Hsiang Liang, have been defeated. It is
better to send instead a person of outstanding qualities
who will abide by just conduct as he goes to the
west, and have him announce and proclaim [our
purposes] to the elders of [the state of] Ch'in.
The elders of Ch'in have already been filled with
bitterness about their rulers for a long time. If now
[our state] can indeed secure a person of outstanding
qualities to go, and if he does not exploit or tyrannize
[over the people], it is possible that [the state of
Ch'in] could be conquered. Hsiang Yü should not
be sent. Only the Lord of P'ei is habitually generous
and an outstanding person." In the end [the King]
did not permit [Hsiang] Yü [to go], but sent the
Lord of P'ei to go to the west to collect the scattered
soldiers of King Ch'en [Shê] and of Hsiang Liang.
Then he went by way of Tang to Ch'eng-yang.[144]
[Next] he went to Chiang-li and attacked the walled
camp of the Ch'in armies, routing the two [Ch'in]
armies.[145]

In the third year of [the Second Emperor of]
Ch'in, the tenth month, a general of [the state of]
Ch'i, T'ien Tu, rebelled against T'ien Jung and
brought his troops to aid Hsiang Yü rescue [the
king of] Chao. The Lord of P'ei attacked and
routed [the troops of] the Military Governor of the
Tung Commandery at Ch'eng-wu.

In the eleventh month, Hsiang Yü killed Sung

Yi,[151] and united his troops [with his own, then]
crossed the [Chang[153] River. He set himself up as
the First [Ranking] General; all the generals, Ch'ing
Pu and the others, became his subordinates.

In the twelfth month, the Lord of P'ei led his

troops to Li,[155] met the Marquis of Kang-wu,[156] and
took away by force his army of over four thousand
men, uniting them [with his own]. He joined armies
with those of the Weih generals, Huang Hsin and
Wu Man[160] , [then] attacked the Ch'in army and
routed it.[161]

T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of Ch'i,
[T'ien] Chien, subjugated Chi-pei and followed
Hsiang Yü to rescue [the state of] Chao. [Hsiang]
Yü completely routed the Ch'in army below [the city
of] Chü-lu. He captured Wang Li and put Chang
Han to flight.

In the second month, the Lord of P'ei, coming
from Tang, went north and attacked Ch'ang-yi. He
met P'eng Yüeh, and [P'eng] Yüeh assisted him in
attacking Ch'ang-yi, but it did not fall. The Lord
of P'ei [then] went west past Kao-yang. Li Yi-chi,
who was superintendent of the gate to a hamlet,[164] said:
"Many generals have passed through this place; as I
see it, the Lord of P'ei has the greatest plans [of
them all]." So he asked to see the Lord of P'ei.
The Lord of P'ei was just then squatting on a bed,
with two maids washing [his feet]. Master Li did
not prostrate himself, [but] made a deep bow and
said, "If your honor firmly wishes to destroy the
utterly inhuman [dynasty of] Ch'in, it is not fitting
that you should interview your senior squatting
down." Thereupon the Lord of P'ei arose, holding
up [the skirts of] his garments, begged his pardon,
and conducted him to the seat of honor.[167] [Li]
Yi-chi advised the Lord of P'ei to make a surprise
attack upon [the city of] Ch'en-liu.[168] For that the
Lord of P'ei made him the Baronet Enlarging Our Territory,
and made his younger brother, [Li] Shang, the
general in charge of the troops at Ch'en-liu. In the
third month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked K'ai-feng,
but did not take it by storm. [Then] he went westwards,
met with the Ch'in general, Yang Hsiung,
fought with him at Pai-ma, also fought east of Ch'üyung,
and routed his [army] completely. Yang Hsiung
fled and went to Jung-yang, [so] the Second Emperor
sent a messenger to behead him as an example.
In the fourth month [the Lord of P'ei] went southwards,
attacked Ying-yang,[174] and massacred its
[inhabitants]. Because of Chang Liang, he thereupon
overran the region of Hanh.[175]

At that time a detached general of Chao, Szu-ma
Ang, was just then wanting to cross the [Yellow]
River and enter the [Han-ku] Pass, so the Lord of
P'ei went north, attacked P'ing-yin, and closed the
ford of the [Yellow] River [to him.[176] Then] he
went southwards and fought a battle east of Lo-yang,
but his army was not victorious. So he went by way
of the Huan-yüan [Pass] to Yang-ch'eng, and
collected horses and cavalrymen for his army. In

the sixth month, he fought a battle with the
Administrator of the Nan-yang [Commandery],
[Lü] Yi, [at a place] east of Ch'ou, routed him,[179]
and overran the Nan-yang Commandery. The
Administrator of Nan-yang fled to take refuge in
his capital city, and defended [the city of] Yüan.
When the Lord of P'ei led his troops past Yüan
westwards, Chang Liang admonished him as follows:
"Although you, Lord of P'ei, want to hurry into the
Pass, the Ch'in troops are still numerous and are
holding the strategic positions. If now you do not
subjugate Yüan, [the forces of] Yüan will follow you
and attack you from behind, while ahead of you will
be the strong [forces of] Ch'in. This is a dangerous
policy." Therefore the Lord of P'ei by night led
his troops to return by another route with his flags
and pennons rolled up, and, when it became first
light, he had already surrounded the city of Yüan
with three lines. The Administrator of Nan-yang
wanted to cut his own throat, [but] a man of his
suite, Ch'en K'uei, said [to him]: "There is still
ample time to die." Then he climbed over the city
wall and interviewed the Lord of P'ei, saying [to
him], "Your servant has heard that your honor has
entered into a covenant that he who will first enter
Hsien-yang shall be king over it. [But] at present
your honor is held [here] by the defenders of Yüan.
The prefectures of the commandery [in which] Yüan
[is located form] several tens of adjoining walled
cities; its officials and people think that they will certainly
die if they surrender; hence they all defend
[their cities] firmly, mounting the city walls [to
guard them]. If now your honor stops to attack
[Yüan] for all the days [required to capture it],
many of your soldiers will inevitably be killed and
wounded; [on the other hand], if you lead your
troops away from Yüan, [the troops of] Yüan will
certainly pursue after your honor. If your honor
does the former, then you will lose [the benefit] of
the covenant concerning Hsien-yang; if you do the
latter, you may suffer misfortune because of this
strong place, Yüan. For your honor there is no
plan as good as that of making a covenant regarding
its surrender, enfeoffing its Administrator, thus causing
him to stop here and defend it, and leading away its
militia and soldiers, taking them westwards. [Then]
all the cities which have not yet fallen, when they hear
the news [of what has happened], will rival each other
in opening their gates and awaiting your honor.
[Thus] your honor will have nothing to worry about
in marching straight ahead." The Lord of P'ei
replied, "Good." In the seventh month the Administrator
of Nan-yang, [Lü] Yi, surrendered, and
[the Lord of P'ei] appointed him as Marquis of Yin;
he [also] appointed Ch'en K'uei [to the income of] a
thousand families. He led the troops westward and
all [places] yielded [to him]. When he came to
Tan-shui,[187] the Marquis of Kao-wu, Sai, and the
Marquis of Jang,[188] Wang Ling, surrendered. He
turned back and attacked Hu-yang. He met Mei
Hsüan, a detached general of the Baronet of P'o,
[Wu Jui]; with him they both attacked Hsi5 and
Chih5, and both [places] surrendered. [The soldiers
were ordered], wherever they went, not to be rude
nor to pillage, [so that] the people of Ch'in were
delighted. [The Lord of P'ei] sent Ning Ch'ang, a
man [originally] of Weih, as a messenger to [the state
of] Ch'in.

In this month Chang Han and his whole army
surrendered to Hsiang Yü, and [Hsiang] Yü made
him the King of Yung.[190] Shen Yang of Hsia-ch'iu
subjugated [the region] south of the [Yellow] River.

In the eighth month, the Lord of P'ei attacked the
Wu Pass, and entered [the state of] Ch'in. The
Chancellor of Ch'in, Chao Kao, was afraid, so he
killed the Second Emperor and sent men [to the
Lord of P'ei], desiring to make an agreement to divide
[with him] the kingship of Kuan-chung; [but] the
Lord of P'ei would not consent to it. In the ninth
month, Chao Kao set up Tzu-ying, the son of the
Second Emperor's older brother, as King of Ch'in.
Tzu-ying executed Chao Kao and exterminated [his
family].[196] He sent a general leading troops to resist
[the Lord of P'ei] at the Yao Pass. The Lord of P'ei
wanted to attack them, but Chang Liang said [to him],
"The troops of Ch'in are still strong. They cannot
yet be lightly esteemed. I would prefer that you
would first send men to display flags and pennons on
the mountain top in greater [number than before], in
order to make [the enemy] suspect there are troops
[with each flag], and send Li Yi-chi and Lu Chia to go
and [attempt to] persuade the Ch'in generals [to
surrender], luring them with [promises of] gain."[197]
The Ch'in generals really wished to be in peaceable
relations [with the Lord of P'ei] and the Lord of
P'ei wanted to agree. [But] Chang Liang said, "This
[reply means that] only the generals wish to rebel.
I fear that their officers and soldiers will not follow
them. It is best to take advantage of [the
fact that they are] half-hearted and attack them."
[So] the Lord of P'ei sent troops around the Yao
Pass, crossing over Mt. K'uai, and attacked the Ch'in
troops, routing them completely south of Lan-t'ien.
Thereupon he reached Lan-t'ien, and again fought
[at a place] north of it, [where] the Ch'in troops
were severely defeated.

In the first year [of the Emperor Kao-tsu of the

Han dynasty[200] ], in the winter, the tenth month,

there was a conjunction of the five planets[204] in [the
constellation] Tung-ching and the Lord of P'ei
reached Pa-shang. The King of Ch'in, Tzu-ying,
in a plain chariot with white horses, with his seal-cord
tied about his neck,[207] having sealed up [for
presentation to the Lord of P'ei] the imperial seals,
the insignia and the credentials,[208] surrendered beside
Chih-tao. Some of the generals[210] said that the King of Ch'in
should be executed, [but] the Lord of P'ei replied,
"When at first King Huai sent me [on this expedition],
it was certainly because I am able to be generous
and indulgent. Moreover, when a man has
already surrendered, it would be inauspicious to
kill him." So he gave him into the charge of his
officials. Thereupon [the Lord of P'ei] went west
and entered Hsien-yang. He wanted to stop in the
palace and rest [his soldiers] in the [palace] hostels,
[but] Fan K'uai and Chang Liang[213] admonished him
[not to do so], so he sealed up the depositories and
treasuries for the Ch'in [dynasty's] important treasures
and valuable objects,[214] returned, and encamped
at Pa-shang. Hsiao Ho gathered up completely
from the courts of the Lieutenant Chancellor of
Ch'in the charts, the registers, the documents, and
the writings.[217]

In the eleventh month [the Lord of P'ei] summoned
the eminent and distinguished people from
the prefectures and said [to them], "Fathers and
Elders, you have suffered long enough from the cruel
laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]: those who spoke ill or
criticized [the government] have been cruelly
executed with their relatives, those who talked in
private[220] have been publicly executed[221] in the marketplace.
I and the nobles have made a covenant that
he who first enters through the passes will be king in
[the region inside the passes], [therefore] I ought to
be king in Kuan-chung. I am merely going to agree
with you, Fathers and Elders, upon [a code of] laws
in three articles: he who kills anyone will be put to
death; he who wounds anyone or robs [will be
punished] according to his offence; as to the remainder,
I am repealing and doing away with all the
laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]. You, the officials
and people, should all be quiet and undisturbed as
previously. All that I have come for is to deliver
you, Elders, from harm. I do not have [any intention
of] exploiting or tyrannizing [over you]. Do not
be afraid. Moreover, the reason that I have encamped
at Pa-shang is merely that I am awaiting
the arrival of the nobles in order to make an agreement
[with them]." Then he sent people to go with the
Ch'in officials to the prefectures and district cities
to make known and proclaim this [matter]. The
people of Ch'in were greatly rejoiced and vied [with
each other] in bringing cattle, sheep, wine, and food,
offering them for the enjoyment of the soldiers of
the army. [But] the Lord of P'ei refused to accept
them, saying, "In the granaries there is much grain;
I do not wish to be a burden upon the people."
[Then] the people were even more glad, and only
feared lest the Lord of P'ei should not become king
of Ch'in.

Someone advised the Lord of P'ei, saying, "[The
region of] Ch'in is ten times as rich as [the rest of] the
world; by its geographical configuration it is strong.
Now I have heard that Chang Han has surrendered
to Hsiang Yü and that [Hsiang] Yü has entitled
him King of Yung, to be king over Kuan-chung.
He will forthwith come [here], and I am afraid that
you, O Lord of P'ei, will not succeed in keeping
this [territory]. You might hasten to send [troops[225] ]
to guard the Han-ku Pass. Do not admit the army

of the nobles, and levy some soldiers from Kuan-chung
in order to add to your [own army] and
resist them." The Lord of P'ei assented to his plan
and followed it.

Consequently, [when] in the twelfth month Hsiang

Yü, leading the troops of the nobles, really wished to
go westward through the Pass, the gates of the Bar-
rier were closed, and he heard that the Lord of P'ei
had already subjugated Kuan-chung. [Thereupon
Hsiang] Yü was greatly enraged and sent Ch'ing Pu
and others to attack and break through the Han-ku
Pass.[230] Thereupon he reached Hsi4.[231]

A Junior Major of the Lord of P'ei, Ts'ao Wu-shang,
upon hearing that [Hsiang] Yü was angry
and wanted to attack the Lord of P'ei, sent
men to speak to [Hsiang] Yü as follows: "The Lord
of P'ei wants to be king of Kuan-chung. He has
ordered Tzu-ying to be his chancellor. All the
jewels and valuables [of Ch'in] have been taken
[by him]." [Ts'ao Wu-shang, by this message,] was
seeking [for a means] by which he could ask for a
fief [from Hsiang Yü]. His Second Father, Fan
Tseng, advised [Hsiang] Yü, saying, "When the
Lord of P'ei was east of the mountains,[232] he was
greedy for money and loved women. Now I have
heard that since he entered the passes, he has not
taken any precious things nor granted favors to any
women. These [facts] show that his designs are

great. I [formerly] sent men to look at his emanation,[234]
and it was all that of a dragon; it is of all
colors. This is the emanation of a Son of Heaven.
You should hasten to attack him and not lose [this
opportunity]." Thereupon [Hsiang Yü] feasted
his soldiers [in preparation for] joining battle on the
morrow.

At this time [Hsiang] Yü's troops [numbered]
four hundred thousand and were asserted to be a
million, [while] the Lord of P'ei's troops [numbered]
a hundred thousand and were asserted to be two
hundred thousand—his strength was not equal
[to that of Hsiang Yü]. It happened that the
Junior Administrator, Hsiang Po, who was the
youngest brother of [Hsiang] Yü's father, had been a
constant friend of Chang Liang. In the night he
galloped fast [to the Lord of P'ei's camp] to see
Chang Liang and told him all the facts [about the
situation]. He wanted [Chang Liang] to go away
with him and not merely to die with [the Lord of
P'ei. But Chang] Liang replied, "I am accompanying
the Lord of P'ei in the service of the King of
Hanh; I must inform him [of this danger]. To
abandon him and go away would be disloyal." So
he, together with Hsiang Po, interviewed the Lord
of P'ei. The Lord of P'ei agreed to contract a
marriage [in the family of Hsiang] Po, and said
[to him], "[Since] I have entered the passes, I have
not dared to take the slightest hair.[237] I have made a
register of the officials and people and have sealed
the courts and treasuries, awaiting [the arrival] of
the General. The reason I guarded the Pass was to
prevent [the entrance of] bandits. Day and night
I have been hoping that the General would come;

how could I have dared to rebel [against him]? I
wish that you, [Hsiang] Po, would make clear [to
Hsiang Yü] that I would not dare to revolt against
his beneficence." Hsiang Po promised to do so.
The same night, as he left to return [to his camp],
he warned the Lord of P'ei, saying, "Tomorrow
you yourself absolutely must come early to make an
apology." Hsiang Po returned [to his camp] and
told [Hsiang] Yü all that the Lord of P'ei had said,
taking the opportunity [to add], "If the Lord of
P'ei had not first crushed the troops of Kuan-chung,
how could you, sir, have been able to enter? Moreover,
when a man has done you great service, it
would not be auspicious to attack him. It is better
to take this opportunity and make friends with him."
[Hsiang] Yü promised to do so.

The next day the Lord of P'ei, followed by a
hundred-odd cavalrymen, went to see [Hsiang] Yü
at Hung-men, and made his apologies, saying, "Your
servant has joined his efforts with yours, General,
in attacking [the state of] Ch'in. You, General,
have fought north of the [Yellow] River; your
servant has fought south of the [Yellow] River.
[Your servant] did not himself think that he could
first go through the passes and be able to break [the
power of] Ch'in, and meet you, General, again [at
this place]. Now some evil-[minded] person has
been talking [about me] and has brought about a
disagreement between you, General, and your
servant." [Hsiang] Yü replied, "This is what your,
the Lord of P'ei's, Junior Major, Ts'ao Wu-shang,
has said. Otherwise how could [I], Chi, have fallen
into[241] this situation?" Thereupon [Hsiang] Yü retained
the Lord of P'ei to banquet him.

Fan Tseng several times threw glances at [Hsiang]
Yü [urging him] to attack the Lord of P'ei, [but
Hsiang] Yü did not respond. [So] Fan Tseng arose
and went out. He spoke to Hsiang Chuang, saying,
"Our lord is not hard-hearted [enough] in character.
Do you enter in order to dance a sword-dance, and
take the opportunity to attack the Lord of P'ei and
kill him. Otherwise you and yours will presently
become his captives." [Hsiang] Chuang entered and
drank a health [to the guest]. When the toast had
been drunk, he said, "In our camp there is nothing to
use [as entertainment]; I crave permission to dance a
sword-dance." Thereupon he drew his sword and
danced. [But] Hsiang Po also arose and danced,
always protecting and covering the Lord of P'ei
with his own body. When Fan K'uai heard that the
situation was critical, he came right in, very
angry.[245] [Hsiang] Yü admired his [strength and
courage] and therefore granted him [a cup of] wine.
Thereupon [Fan] K'uai reproached and reprimanded
[Hsiang] Yü. After some moments, the Lord of
P'ei arose and went to the toilet. He beckoned to
Fan K'uai and went out. Leaving his chariot and
his official retinue, he mounted alone, with Fan
K'uai, Chin Ch'iang, the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou
Ying],[246] and Chi Ch'eng[247] following on foot, and
fled to his army by unfrequented paths, ordering
Chang Liang to stay and make apologies to [Hsiang]
Yü. [Hsiang] Yü asked where the Lord of P'ei was,
and [Chang Liang] replied, "He learned that you,
General, had the intention of reprimanding him
so he has left and gone by a short-cut to his
army. Hence he has had your servant present you
with [these] jade circlets."[251] [Hsiang] Yü received
them. [Then Chang Liang] also offered to Fan
Tseng a large jade wine ladle, [but Fan] Tseng got
angry; he struck at the wine-ladle [presented to]
him, arose, and said, "We and ours are now already
captives of the Lord of P'ei."

Several days after the Lord of P'ei had returned
[to his camp, Hsiang] Yü led his troops west, massacred
[the people of] Hsien-yang, killed Tzu-ying,
the king of Ch'in who had surrendered, and burnt
the palaces and courts of the Ch'in [emperor].
Nothing of what he passed by was left without
injury or destruction, [so that] the people of Ch'in
were gravely disappointed in their hopes.

[Hsiang] Yü sent men to return and report to
King Huai [that he had conquered Kuan-chung and
should be allowed to do as he liked about its rule,
but] King Huai replied, "[Let it be done] according
to the covenant." [So Hsiang] Yü held a grudge
against King Huai because he had not been willing
to order [Hsiang Yü] to go west through the passes
together with the Lord of P'ei, but [had sent him]
north to rescue [the state of] Chao, [thus coming
too] late [to reap the benefit of] the covenant [made
with the generals of] the empire [concerning the

kingship of Kuan-chung]. So he said, "King Huai
is merely one whom my family has set up. He has
not [achieved] any merit or glory.[254] How did he get
sole authority over the covenant? Those who really
subjugated the world were the generals and myself,
Chi."

In the spring, in the first month,[255] in feigned

respect, he gave King Huai [the title], the Emperor
Yi; [but] in reality he did not avail himself of [the
Emperor's] orders.[258] In the second month[259] [Hsiang]
Yü set himself up as the King Lord Protector[261] of
Western Ch'u, ruling over nine commanderies in
the region of [the former feudal states,] Liang and
Ch'u,[262] with his capital at P'eng-ch'eng. He
went contrary to the covenant [about making the
conqueror of Kuan-chung its king] and changed
[the Lord of P'ei's kingdom], setting up the Lord of
P'ei as the King of Hans, to rule over forty-one
prefectures of Pa, Shu, and Han-chung, with his
capital at Nan-cheng.[266] Kuan-chung was divided
into three parts, and [over it] were set the three
generals of [the former dynasty of] Ch'in: Chang Han
became King of Yong with his capital at Fei-ch'iu;
Szu-ma Hsin became King of Sai with his capital at
Yüeh-yang; Tung Yi became King of Ti with his
capital at Kao-nu. The Ch'u general, Shen Yang,
[who was formerly of] Hsia-ch'iu, became the King
of Honan with his capital at Lo-yang. The general
of [the state of] Chao, Szu-ma Ang, became King of
Yin with his capital at Chao-ko. The Baronet of
Tang-yang, Ying Pu, became King of Chiu-chiang
with his capital at Liu5. King Huai's Pillar of State,
Kung Ao, became the King of Lin-chiang with his
capital at Chiang-ling. The Baronet of P'o, Wu Jui,
became King of Heng-shan with his capital at Chu.
T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of [the
feudal state of] Ch'i, [T'ien] Chien, became King of
Chi-pei. The King of Weih, [Wei] Pao, was shifted
and made the King of Western Weih with his capital
at P'ing-yang. The King of Yen, Han Kuang, was
[also] shifted and made the King of Liao-tung. The
general of [the state of] Yen, Tsang Tu, became
King of Yen, with his capital at Chi4. The King of
Ch'i, T'ien Fu, was [likewise] shifted and made the
King of Chiao-tung. The general of Ch'i, T'ien Tu,
became King of Ch'i with his capital at Lin-tzu.
The King of Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, was shifted and
made the King of Tai. The Chancellor of Chao,
Chang Erh, was made King of Ch'ang-shan.

The King of Hans held a grudge against [Hsiang]
Yü because he had gone contrary to the covenant,
and [so] wanted to attack him, [but] his Lieutenant

Chancellor, Hsiao Ho, admonished him, so he
desisted. In the summer, the fourth month, the
nobles were discharged at Hsi4,[272] and each went
to his own state. [Hsiang] Yü sent thirty thousand
soldiers to follow the King of Hans.[275] Many tens
of thousands of the people of Ch'u and of the
followers of the nobles admired and followed him.
From Tu he went south and entered [the gorge of]
Li. Chang Liang [then] asked for permission
to leave and return to [the state of] Hanh; the King
of Hans accompanied him [back] to Pao-chung.
Thereupon he advised the King of Hans to burn utterly
the suspended roads[277] in order to guard against
stealthy [attacks by the] troops of the nobles and also
in order to show Hsiang Yü that he had no intentions
of [returning] eastwards [to compete with him].

When the King of Han had arrived at Nan-cheng,
his generals, together with the officers and
soldiers, all sang Ch'i songs, [which showed that they
were] thinking of returning to the east,[278] and
many escaped on the way and returned [home]. Han
Hsin, who was Commissary Chief Commandant, also
escaped and went off. [But] Hsiao Ho went after

him and brought him back. Thereupon he recom-
mended him to the King of Han, saying, "If you
really wish to contest [for the control of] the world
[the emperorship], except for [Han] Hsin, there is
no one else who can plan for you." Thereupon the
King of Han fasted and purified himself, erected an
altar on a level place, and installed[281] [Han] Hsin as
General-in-chief. [Then] he asked him about what
plans and stratagems [he would suggest]. [Han]
Hsin replied, "Hsiang Yü acted contrary to the covenant
and made you, sir King, king at Nancheng.
This is a banishment.[282] Your officials and soldiers
are all people from east of the mountains; day
and night they are longing and hoping to return
[home]. If you use this [weapon] when it is sharp,
you can thereby achieve great results; [but] when
the country has already [become] stable and the
people are all themselves seeking quietude, you
cannot employ it again. It is better to decide
upon a plan to [press] eastwards." Thereupon he
presented a plan by which [Hsiang] Yü could be
outwitted and the three [states into which] Ch'in
[had been divided] could easily be reunited [and
taken possession of]. The King of Han was greatly
delighted. Thereupon he followed [Han] Hsin's
plan. He arranged and disposed his generals, leaving
Hsiao Ho to collect the revenue from Pa and
Shu and provision the army.[286]

In the fifth month,[288] the King of Han, leading
his troops by way of Ku-tao, came out [of Hans] and
made a surprise attack on [the state of] Yung.
The King of Yung, [Chang] Han, came to meet
[him] and attacked [the troops of] Hans at Ch'ents'ang.
The troops of Yung were defeated and fled
back [to their base]. They fought [again] at Haochih,
[where they were] again severely defeated and
fled to Fei-ch'iu. Thereupon the King of Han
subjugated the region of Yung; he went east to
Hsien-yang; he led troops to besiege the King of
Yung at Fei-ch'iu and sent his generals to seize the
[neighboring] regions.[289]

When T'ien Jung heard that [Hsiang] Yü had
removed the King of Ch'i, [T'ien] Fu, to Chiao-tung

and set up T'ien Tu as King of Ch'i, he was very
angry, and, with the troops of Ch'i, he met and
attacked T'ien Tu. [T'ien] Tu fled and submitted[293]
himself to [the state of Western] Ch'u. In the sixth
month, T'ien Jung killed T'ien Fu and set himself
up as King of Ch'i. At that time, P'eng Yüeh was
at Chü-yeh with a band of over ten thousand men.
He had no overlord, [so T'ien] Jung gave to [P'eng]
Yüeh the seal of a general, and ordered him therefore
to raise a revolt in the region of Liang. [P'eng]
Yüeh attacked and killed the King of Chi-pei,
[T'ien] An. [T'ien] Jung then united [and took
possession of] the territory comprising the three
[states made out of the former state of] Ch'i.[295]
The King of Yen, Han Kuang, also was unwilling
to be removed to Liao-tung; in the autumn, the
eighth month, Tsang Tu killed Han Kuang and
took possession of his territory. The King of Sai,
[Szu-ma] Hsin, and the King of Ti, [Tung] Yi, both
submitted to [the King of] Hans.[297]

Hsiang Liang had previously set up a Prince [who
was] a descendant of [the former kings of] Hanh, [Han]
Ch'eng, as King of Hanh and Chang Liang as the
Minister of the Masses in Hanh. [Hsiang] Yü, considering
that [Chang] Liang had followed the King of
Hans, and that the King of Hanh, [Han] Ch'eng,
had moreover not achieved anything, therefore did
not send him, [Han Ch'eng], back to his state, [but
took him] with himself to P'eng-ch'eng and killed

him. When he heard that the King of Han, had
reunited [and taken possession of] Kuan-chung and
that [the states of] Ch'i and Liang had rebelled
against him, [Hsiang] Yü was very angry. He
thereupon made the former prefect in Wu, Cheng
Ch'ang, the King of Hanh, [with orders] to oppose
[the state of] Hans. He ordered the Lord of Hsiao,
Chio, to attack P'eng Yüeh, [but P'eng] Yüeh
defeated Chio's troops. At that time, Chang Liang
was traveling about[301] the regions of Hanh; he sent
[Hsiang] Yü a letter, saying, "[The state of] Hans
wants to secure Kuan-chung; it will act according
to the covenant, and then will stop [its conquests]
and not presume to go farther eastwards." For that
reason [Hsiang] Yü had no thoughts of going westwards,
but went northwards to attack [the state of]
Ch'i.

In the ninth month, the King of Hans sent his
generals Hsieh Ou and Wang Hsi out [by way of] the
Wu pass, using the troops of Wang Ling, and [ordering
them] to go by way of Nan-yang to get the T'ai-kung
and the Empress [née] Lü, [who were] at P'ei.[303]
[But Hsiang] Yü heard of it and dispatched troops
to oppose them at Yang-chia, [so that] they could
not [go] forward.

In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Hsiang Yü sent the King of Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing]
Pu, to kill the Emperor Yi at Ch'en1.

Ch'en Yü also held a grudge against [Hsiang] Yü,
[because] he alone was not made a king; [so] he
borrowed from T'ien Jung auxiliary troops to attack
Chang Erh, the King of Ch'ang-shan. [Chang] Erh

was defeated; he fled and submitted himself to [the
King of] Hans, [and] the King of Hans treated him
well. Ch'en Yü welcomed the King of Tai, [Chao]
Hsieh, back to Chao, [and Chao] Hsieh set up [Ch'en]
Yü as King of Tai.

Chang Liang returned by unfrequented paths
from Hanh to Hans, and the King of Hans made him
Ch'eng-hsin Marquis. The King of Han went to
Shan, pacifying and comforting the elders of the
region outside the pass.[308] The King of Ho-nan,

Shen Yang, submitted [to him, so] he established the
commandery of Ho-nan.[310] He [then] had the
Grand Commandant in Hanh, Hanw Hsin, attack [the
state of] Hanh, and the King of Hanh, Cheng Ch'ang,
submitted. In the eleventh month he set up the
[former] Grand Commandant in Hanh, Hanw Hsin, as
King of Hanh. [Then] the King of Hans turned
round, returned [to Kuan-chung, and established]
his capital at Yüeh-yang. He sent his generals to
overrun territory and they captured the Lung-hsi
[Commandery] by assault. Upon those who submitted
with ten thousand persons or with one commandery,
he conferred [the income of] ten thousand
families. He repaired the Barrier[312] of the Ho-shang
[Commandery]. Regarding the pastures,[314] enclos-
ures, gardens, and ponds of the former Ch'in
[dynasty], he ordered that the common people were
permitted to [make] cultivated fields of them.

In the spring, the first month, [Hsiang] Yü
attacked T'ien Jung at Ch'eng-yang. [T'ien] Jung
was defeated and fled to P'ing-yüan and the people
of P'ing-yüan killed him. All of [the state of] Ch'i
[then] submitted to Ch'u, [whereupon the forces of]
Ch'u burnt their outer and inner walls. [Thereupon]
the people of Ch'i again rebelled against
[Ch'u].

[The King of Han's] generals took the Pei-ti
[Commandery] by assault, and captured Chang
P'ing, the younger brother of [Chang Han], the
King of Yung.

[The King of Han proclaimed] an amnesty for

criminals.[319] In the second month, on [the day]
kuei-wei, [the King of Han] ordered the people to
do away with the Ch'in [dynasty's] gods of the soils
and grains and establish the Han [dynasty's] gods
of the soils and grains. He showed his virtue and
bounty and granted aristocratic ranks to the people.
Because the people of Shu and Hans had
been heavily burdened in furnishing the armies
with supplies, he exempted them from the land tax
and from contributions in kind for [a period of] two
years. For the soldiers of Kuan-chung who were
with the armies he exempted their families [from
taxes] for one year. Those among the people who
were fifty years old and over, who had cultivated
personalities,[324] and who were able to lead the multitude
and do good, he elevated to the position of San-lao—
one in each district. One of the district San-lao was
selected to be the prefectural San-lao, who was to
serve as a consultant with the Prefect, the Assistant
[Prefect], and the Chief of Police. [The San-lao] were
exempted from forced labor and garrison service,
and in the tenth month were to be granted wine and
meat.

In the third month, the King of Hans crossed the

[Yellow] River from Lin-chin. The King of Weib,
[Wei] Pao, submitted, and, leading his troops,
followed [the King of Han. The King of Han]
subdued Ho-nei, captured the King of Yin, [Szu-ma]
Ang, and established the Ho-nei Commandery.
When he came to Hsiu-wu, Ch'en P'ing escaped from
Ch'u and came to submit himself. The King of
Han talked with him, liked him, and so made him his
Chariot-companion [with the duty of] supervising
the generals.

[Going] southwards, [the King of Han] crossed
[the Yellow River] at the ford of P'ing-yin, and came
to Lo-yang. [There] the San-lao of Hsin-ch'eng,
the Great Excellency Tung, stopped the King of Han
and advised him, saying, "Your servant has heard
that

Hence it is said:
Hsiang Yü has acted in an inhuman [fashion]; he
has banished and murdered his lord—he is the
[greatest] wrong-doer in the world. Moreover
All those in your armies should wear plain garments[330]
[in mourning] for [Emperor Yi] in order to
announce [your purpose],[331] and the nobles will for this
reason march eastwards to chastize [Hsiang Yü.
Then] no one within the four seas[332] will fail to admire
your virtue. The foregoing is the procedure [used
by] the three kings."[333]
The King of Han replied,
"Good. Except for you, O master, I should have
heard nothing [of the kind]." Thereupon the King of
Han proclaimed a mourning for the Emperor Yi;
he uncovered his arm and wailed loudly; [the whole
army] mourned and lamented for three days. He
sent messengers to inform the nobles, saying, "All
the world together set up the Emperor Yi, and, facing
north,[334] it served him. Now Hsiang Yü has
banished and murdered the Emperor Yi in Chiang-
nan. It was a treasonable and inhuman [action].
We Ourselves have proclaimed a mourning for him;
[Our] troops are all wearing plain garments.[337] We
have sent forth the troops of Kuan-chung, and collected
warriors from the three Ho [Commanderies]
to sail southwards down the Yangtze and Han
[Rivers].[338] We are willing to follow you, nobles and
kings, to attack the one in Ch'u who has murdered
the Emperor Yi."

In the summer, the fourth month, T'ien Jung's

younger brother, [T'ien] Heng, succeeded in collecting
several tens of thousands of men and set up
[T'ien] Jung's son, [T'ien] Kuang, as King of Ch'i.
Altho [Hsiang] Yü heard that [the army of] Hans was
coming eastwards, since he had [already] attacked
[the state of] Ch'i, he wished to complete crushing
it and afterwards to attack Hanh. For this reason
the King of Hans succeeded in compelling the
troops of five nobles[341] [to follow him] and went eastwards
to chastize [the state of] Ch'u. When he
came to Wai-huang, P'eng Yüeh came with thirty
thousand men to follow Hans. The King of Hans
installed him as the Chancellor of State in Weih, and
ordered him to subjugate the region of Liang.
Thereupon the King of Han entered P'eng-ch'eng,
took [Hsiang] Yü's Beauties and his valuables,
and held a great banquet. When [Hsiang] Yü
heard of it, he ordered his general to attack [the state
of] Ch'i, and himself, with thirty thousand picked
soldiers, [went] by way of Lu out of Hu-ling to Hsiao.
At dawn he attacked the army of Hans and fought a
great battle[345] at P'eng-ch'eng and east of Ling-pi.[346]
On the Sui River he completely routed the army of
Hans and killed so many officers and soldiers that
because of it the Sui River did not flow.[349] He
surrounded the King of Han with three lines [of
soldiers. But] a great wind arose from the northwest,
breaking trees and blowing away houses,
blowing up sand and gravel, so that the day was dark.
The army of Ch'u [fell into] great disorder and the
King of Han succeeded in escaping with several tens
of cavalrymen. He went by P'ei and sent people to
seek his family, but his family[351] had also already
fled and he did not meet them. On the road, the
King of Han happened upon Hsiao-hui and the
[Princess] Yüan of Lu,[352] and carried them along in
his chariot. [But] the cavalrymen of Ch'u pursued
the King of Han. The King of Han got excited
and pushed the two children so that they fell out,
[whereupon] the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying], got
down and gathered them into the chariot. Thus
they succeeded in escaping.[353] Shen Yi-chi was accompanying
T'ai-kung and the Empress [née] Lü,
[who were fleeing] by unfrequented paths; instead
[of escaping] they met the army of Ch'u. [Hsiang]
Yü constantly placed them in the midst of his
army, and held them as hostages.

When the nobles saw that Hans had been defeated,
they all fled. The [former] King of Sai,

[Szu-ma] Hsin, and the [former] King of Ti, [Tung]
Yi, surrendered to Ch'u. The King of Yin, [Szu-ma]
Ang, died. The older brother of the Empress [née]
Lü, the Marquis of Chou-lü, [Lü Tse], was in charge
of troops encamped at Hsia-yi. The King of
Han went to him,[356] collected a few officers and
soldiers, and encamped them at Tang. The King of
Han went westward, passing across the region of
Liang to Yü. He said to the internuncio, Sui Ho,
"If you, sir, would be able to persuade the King of
Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing] Pu, and lead him to mobilize
his troops in rebellion against [the state of]
Ch'u, King Hsiang [Yü] would have to be detained
in attacking him; if you could succeed in detaining
him for several months, I would be quite certain of
obtaining the empire." [So] Sui Ho went to persuade
[Ch'ing] Pu and really made him rebel against
[the state of] Ch'u.

In the fifth month, the King of Han encamped at
Jung-yang. Hsiao Ho sent forth from Kuan-chung
to go to the army all the old and weak and those not
yet enregistered.[359] Han Hsin also collected troops
and joined with the King of Han. Thus [the King]
of Han's] troops were renewed and greatly restored.
They fought with [the troops of] Ch'u south of
Jung-yang, between Ching and So, and routed
them.[361] They built a walled road[362] connecting with
the [Yellow] River in order to get grain from the
Ao Granary.

The King of Weih, [Wei] Pao, asked permission
to return home in order to see his sick parent;[364]
when he had arrived, he closed the ford at the [Yellow]
River and rebelled in favor of Ch'u.

In the sixth month, the King of Han returned to

Yüeh-yang. On [the day] jen-wu, he named the Heir-apparent
and proclaimed an amnesty to criminals;
he ordered the members of the noble houses who were
in attendance at Kuan-chung all to gather at Yüeh-yang
as a guard.

He led water to flood Fei-ch'iu;[367] Fei-ch'iu surrendered,

Chang Han committed suicide, and the
province of Yung was subjugated, some eighty odd
prefectures. He [thereupon] established the commanderies
of Ho-shang, Wei-nan, Chung-ti, Lung-hsi,
and Shang.[369] He ordered the officials in charge of
the sacrifices to make offerings to Heaven, to Earth,
to the Four Directions, to the Lords on High, to
the Hills, and to the Streams—at the [proper] time
to sacrifice [regularly] to them. He caused the
troops in Kuan-chung to take arms and mount the
Barrier at the boundary [for its defence].

In Kuan-chung there was a great famine; a hu of
rice [or hulled millet cost] ten thousand cash [and]
people ate each other. [The King of Han] ordered
the people to go to Shu and Hans to eat.

In the autumn, the eighth month, the King of
Han went to Jung-yang and said to Li Yi-chi, "With
a kindly tongue go and persuade the King of Weih,
[Wei] Pao; if you are able to make him submit, I will
appoint you, Master [Li, with the income of] ten
thousand families in Weih." [Li] Yi-chi went, [but
Wei] Pao did not listen to him. [So] the King of
Han made Han Hsin Junior Lieutenant Chancellor
[and ordered him], together with Ts'ao Ts'an and
Kuan Ying, all to attack [the state of] Weih. When
[Li] Yi-chi returned, the King of Han asked him who
was the General-in-chief of Weih. He replied, "Po
Chih." The King answered, "This [man's] mouth
still smells of [mother's] milk! He cannot resist Han
Hsin. Who is his general of cavalry?" He replied,
"Feng Ching." [The King] answered, "This man is
the son of the Ch'in general, Feng Wu-ts'ê. Although
he is capable, he is not able to resist Kuan Ying.
Who is his general of foot-soldiers?" He replied,
"Hsiang T'o." [The King] answered, "He is not
able to resist Ts'ao Ts'an. I have nothing at all to
worry about." In the ninth month [Han] Hsin and
the others captured [Wei] Pao; he was ordered to be
sent to Jung-yang. The region of Weih was subjugated
and the commanderies of Ho-tung, T'ai-yüan,
and Shang-tang were established.

[Han] Hsin sent men [to the King of Han] asking

for thirty thousand soldiers, wishing with them
[to go] northwards to take [the states of] Yen and
Chao, eastwards to attack [the state of] Ch'i, and
southwards to cut the roads by which provisions
were brought to the Ch'u [army]. The King of
Han gave them [to him].

In the third year, in the winter, the tenth month,

Han Hsin and Chang Erh went eastwards, subjugated
Ching-hsing, and attacked [the state of] Chao.
They beheaded Ch'en Yü and captured the King of
Chao, [Chao] Hsieh. [Then] the commanderies of
Ch'angshan and Tai were established.

On [the day] chia-hsü, the last day of the month,

there was an eclipse of the sun.[380] In the eleventh
month, on [the day] kuei-mao, the last day of the
month, there was an eclipse of the sun.

Since Sui Ho had persuaded Ch'ing Pu [to rebel],
[Ch'ing] Pu set his troops in motion and attacked
[the state of] Ch'u. Ch'u sent Hsiang Sheng and
Lung Chü to attack [Ch'ing] Pu. [Ch'ing] Pu fought
[with them, but] did not defeat them. In the
twelfth month, [Ch'ing] Pu, with Sui Ho, by unfrequented

paths, returned to Hans. The King of
Han gave him a part of his own troops and, together
with him, he collected troops and reached Ch'eng-kao.

Hsiang Yü several times invaded and captured the
walled road of Han [with the result that] the army
of Han lacked food. [The King of Han] schemed
with Li Yi-chi to enfeeble the power of Ch'u. [Li]
Yi-chi wanted to set up the descendants of the six
[ancient feudal] states in order to establish factions;
the King of Han had seals engraved and was going to
send [Li] Yi-chi to set them up, when he asked
Chang Liang about it. Chang Liang brought forward

eight objections.[386] The King of Han stopped
eating and spit out what he had in his mouth, saying
[to Li Yi-chi], "Stupid bookworm! You've almost
spoiled your daddy's business." [Then] he ordered
the seals to be quickly melted down. He also asked
Ch'en P'ing [what to do], and followed his plan. He
gave [Ch'en] P'ing forty thousand catties of [real] gold
in order in Ch'u to separate the lord from his
followers.

In the summer, the fourth month, Hsiang Yü
besieged the [King of[389] ] Hans at Jung-yang, and the
King of Hans begged for peace, [offering] to cut off
[the region] west of Jung-yang as [the country of]
Hans [leaving the rest to Hsiang Yü. But] his
Second Father, [Fan Tseng], urged Hsiang Yü to
hasten and attack Jung-yang. The King of Han
was worried over [that possibility, but] since Ch'en
P'ing's [plan to bring about] a change and a separation
[between the lord and his followers in Ch'u] had
already succeeded, [Hsiang] Yü was, as a result, suspicious
of his Second Father, [Fan Tseng]. His Second
Father was [therefore] very angry, so went away,
became ill, and died. In the fifth month, General
Chi Hsin said, "The situation has become urgent.
Your servant begs [for permission] to deceive [the
army of] Ch'u [so that] you can thereby escape in the
interval." Therefore Ch'en P'ing at night sent out
more than two thousand women by the east gate.[392]
[The troops of] Ch'u thereupon attacked them from
all sides. Now Chi Hsin had mounted the King's
chariot, with its yellow canopy and plumes on the
left,[394] and said: "Our food is gone. The King of
Han submits to Ch'u." [The soldiers of] Ch'u all
called out, "Long live the King," and went to the
east of the city to look at [the pretended King of
Han]. Because of that, the King of Han succeeded
in going out of the western gate with several tens of
cavalrymen and fled. He had ordered the Grandee
Secretary Chou Ho, Wei Pao, and his excellency
Ts'ung to defend Jung-yang.

When [Hsiang] Yü saw Chi Hsin, he asked where
the King of Han was. [Chi Hsin] replied, "He has
already gone away." [Hsiang] Yü [thereupon]
burnt [Chi] Hsin to death.

Meanwhile Chou Ho and his excellency Ts'ung
said to each other, "It is difficult to defend a city
together with a king who has made his state rebel."
Hence they killed Wei Pao.

When the King of Han went out of Jung-yang, he
went to Ch'eng-kao, [and] from Ch'eng-kao he entered
the [Han-ku] pass. He collected troops,
wanting to return eastwards, but Master Yüan
advised the King of Han, saying, "Hans and Ch'u

have opposed each other at Jung-yang for several
years, and Hans has continually been exhausted.
I wish that your Majesty would go out by the Wu
pass.[397] [Then] King Hsiang [Yü] would have to lead
[away] his troops and hasten southwards. Your
Majesty would be deeply entrenched and [remain
on the defensive], so you would permit [the region]
between Jung-yang and Ch'eng-kao temporarily
to secure a rest. You would send Han Hsin and
others to take, piece by piece, [the state of] Chao
in the region north of the [Yellow] River, and make
an alliance with [the states of] Yen and Ch'i.
Your majesty will thereupon [be able to] return
to Jung-yang. If you do this, then [the state of]
Ch'u must be prepared at many places, and its
strength will be divided. When Hans has secured
a rest, and fights with [Ch'u] again, the rout [of Ch'u]
will be certain." The King of Han followed his
plan and led out his army between Yüan and Shê;
he marched and collected soldiers with Ch'ing Pu.
When [Hsiang] Yü heard that the King of Han was
at Yüan, he really led his troops southwards. [But]
the King of Han was firmly entrenched, and did
not fight with him.

In that month, P'eng Yüeh crossed the Sui
[River], fought with Hsiang Sheng and the Lord of
Hsieh at Hsia-p'ei, routed [their armies], and killed
the Lord of Hsieh. [Hsiang] Yü had the old gentleman
Chung defend Ch'eng-kao and himself went
east to attack P'eng Yüeh. The King of Han led
his troops north, attacked and routed the old gentleman
Chung, and again encamped at Ch'eng-kao.

By the sixth month, [Hsiang] Yü had already routed
P'eng Yüeh and made him flee.

When he heard that [the King of] Han had again
encamped at Ch'eng-kao, he thereupon led his troops
west, took the city of Jung-yang by storm, and captured
Chou Ho alive. [Hsiang] Yü said to [Chou] Ho:
"Be my general and I will make your honor First
[Ranking] General and will appoint you [with the
income of] thirty thousand families." [But] Chou
Ho reviled him and said: "If you do not forthwith

submit to Hans, you may now [consider yourself] its
captive. You are not a match for the King of Han."
[Hsiang] Yü boiled Chou Ho [alive] and also killed
his excellency Ts'ung. Moreover he captured
the King of Hanh, [Hanw] Hsin. Thereupon he
besieged Ch'eng-kao. The King of Hans fled;
alone, with the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying],
sharing his chariot, he came out of Ch'eng-kao by the
Jade Gate, went northwards, crossed the [Yellow]
River, and spent the night at Hsiao-hsiu-wu. By
calling himself a messenger, at dawn he [managed to]
gallop into the entrenchments of Chang Erh and
Han Hsin and took from them [the command of]
their army. Then he sent Chang Erh northwards to
collect troops in the region of Chao.

In the seventh month, there was a bushy comet in

the [constellation] Ta-chio.[405]

When the King of Hans got the army of Han
Hsin, he became powerful again. In the eighth

month he approached the [Yellow] River, and,
going southwards, he encamped at Hsiao-hsiu-wu,
intending to engage in battle again. [But] the
Gentleman-of-the-Palace Cheng Chung advised him
to stop, that he, the King of Han, should build high
his ramparts, deepen his moats, and not fight [any
battles]. The King of Han followed this strategy.

He sent [out] Lu Wan and Liu Chia, leading
twenty thousand soldiers and several hundred

cavalry. They crossed [the Yellow River] at the
Pai-ma ford, entered the territory of Ch'u, assisted
P'eng Yüeh to burn the accumulated stores of Ch'u,
again attacked and routed the army of Ch'u west of
the suburb of Yen, and attacked and captured Sui-yang
and Wai-huang, seventeen cities [in all].

In the ninth month, [Hsiang] Yü said to his Commander-in-chief,

Ts'ao Chiu, the Marquis of Hai-ch'un,
"Cautiously defend Ch'eng-kao. If the
King of Han wishes to provoke a battle, be careful
not to engage in a battle with him. Only do not
allow him to go eastwards. In fifteen days I shall
certainly have subjugated the region of Liang and
will again come to you, general." [Hsiang] Yü led
his troops eastwards and attacked P'eng Yüeh. The
King of Han sent Li Yi-chi to advise the King of
Ch'i, T'ien Kuang, to cease defending himself with
his troops and make peace with Hans.

In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Han Hsin, following the plan of K'uai T'ung, made a
surprise attack upon and routed [the army of] Ch'i.
The King of Ch'i [thereupon] boiled Master Li
[Yi-chi alive] and fled east to Kao-mi. When Hsiang
Yü heard that Han Hsin had routed [the army of]
Ch'i and moreover wanted to attack Ch'u, he sent
Lung Chü to save Ch'i.

[As Hsiang Yü had] predicted, [the army of] Hans
[tried] several times to provoke a battle at Ch'eng-kao,
but the army of Ch'u would not come out.
[Then the King of Hans] sent people to insult [the
army and its generals. After] several days, the
Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao] Chiu, was angry and

crossed the Szu River with his troops. When
the officers and soldiers were half-way across, [the
army of] Hans attacked them and severely routed
the army of Ch'u. [The King of Han then] took
all that the state of Ch'u had of gold, jewels,
goods, and riches. The Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao]
Chiu and his Chief Official,[414] [Szu-ma] Hsin, both cut
their own throats on the Szu River. The King of
Hans led his troops across the [Yellow] River and
again took Ch'eng-kao, encamping at Kuang-wu
and going to the Ao Granary for food.

[Hsiang] Yü had subjugated some ten odd cities of
the region of Liang when he heard that the Marquis
of Hai-ch'un, [Ts'ao Chiu's, army] had been routed.
Thereupon he led his troops back. The army of
Hans was just then besieging Chung-li Mo [at a
place] east of Jung-yang; when it heard that [Hsiang]
Yü had arrived, it all fled to the precipitous and
difficult [terrain at Kuang-wu.]

[Hsiang] Yü also encamped at Kuang-wu; [his
army] and [that of] Hans watched each other; the
strong men were suffering from [constant] military
service, the old and weak were exhausted in transporting
food. The King of Han and [Hsiang] Yü
had an interview on the border of the stream in the
gully[417] [between the two cities of] Kuang-wu, and
talked [together. Hsiang] Yü wanted to fight a duel
single-handed with the King of Han. [But] the
King of Han rebuked [Hsiang] Yü by enumerating
his faults, saying, "When at first I received orders

together with you, Yü, King Huai said, `Whoever
first subjugates Kuan-chung will be made its king.
You, Yü, outraged this covenant and made me king
of Shu and Hans—this was your first crime. You,
Yü, murdered by a false authorization the high
minister[419] who had command of the army, and
exalted yourself—this was your second crime.
After you, Yü, had rescued [the state of] Chao, you
ought to have returned to report [to King Huai];
on the contrary, without authorization, you seized
the troops of the nobles and went through the [Han-ku]
Pass—this was your third crime. King Huai had
engaged his word that when [the troops] entered [the
region of] Ch'in there would be no violence or plundering;
[but] you, Yü, burnt the palaces and courts of
Ch'in, dug up the tomb of the First Emperor,[422] and
took for your own his riches[423] —this was your fourth
crime. In violence you also murdered the King of
Ch'in, Tzu-ying, who had surrendered—this was your
fifth crime. By treachery yoù buried in a trench at
Hsin-an two hundred thousand young men of Ch'in
and gave kingdoms to their generals[424] —this was
your sixth crime. You have everywhere made the
generals kings of good regions and removed and
expelled their former lords,[425] making ministers and
subjects to strive, rebel, and commit treason—this
was your seventh crime. You drove out and expelled
the Emperor Yi from P'eng-ch'eng, making
it your own capital. You took by force the territory
of the King of Hanh,[426] and reigned over Liang
and Ch'u at the same time, giving too much [of
the conquered territory] to yourself—this was your
eighth crime. You sent men to assassinate the Em-
peror Yi secretly in Chiang-nan—this was your ninth
crime. Verily, in your own character as a subject,
you have murdered your lord, murdered those who
had[429] already surrendered, in your government you
have been unjust, and as administrator of the covenant
you have been faithless. [Such deeds are what]
the world cannot endure; [they constitute] treason
and inhuman conduct[431] —this is your tenth crime. I,
with my righteous soldiers,[432] am an associate of the
nobles in punishing a merciless brigand. I should
send an ex-convict to fight with you, sir—why should
I then suffer the trouble of [fighting] a duel with you,
sir?" [Hsiang] Yü was very angry, shot a hidden crossbow,
and hit the King of Han. The King of Han
was wounded in the breast, but he grasped his foot
and said, "This caitiff has hit me in the toe."[433]

The King of Han suffered from his wound and lay
on his bed, [but] Chang Liang strongly begged the
King of Han to arise, go about among the army and
allay [their disquietude] in order to quiet the officers
and soldiers and not permit [the army of] Ch'u to
take advantage of it to gain a victory. The King
of Han went out and visited the army, [but] he
suffered greatly, and consequently rode into Ch'eng-kao.

In the eleventh month, Han Hsin and Kuan Ying

attacked and routed the army of Ch'u and killed the
Ch'u general, Lung Chü. They pursued it to
Ch'eng-yang and captured the King of Ch'i, [T'ien]
Kuang. The minister of Ch'i, T'ien Heng, set himself
up as King of Ch'i and fled to P'eng Yüeh.
Hans set up Chang Erh as King of Chao.

When the King of Han's illness was abated, he
went west through the [Han-ku] Pass [and came] to
Yüeh-yang, [where he] visited and conversed with the
elders, and gave them a feast. He exposed on a
post in the market-place of Yüeh-yang the head
of the former King of Sai, [Szu-ma] Hsin.[438] He
stayed [there] four days [and then] went back to his
army. It remained encamped at Kuang-wu, [so
that] soldiers more and more came out from Kuan-chung,
while, [on the other hand] P'eng Yüeh and
T'ien Heng[439] were in the region of Liang, going back
and forth and harassing the troops of Ch'u, cutting
off their food supplies.

When Han Hsin had routed [the forces of] Ch'i, he

sent men to say [to the King of Han], "[The state of]
Ch'i is a neighbor of [the state of] Ch'u. My
authority is slight; if you do not make me king
temporarily, I fear that I may not be able to
tranquillize Ch'i." The King of Han was angry and
wished to attack him, [but] Chang Liang said, "It is
better to accede to [his request] and to set him up
[as king,] thus causing him to defend [Ch'i] for his
own sake." In the spring, the second month, [the
King of Han] sent Chang Liang with a seal to establish
Han Hsin as King of Ch'i.

In the autumn, the seventh month, he set up

Ch'ing Pu as King of Huai-nan. In the eighth
month the poll-tax (suan) was levied for the first time.[445]

People of the northern Mo and of Yen come,
bringing intrepid cavalry[447] to assist Hans.

The King of Han issued an order that the officials
should provide shrouds, coverlets, coffins, and
encoffining for all the soldiers in the army who were
so unfortunate as to die, and send them back to
their homes. In all directions, [people's] hearts
turned to him.

Hsiang Yü himself knew that he had little support
and that his food supply was at an end. Han Hsin
was again advancing his troops to attack Ch'u,[448] and

[Hsiang] Yü was worried about him. Hans sent Lu
Chia to talk to [Hsiang] Yü and beg for the T'ai-kung,[450]
but [Hsiang] Yü did not listen [to him]. Hans
again sent his excellency Hou to talk to [Hsiang]
Yü. [Hsiang] Yü then made a treaty [with Hans] to
divide the world[451] in half, making the boundary at
the Hung-kou,—[the territory] west of it to be
Hans's and that east of it to be Ch'u's. In the ninth
month [Hsiang Yü] sent back the T'ai-kung and the
Empress [née] Lü. The army all shouted, "Long
life." Thereupon [the King of Han] appointed
his excellency Hou as the P'ing-kuo General.[455]

[Hsiang] Yü withdrew [his army] and returned to
the east. The King of Han wanted to return to the
west, [but] Chang Liang and Ch'en P'ing admonished
him, saying, "Now Hans has the larger half of the
world and the nobles are all its adherents, [whereas]
the troops of Ch'u are exhausted and their food is

gone. This is the time when Heaven will destroy it.
If you do not profit by this opportunity and take
[the kingdom of Ch'u], [you will be in the situation
when] it is said: `By rearing a tiger one brings misfortune
upon himself.' " The King of Han followed
[their counsel].[457]

II. THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]

II. Chapter I
THE ANNALS OF [EMPEROR] KAO-[TSU]

II. PART II[458]

In the fifth year, in the winter, the tenth month,

the King of Han pursued Hsiang Yü to [a place]
south of Yang-chia. [There] he stopped and encamped.
He had arranged for a meeting with the
King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, and with the Chancellor
of State in Weih, [P'eng] Yüeh, to attack Ch'u;
[but even] when he reached Ku-ling, they did not
meet him. [The army of] Ch'u attacked the army
of Hans and severely routed it. [So] the King of
Han again went into entrenchments, digging deep
his moat, and held himself on the defensive.

He said to Chang Liang, "The nobles do not
follow [me], what can I do?" [Chang] Liang replied,
"Altho the troops of Ch'u are almost routed, you
have not yet distributed to [your followers] any
territory; it is really quite natural that they did not
come. If your Majesty is able to share the world

with them, you can get them to come immediately.
The establishment of [Han] Hsin as King of Ch'i
was not your Majesty's design; [Han] Hsin is moreover
not yet sure of his position. P'eng Yüeh
originally subjugated the region of Liang; at first your
Majesty installed [P'eng] Yüeh as Chancellor of State
on account of Wei Pao; now [Wei] Pao is dead and
[P'eng] Yüeh hopes to be king, but your Majesty
did not decide [to appoint him] in good time. If
now you will take [the region] north of Sui-yang to
Ku-ch'eng and make P'eng Yüeh king of it all, and
give the King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, [the region] from
the east of Ch'en2 to the ocean—[Han] Hsin's home is
in Ch'u; he wants to obtain again his home town—
if you can give up these territories and promise them
to these two men, making each one fight for his own
[interests], then Ch'u will easily be defeated."
Thereupon the King of Han dispatched a messenger
to cause Han Hsin and P'eng Yüeh to come. Both
came, leading their troops.

In the eleventh month, Liu Chia entered the
region of Ch'u and besieged Shou-ch'un. Hans also
sent someone to tempt the Commander-in-chief of
Ch'u, Chou Yin. [Chou] Yin rebelled against Ch'u;
with [forces from] Shu, he [captured and] massacred
[the inhabitants of] Liu5, raised the troops of [the
kingdom of] Chiu-chiang, and welcomed [back]
Ch'ing Pu; they marched together and massacred
[the inhabitants of] Ch'eng-fu. In the train of[465] Liu
Chia they all joined forces.

In the twelfth month they surrounded [Hsiang]
Yü's [camp] at Kai-hsia. In the night [Hsiang] Yü
heard the army of Hans on all sides singing the songs
of Ch'u,[469] and thought that [the King of Han] had
gained all the territory of Ch'u, [so Hsiang] Yü fled
with several hundred horsemen. Because of this
fact, his army was severely defeated. Kuan Ying
pursued and beheaded [Hsiang] Yü at Tung-ch'eng.[472]

[Thereafter] the territory of Ch'u was all subjugated,
only [the state of] Lu[473] would not submit.
The King of Han led the troops of the empire[474]
[against it], intending to massacre its [inhabitants].
Because it was a state which had guarded itself faithfully
and was [known for its] proper conduct and
sense of human relationships,[475] [the King of Han had]
the head of [Hsiang] Yü held up and shown to the
elders [of Lu]; then Lu surrendered. Because King
Huai had originally appointed [Hsiang] Yü as the
Duke of Lu, and because when he died Lu was still
firmly defended for him, [the King of Han had Hsiang]
Yü therefore buried at Ku-ch'eng [with the title of][476]

a Duke of Lu. The King of Han proclaimed a
mourning ceremony[480] for him. He wept and lamented,
then left.

He appointed Hsiang Po and others, [altogether]
four [of Hsiang Yü's kindred], as marquises, granting
them the [imperial] surname, Liu.[481] All the people
who had been captured [and kept] in Ch'u were
[allowed] to return [home].

The King of Han returned to Ting-t'ao, rode into
the entrenchments of the King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin,
and took away his army.[482]

The King of Lin-chiang, Kung Ao, whom Hsiang
Yü had originally set up, had previously died; his son
[Kung] Wei had been set up [by Hsiang Yü] in succession
as king, [so] he did not surrender. [The King
of Han] sent Lu Wan and Liu Chia to attack him;

they captured [Kung] Wei.

In the spring, the first month, [the King of Han]
posthumously honored his older brother [Liu] Po,
entitling him Marquis Wu-ai.

An order was given, saying, "The region of Ch'u
has already been subjugated, [but] the Emperor Yi
had no heirs; We wish to be solicitous for the people
of Ch'u and fix upon a king for them. The King of
Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, is well versed in the customs of
Ch'u—let [his kingdom] be changed and [let] him be
established as the King of Ch'u, ruling over [the
region] north of the Huai [River], with his capital at
Hsia-p'ei. The Chancellor of State at Weih, the
Chien-ch'eng Marquis, P'eng Yüeh, has toiled
diligently for the people of Weih; he has humbled
and abased himself to his soldiers and officers.
Often with a few [followers] he has attacked a more
numerous [force]; several times he has routed the
army of Ch'u. Let him be made king over the former
territory of Weih, with the title, `The King of Liang.'
His capital shall be at Ting-t'ao." [The order] also
said, "The troops have not had rest for eight years.
All the people have suffered severely.[486] Now [my
efforts in settling the control] of the world have
been brought to completion. Let an amnesty [be
proclaimed] throughout the world [for all crimes]
below [those deserving] capital punishment."

Thereupon the nobles sent up a petition to [the

King of Han], saying: "The King of Ch'u, Han Hsin,
the King of Hanb, [Hanw] Hsin, the King of Huai-nan,
Ying Pu, the King of Liang, P'eng Yüeh, the
former King of Heng-shan, Wu Jui, the King of
Chao, Chang Ao, and the King of Yen, Tsang Tu,
risking death and making repeated obeisances,[488] say
to your Majesty the great King:[490] In times past
the Ch'in [dynasty] acted contrary to principle and
the world punished it. You, great King, were the
first to capture the King of Ch'in and subjugate
Kuan-chung—your achievements have been the
greatest in the world. You have preserved the perishing
and given repose to those in danger; you have
rescued those who were ruined and have continued
broken [lines of descent] in order to tranquillize all
the people. Your achievements are abundant and
your virtue is great. You have moreover granted
favors to the vassal kings who have merit, enabling
them to succeed in setting up their gods of the
soil and grains.[492] The division of the land has
already been settled, but positions and titles are
[still] confounded with one another, without the
[proper] division of the superior [from] the inferior,
so that the manifestation of your, the great King's,
merits and virtue is not proclaimed to later generations.
Risking death and making repeated obeisances,
we offer to our superior the honorable title of
Emperor."

The King of Hans replied, "I, a person of little
virtue,[496]
have heard that [the title of] emperor should
be possessed by a man eminent in talent and virtue.
An empty name without [possessing] its reality
should not be adopted. Now you, vassal kings, have
all highly exalted me, a person of little virtue. How
could I therefore occupy [such a position]?"

The vassal kings all said, "You, great King, arose
from small [beginnings]; you destroyed the seditious
[dynasty of] Ch'in; your majesty stirs everything
within the seas;[497] moreover, starting from a secluded
and mean region, from Han-chung, you acted out
your majesty and virtue, executing the unrighteous,
setting up the meritorious, tranquillizing and establishing
the empire. Meritorious officials all received
territory and the income of towns; you did
not appropriate them for yourself. Your virtue,
great King, has been bestowed [even to the borders
of] the four seas. We, vassal kings, [find our
speech] inadequate to express it. For you to take
the position of Emperor would be most appropriate.
We hope that you, great King, will favor the world
[by doing so]."

The King of Han replied, "Since the vassal kings
would be favored [by it] and since they consider it to
be an advantage to [all] the people in the world, it

may be done."[499]

Thereupon the vassal kings and "your servant,
the Grand Commandant and Marquis of Ch'ang-an,
[Lu] Wan, and others, [altogether] three hundred persons,
together with the Erudit and the Chi-szu Baronet,
Shu-sun T'ung, carefully selected a favorable

day." In the second month, on [the day] chia-wu,[502]
they presented to their superior the honorable
title [of Emperor] and the King of Han ascended the
imperial throne upon the northern bank of the river
Szu.[505] The Queen was honored and called, "The
Empress"; the Heir-apparent was called "The
Imperial Heir-apparent"; the deceased old dame,
[the Emperor's mother], was posthumously honored
and called "The Chao-ling Lady."

An imperial edict[506] read: "The former King of
Heng-shan, Wu Jui, together with his two sons and
his older brother's son, followed by the troops of the
many Yüeh,[507] rendered very signal service in
assisting the nobles in punishing the tyrannous
Ch'in [dynasty]; the nobles set him up as King,
[but] Hsiang Yü took away his territory by force,

calling him [merely] the Baronet of P'o. Let the
Baronet of P'o, [Wu] Jui, be established as King of
Ch'ang-sha, [ruling over] Ch'ang-sha, Yü-chang,[510] the
Hsiang Commandery, Kuei-lin, and Nan-hai."[511] It
also said, "The ex-king of [Min-] Yüeh, [Tsou] Wu-chu,
for a generation has been perpetuating the ancestral
sacrifices of Yüeh; the Ch'in [dynasty] took
away his territory by force, [so that] his gods of the
soils and grains did not get any blood or food.[512]
When the nobles were chastizing the Ch'in [dynasty,
Tsou] Wu-chu himself led the troops of Min-chung
to assist in destroying the Ch'in [dynasty]; [but]
Hsiang Yü set him aside and did not set him up [as
king]. Now we make him King of Min-yüeh, ruling
over the territory of Min-chung. Let them not
neglect their charges."

The Emperor thereupon went west[514] and established
his capital at Lo-yang. In the summer, the
fifth month, the troops were all disbanded and

returned to their homes. An imperial edict said,
"The members of the noble families[516] in Kuan-chung
are exempted [from service and taxes] for
twelve years; those who have already returned
[home are exempted for] half [that period].[519] As to
the people who formerly had collected to take refuge
in the mountains and marshes,[520] whose names and
numbers have not been enregistered—the world has
now been pacified, [hence] We order that each return
to his prefecture and resume his former noble rank, his
fields, and his habitation. The officials, using civil
laws, should teach and instruct [these people]; let it
be published abroad[521] that there is to be no beating
nor shaming [of them]. As to those people who
because of famine or hunger have themselves sold
their persons to be slaves or slave-girls,[522] let them
all be freed and become common people. As to the
officers and soldiers in the army who have been
pardoned, those who have been without crime, but
are without any noble rank, and those who have not
attained [the rank of] Grandee, We grant them all
the noble rank of Grandee. To all those who formerly
[had the rank] of Grandee and upward, We grant
a noble rank one step [higher]. Let it be ordered
that all those who have [the noble rank of] Seventh
[Rank] Grandee and upward are to be given the
revenue of estates;[524] all those below [the noble rank of]
Seventh [Rank] Grandee will themselves be personally
exempted [from public service] and their households
will not be required to do public service." It also
said, "[The noble ranks] of Seventh [Rank] Grandee
and Public Chariot and above are all high ranks.
Among the members of the noble houses[527] and those
who have returned from the army are very many
with high noble ranks; I have several times ordered
the officials to give fields and habitations to them
first, and that whatever they rightfully ask of the
officials should be promptly given them. There are
some people with [high] noble titles as lords of men[529]
whom the Emperor has honored, performed the
ceremonies, and set up a long time ago, [but] about
whom the officials have unexpectedly not yet
reached a decision—this is utterly unspeakable. As
to those among the people of Ch'in who in former
days were ennobled [with the ranks] of Universal
Grandee and upwards, a Chief and an Assistant[530]
should respect them as their equals. Now I do not
think lightly of [these] noble ranks, why should the
officials alone take them thus? Moreover, according
to the law, those who have some achievement
and have rendered meritorious service should be
given fields and habitations; [yet] at present many of
the small officials who have never been with the
army have been satisfied, but those who have [military]
merit have nevertheless received nothing. For
a [Commandery] Administrator, a [Commandery]
Commandant, or a Chief Official to act contrary to
public interest and for the interests of private persons
is a kind of teaching and instruction that is extremely
bad. Let it be ordered that the officials should
treat the holders of high noble ranks properly [in
order to] conform to my wishes. Moreover there
will be an inspection and examination; if there are
[found] any who have not acted in accordance with
my edict, they will be heavily sentenced."

The Emperor held a feast in the Southern Palace

at Lo-yang. The Emperor said, "Marquises and
generals, do not dare to hide anything from Us.
Express all your feelings. What was the reason that
I have obtained the empire? What was the reason
that the house of Hsiang [Yü] lost the empire?"

Kao Ch'i[534] and Wang Ling replied, "Your Majesty
treats people cavalierly and is rude to them, [whereas]
Hsiang Yü was kind and respected people; yet
when your Majesty sent people to attack a city or
overrun a region, you thereupon gave them whatever

they submitted, sharing your advantages with the
world. Hsiang Yü was jealous of the capable and
envious of the able; he [sought to] injure whoever had
accomplished anything worth while and was suspicious
of those who were capable. When people
were victorious in battle he did not give them any
glory; when they obtained some territory, he did
not give others any advantage [of it]. The foregoing
is the reason that he lost the empire."

The Emperor said, "You sirs, know a part, but
you do not know the whole. Now, in revolving
plans in the tent and in making a victory certain at a
distance of a thousand li, I am not as good as
[Chang] Tzu-fang.[536] In pacifying a state, in
soothing the people, in supplying pay and provisions

and never permitting the communications for food
to be cut, I am not as good as Hsiao Ho. In uniting
a crowd of a million [men], in being sure of victory in
battle, and in taking whatever [place] one attacks,[539]
I am not as good as Han Hsin. [These] three are all
outstanding men. I was able to make use of them—
that is the reason I took the world. Hsiang Yü
had one Fan Tseng, but he could not make use of
him[540] —that was the reason he became my captive."
The crowd of officials were glad to acquiesce.

Originally T'ien Heng had gone over to P'eng
Yüeh. When Hsiang Yü had already been destroyed,
[T'ien] Heng was afraid of being executed,
[so] with his clients and guests he fled into the
sea. The Emperor was afraid that if he stayed long
he would create trouble, [so] sent a messenger to
grant [T'ien] Heng amnesty, saying, "If [T'ien]
Heng [and his party] come [and surrender], the great
[person in his company will be made] a king and
the lesser [persons] marquises. If [he and his
following] do not come, I will immediately send
out troops and punish [him and his followers] with
death." [T'ien] Heng was dismayed, [so], riding a
[four-horse] post-carriage,[541] he went to Lo-yang.
When he was [still] thirty li away, he committed

suicide. The Emperor admired his faithfulness and
wept for him. He sent out two thousand soldiers to
bury him with the rites of a king.

A banished man, Lou Ching, begged for an
interview and said to the Emperor, "Your Majesty
has taken the empire differently from [the way the]
Chou [dynasty did],[545] [so that] your capital in
Lo-yang is not advantageous. It is better to enter
the passes and occupy the stronghold of the Ch'in
[dynasty]." The Emperor asked Chang Liang about
it. [Chang] Liang therefore urged the Emperor
[likewise]. On that day [the Emperor] mounted the
imperial chariot and went westwards to fix his capital
at Ch'ang-an. He installed Lou Ching as the Fungch'un
Baronet and granted him the [imperial] surname,
Liu.

In the sixth month, on the day jen-ch'en, a general
amnesty for the world [was proclaimed].

In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of
Yen, Tsang Tu, revolted.[548] The Emperor, himself
[acting as] general, marched against him. In the
ninth month he captured [Tsang] Tu. An imperial
edict [ordered] the vassal kings to look for a meritorious
person to be made king of Yen. "The King of
Ching, your servant, [Han] Hsin," and others, ten [in
all], all replied, "The merits of the Grand Commadent
and Marquis of Ch'ang-an, Lu Wan, are the greatest
[of all]. We beg you to make him King of Yen."
[The Emperor] sent his Lieutenent Chancellor [Fan]
K'uai with troops to subjugate the region of Tai.[553]

Li Chi rebelled; the Emperor personally [led the
the army to] attack him and routed his [army]. Li
Chi had been a general of Hsiang Yü; when [Hsiang]
Yü was defeated, Li Chi was the magistrate of
Ch'en2. He had submitted [to Kao-tsu] and the
Emperor had made him a Marquis in the Ying-ch'uan
[Commandery]. When the Emperor had
arrived at Lo-yang, he had summoned the whole of
the marquises that were enregistered, hence Li Chi
had been afraid and had rebelled.

In the intercalary ninth month, [the Emperor] removed
the members of noble families to Kuan-chung.

He repaired the Ch'ang-lo Palace.

In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the Emperor ordered the prefectural cities and towns

of the empire to build themselves city walls.[556]

A man gave information that the King of Ch'u,
[Han] Hsin, was planning to revolt. The Emperor
asked those around him [about it]; those around him
vied [with each other], wanting to attack [Han

Hsin. But the Emperor] utilized the stratagem
[suggested by] Ch'en P'ing. So he feigned to make a
trip to Yün-meng. In the twelfth month he
assembled the nobles at Ch'en2, and the King of
Ch'u, [Han] Hsin, went to pay his respects. Thereupon
[the Emperor] arrested him.[562]

An imperial edict read, "Since the world has been
at peace, eminent and distinguished persons who
have merit have been appointed marquises. I am
but newly seated [on the throne, hence] have not
been able to plan a complete [reward for] their
meritorious actions. They themselves have lived
with the army for nine years, [so that] whether because
they are not yet accustomed to the laws and
ordinances, or because they formerly violated the
law, [those who have committed] great [crimes]
have been killed or mutilated. I pity them greatly.
Let there be an amnesty granted to all the world."[564]

T'ien K'en congratulated the Emperor, saying,
"[Your Majesty's plans are] very good. Your Majesty
has taken Han Hsin and also rules from [the region
of] Ch'in. Ch'in is a country with an excellent
geographical situation. It is girdled by the [Yellow]
River, with mountains as barriers, separated [from
the rest of the world] along a thousand li [of border]
with a million lance-bearers—[the strength of]
Ch'in is proportionate to double[565] that of a hundred

[enemy]. Its geographical situation is convenient
and favorable; when it sends down its troops [from
the passes] upon the nobles, it is like [a person] on
top of a high building upsetting water into a tile
gutter. Now Ch'i in the east has the richness of Lang-ya and
Chi-mo; in the south are the fastnesses of Mount T'ai;
in the west are the obstacles on the Muddy River;
on the north it has the advantages of the P'o Sea.
Its territory is two thousand li square and it has a
million lance-bearers. It is marked off and separated
[from the rest of the world] along more than a
thousand li [of boundary—the strength of] Ch'i is
proportionate to double[569] that of ten [enemy].
These are [then] an eastern and a western Ch'in.[570]
Only your own son or your own brother may be sent
to be king over Ch'i." The Emperor replied,
"Good." He gave him [the equivalent of] five
hundred catties of gold.[572]

The Emperor returned to Lo-yang and pardoned
Han Hsin, appointing him as Marquis of Huai-yin.
On the day chia-shen[573] [the Emperor] first split the

tallies and appointed his meritorious subjects,
Ts'ao Ts'an and others, as marquises.

An imperial edict said, "Ch'i is an anciently

founded state; but now it [has been broken into]
commanderies [with their] prefectures. Let it again
become [a state with] a nobility. General Liu Chia
has several times performed great deeds; select
him and some other persons who are large-hearted
and kind, cultivated and pure, to rule over regions
in Ch'i and Ching." In the spring, the
first month, on the day ping-wu, the King of Hanh,
[Hanw] Hsin, and others memorialized [the throne],
begging that Liu Chia be made King of Ching,
[ruling over] the fifty-three prefectures of the former
Tung-yang Commandery, the Chang Commandery,
and the Wu Commandery, and that [the Emperor]
set up his younger brother the Wen-hsin Baronet,
[Liu] Chiao, as King of Ch'u, [ruling over] the thirty-six
prefectures of the Tang Commandery, the Hsieh
Commandery, and the T'an Commandery. On [the
day] jen-tzu [the Emperor] set up his older brother,
the Yi-hsin Marquis, [Liu] Hsi, as King of Tai,
[ruling over] the fifty-three prefectures of the Yün-chung,
the Yen-men, and the Tai Commanderies.
He set up his son, [Liu] Fei, as King of Ch'i, [ruling]
over the seventy-three prefectures of the Chiao-tung,
the Chiao-si, the Lin-tzu, the Chi-pei, the Po-yang,
and the Ch'eng-yang[582] commanderies. [The Emperor]
made the kingdom of Hanh out of the thirty-one
prefectures of the T'ai-yüan Commandery, and
removed the King of Hanh, [Hanw] Hsin, [to it],
with his capital at Chin-yang.[583]

When the Emperor had already appointed [to
noble positions] twenty[586] odd men of great merit,
the rest disputed over their [respective] merits, for
which enfeoffments had not yet been made. When
the Emperor was in the Southern Palace, from
above on the double passageway,[588] he saw the generals
often talking together privately. He asked Chang
Liang [about it, and Chang] Liang said, "Your Majesty
conquered the world together with these people.
Now you are already the Son of Heaven, and those
whom you have enfeoffed are all your old friends and
those whom you love, while those whom you have
punished with death were all enemies you have
made in your life-time, against whom you held a
grudge. Now the army officers are counting up
those who have merits and think that the world is
insufficient to enfeoff them all, so they fear that for a
[trifling] fault they might meet with the punishment
of death. Hence they meet and plan to rebel."
The Emperor replied, "What can I do for that?"
[Chang] Liang replied, "Take the persons whom your
Majesty has always disliked, figuring out the one
whom all your courtiers know [you dislike] the very
most, and enfeoff him first in order to show your
courtiers [that you really mean them well]." In the
third month the Emperor held a feast and enfeoffed
Yüng Ch'ih. Thereupon he urged his Lieutenant
Chancellor [Hsiao Ho] to hasten and determine the
merits [of the officers] and make the [due] appointments.
When the feast was over, the courtiers were
all glad and said, "Even Yung Ch'ih [has been made]
a marquis; we have no cause at all for anxiety."

The Emperor returned to Yüeh-yang. Once
every five days he would pay homage to the T'ai-kung
[his father]. The Household Steward of the T'ai-kung
admonished the T'ai-kung, saying, "Heaven
has not two suns; the land has not two sovereigns.
Although the Emperor is your son, he is the lord of
men. Although you, the T'ai-kung, are his father,
you are his subject. Why should you be the cause
of the lord of men making obeisance before one who

is his subject? In this way, his majesty and authority
are then not exhibited." Afterwards when the
Emperor [came to pay] homage, the T'ai-kung,
holding a broom, welcomed him at the door and
walked backwards.[593] The Emperor was greatly
startled. He descended[594] and supported the T'ai-kung.
The T'ai-kung said, "The Emperor is the lord of
men, why should you overturn the principles of the
world on my account?" On that account the Emperor
in his heart approved the words of the Household
Steward and granted him five hundred catties
of actual gold.

In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day] ping-

201 B.C.

June/July

wu, an imperial edict said, "Of all the close relationships,
none is closer than that of father and son.
Therefore when a father possesses the world he hands
it down to his son, and when a son possesses the
world his dignity reverts to his father—this is the
highest perfection of human principles. In former
days the world was in great disturbance, armed
troops arose everywhere, and all the people suffered
calamities. We Ourself wore armor, wielded a
pointed [weapon], and Ourself led Our officers and
soldiers, braving danger and difficulty in order to
put down the tyrannous and rebellious. We have
set up a nobility, ended the war, and given the
people rest, [so that] the world [is enjoying] a great
peace. This is all [due to] the teaching and instruction
of the T'ai-kung [Our father]. The kings, the
marquises, the generals, the many ministers, and the
Grandees have already honored Us [with the title
of] Emperor; but the T'ai-kung has not yet had any
title. Now We present to and honor the T'ai-kung
with the title of the Grand Emperor."

In the autumn, the ninth month, the Huns besieged

the King of Hanh, [Hanw] Hsin, at Ma-yi, and
[Hanw] Hsin surrendered to the Huns.

In the seventh year, in the winter, the tenth

month, the Emperor in person acting as general
attacked the King of Hanh, [Hanw] Hsin, at T'ung-ti,
and beheaded his general.[603] [But Hanw] Hsin
escaped and fled to the Huns. Together with[604]
his generals, Man-ch'iu Ch'en and Wang Huang,
they together set up a descendant of the former king
of Chao, Chao Li, as King [of Chao], collected the
scattered troops of [Hanw] Hsin [for him], and,
together with the Huns, they resisted [the forces
of] the Hans [dynasty].[607] The Emperor, [starting]
from Chin-yang, fought a succession of battles
and took advantage of his victories to pursue the
defeated. He went to Lou-fan, [where] he met
with a severe cold spell, [so that] two or three out of
every ten officers and soldiers lost fingers [or toes].
Thereupon he went to P'ing-ch'eng, [where] he was
besieged by the Huns for seven days. He used
the secret plan of Ch'en P'ing and succeeded in
getting out.[609] [Then] he ordered Fan K'uai to
stay in order to subjugate the region of Tai. In
the twelfth month the Emperor returned. He
passed through Chao but did not treat the King of
Chao courteously.[614]

In this month the Huns attacked Tai, and the
King of Tai, [Liu] Hsi, abandoned his state and of
his own accord returned to Lo-yang.[615] He was forgiven
and made Marquis of Ho-yang. On [the

day] hsin-mao[617] [the Emperor] made his son, [Liu]
Ju-yi, King of Tai.

In the spring [the Emperor] ordered that when a
Gentleman-of-the-Palace commits a crime [deserving]
a more [severe punishment] than that of shaving
the whiskers,[620] [the officials] should ask [the throne's

consent to the sentence], and that people who had sons
born to them should be exempted from public service
for two years. In the second month he went to
Ch'ang-an. Hsiao Ho was building the Wei-yang
Palace, and was erecting the Eastern Portal, the
Northern Portal, the Front Hall, the Arsenal, and
the Great Granary. The Emperor saw their greatness
and elegance and was very angry. He said to
[Hsiao] Ho, "The world is full of tumultuous cries; I
have toiled and suffered for many years; my success
or failure cannot yet be known—why are you
building these palaces and halls beyond measure?"
[Hsiao] Ho replied, "The world is not just yet
subjugated—for that reason we should take this
opportunity to complete the palaces and halls.
Moreover the Son of Heaven has the four seas [and
all within them] for his household. Without[623]
great and elegant [buildings], you will not [be able to
display] your authority and majesty. We should
not moreover let it be that later generations
should find anything to be despized." The Emperor
was delighted, removed from Yüeh-yang, and
established his capital at Ch'ang-an. He established
the office[624] of the Superintendency over the Imperial
House to arrange the precedence among his
nine [classes of] relatives. In the summer, the
fourth month, he went to Lo-yang.

In his eighth year, in the winter, the Emperor

went east to attack Hanw Hsin's[630] remaining
robbers[632] at Tung-yüan. On his return, he went
thru [the state of] Chao. The Chancellor of Chao,
Kuan Kao, and others [felt] humiliated [because] the
Emperor did not extend any courtesy to their King,
[and so] secretly plotted, wishing to assassinate the
Emperor. The Emperor was going to pass the
night [at a certain place, but] his spirit was moved,
so he asked what the name of the prefecture was.
He was answered, "Po-jen." The Emperor said, "A
po-jen is a person harassed by someone."[633] He
went away and did not spend the night [there].

In the eleventh month [the Emperor] ordered

that the officers and soldiers who had died when
with the army should be put in provisional coffins
and returned to their [home] prefectures; their
prefectures should supply their shrouds, their
coverlets, their [permanent] coffins, their burials,
their [mortuary] furnishings, and should sacrifice
[to them] a ram and a pig. The chief officials should
supervise their funerals.

In the twelfth month [the Emperor] went from

Tung-yüan to [the capital]. In the spring, the third
month, he went to Lo-yang. He ordered that the
officials and soldiers who went with the army to
P'ing-ch'eng,[640] those who defended the city and
the walled towns, should all be exempt from public
service for life. Those whose noble rank was not
above that of Public Chariot shall not be allowed to
wear the Hat of the House of Liu. Merchants
are not to be permitted to wear brocade, embroidery,
flowered silk, crape linen, fine linen, sackcloth, or
wool, carry weapons, or ride a quadriga or a horse.[642]

In the autumn, the eighth month, there was a
pardon granted to those officials who had committed
crimes [but] had not yet been detected.

In the ninth month, [the Emperor] went from

Lo-yang to [the capital]. The King of Huai-nan,
[Ch'ing Pu], the King of Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the
King of Chao, [Chang Ao], and the King of Ch'u,
[Liu Chiao], all accompanied him.

In the ninth year, in the winter, the tenth month,

the King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing Pu], the King of
Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the King of Chao, [Chang Ao],
and the King of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao], came to court at
the Wei-yang Palace [to pay their homage. The
Emperor] held a feast in the Front Hall. The
Emperor held up a jade wine-cup[649] and drank a
toast to the health of the Grand Emperor, saying,
"At first you, sire, continually thought of me, your
servant, as a good-for-nothing, one who could not
apply himself to any professional occupation,[650] who
was not as industrious as [my brother] Chung.
Now who has achieved the more, I or Chung?"
The many courtiers in the Hall all called out,
"Long life," They laughed loudly and made merry.

In the eleventh month [the Emperor] removed to
Kuan-chung five great clans of Ch'i and Ch'u: the
Chao clan, the Chu clan, the Ching clan, the Huai
clan, and the T'ien clan, and gave them the advantage
of its fields and dwellings.[656]

In the twelfth month he went to Lo-yang. The
rebellious conspiracy of Kuan Kao and his accomplices
were discovered. [Kuan] Kao and his accomplices
were arrested and captured;[658] the King of
Chao, [Chang] Ao, was also captured and put in
prison. An imperial edict [was issued to the effect
that] anyone who dared to follow the king would be
punished by [death and] the extermination of his
three [sets of] relatives. [The king's] Gentlemen-ofthe-Palace,
T'ien Shu, Meng Shu, and others,
ten persons [in all], themselves shaved their heads,
put on iron collars,[659] made themselves slaves of the
king's household, and followed the king to prison.
The king did not really know of [Kuan Kao's]
conspiracy. In the spring, the first month, [the
Emperor] dismissed the King of Chao, [Chang] Ao,
and made him the Marquis of Hsüan-p'ing.
He moved the King of Tai, [Liu] Ju-yi, to be the
King of Chao, ruling over the state of Chao. Those
who, before [the day] ping-yin, had committed
crimes not serious enough [to deserve] the punishment
of an irrevokable death sentence were all pardoned.
In the second month [the Emperor] went
from Lo-yang to [the capital]. [He esteemed as]
capable [men] the ten courtiers of Chao, T'ien Shu,
Meng Shu, and the others, summoned them to an
interview, and conversed with them. None of the
courtiers in the Han court were able to surpass the
best[666] [efforts] of these men. The Emperor was delighted
and appointed every one of them as Administrators
of commanderies or Chancellors of the nobles.

In the summer, the sixth month, on [the day]

yi-wei, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse
of the sun.

In the tenth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing Pu], the King of Yen,
[Lu Wan], the King of Ching, [Liu Chia], the King of
Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the King of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao],
the King of Ch'i, [Liu Fei], and the King of Ch'ang-sha,
[Wu Ch'eng], came to court [to render their
homage.]

In the summer, the fifth month, the Grand
Emperor[675] died; in the autumn, the seventh month,
on [the day] kuei-mao, he was buried at Wan-nien.
[The Emperor] pardoned those imprisoned at Yüeh-yang
whose crimes were less than[680] those [deserving]
death. In the eighth month he ordered the vassal
kings all to set up temples to the Grand Emperor
at the capitals of their states.[682]

In the ninth month, the Chancellor of State in

Tai, Ch'en Hsi, revolted. The Emperor said,
"[Ch'en] Hsi has acted as my envoy; he has had my
entire confidence. I have been anxious about the
region of Tai, hence I appointed [Ch'en] Hsi to be a
marquis, and, as Chancellor of State, to guard Tai;
but now with Wang Huang and others he has
seized and ravaged the region of Tai. The officials
and people [of Tai] have committed no crime; those
who can leave [Ch'en] Hsi and [Wang] Huang and
come to return [to their allegiance to me] will all be
pardoned." The Emperor reached Han-tan from
the east. [Then] the Emperor was delighted and
said, "[Ch'en] Hsi did not come south and hold
Han-tan, in order to[686] bar [the passage up] the
river Chang. I know that he is really incapable of
doing anything." The Chancellor of Chao, Chou
Ch'ang, memorialized [the throne to the effect that]
of the twenty-five cities of Ch'ang-shan,[687] twenty
cities had been lost. He begged that the Administrator
and [Commandary] Commandant be sentenced
to death. The Emperor said, "Have the
Administrator and [Commandery] Commandant
rebelled?" and was answered, "No." The Emperor
[then] said, "Their strength was inadequate; they
have committed no crime."

The Emperor ordered Chou Ch'ang to select some

of the valiant gentlemen of Chao who could be commissioned
as generals. He reported back, and [the
Emperor] interviewed four men. The Emperor
treated them with contempt and scolded them,
saying, "You striplings, have you the stuff to be
generals?" The four men blushed for shame, and
all fell prostrate to the earth. The Emperor
appointed for each [the income of] a thousand
families and made them generals. His close associates
remonstrated with him, saying, "From [the
time that you] entered Shu and Hans and [made an
expedition] to punish [the state of] Ch'u, you have
never yet [given] indiscriminate [rewards].[691] For
what deeds do you now appoint these [people]?"
The Emperor replied, "This is not anything that you
understand. Ch'en Hsi has rebelled, and the
regions of Chao and Tai are all in [Ch'en] Hsi's
possession. I used a feathered call-to-arms to
summon the empire's troops, but none have yet
arrived. Now I can only count on the troops in
Han-tan alone. Why should I be parsimonious about
[the income of] four thousand families and not use it
to console the young men of Chao?" They all
replied, "You are right." He also sought whether
Yo Yi had any descendants [living], found his
grandson, [Yo] Shu, and enfeoffed him at Yo-hsiang,
entitling him the Hua-ch'eng Baronet.

[The Emperor] asked about[692] the generals of
[Ch'en] Hsi, [and found that] they were all former
merchants. The Emperor said, "Then I know how
to deal with them." So he bribed the generals of

[Ch'en] Hsi with much gold, and many of [Ch'en]
Hsi's generals surrendered.

In the eleventh year, in the winter, the Emperor

was at Han-tan. A general of [Ch'en] Hsi, Hou
Ch'ang, scouted about, leading more than ten
thousand men. Wang Huang, leading more than a
thousand cavalry, encamped at Ch'ü-ni. Chang
Ch'un, leading more than ten thousand foot-soldiers,
crossed the [Yellow] River to attack Liao-ch'eng; a
general of the Han [dynasty], Kuo Meng, together
with a general of [the state of] Ch'i, attacked [Chang
Ch'un] and routed his [troops] severely. The
Grand Commandant[698] , Chou P'o, went by way of the
T'ai-yüan [Commandery], entered and subjugated
the region of Tai. He went to Ma-yi, [but] Ma-yi
would not submit, [so] he attacked and massacred its
[people]. A general of [Ch'en] Hsi, Chao Li, was
defending Tung-yüan. Kao-tsu attacked it, [but]
did not take it. [Some of] the soldiers [of the town]
cursed him. The Emperor became angry, and,
when the city surrendered, those soldiers who had
cursed him were beheaded.[699] Those prefectures
which had been firmly defended and did not surrender
to the rebellious robbers,[700] were exempted
from the land tax and capitation taxes for three
years.

In the spring, the first month, the Marquis of
Huai-yin, Han Hsin, plotted a revolt at Ch'ang-an.
He was exterminated with his three [sets of] relatives.[703]

General Ch'ai Wu beheaded the King of Hanh,
[Hanw] Hsin, at Ts'an-ho. The Emperor returned
to Lo-yang. An imperial edict said, "The territory

of Tai is north of [that of] Ch'ang-shan, and borders
on [the regions of] the barbarians.[705] Consequently,
[the state of] Chao has [to control this territory] from
south of the mountains.[708] It is far away [from its
administrative headquarters], frequently pillaged
[by] the Hu, and has difficulty in being a state.
We will take a bit of the territory of the T'ai-yüan
[Commandery] south of the mountains and augment
[with it the region] belonging to Tai.[709] [The part
of] Tai west of Yün-chung shall become the Yün-chung
Commandery. Thus Tai will be suffering
less from border raids. You, kings, chancellors of
states, marquises, and officials who [have the rank
of] two thousand piculs, should select someone
who can be made King of Tai." The King of Yen,
[Lu] Wan, the Chancellor of State [Hsiao] Ho, and
others, [altogether] thirty-three persons, unanimously
replied, "Your son, [Liu] Heng, is capable,
wise, gentle, and good. We beg that he be made
King of Tai, with his capital at Chin-yang."[710] A
general amnesty for all the world [was proclaimed].

In the second month, an imperial edict said,

"[We] wish very much to lessen the poll-taxes,
[but] now the offerings [made to Us] have no
regulations, [so that] the officials sometimes make
the poll-tax heavy in order to use it for offerings
[to Us], and for the vassal kings [this tax] is even
heavier, [with the result that] the people suffer from
it. Henceforth the vassal kings and marquises
shall regularly pay court and make offerings [to Us,
the Emperor], in the tenth month,[715] and each commandery
shall [make an offering] in accordance with[716]
the total number of its people; each person per year
[shall be taxed] sixty-three cash in order to provide
for the expense of making offerings [to the Emperor]."

[The edict][717] also said, "Verily [We] have heard
that no [true] king was greater than [King] Wen of
the Chou [dynasty] and no Lord Protector was
greater than [Duke] Huan of Ch'i—both needed
capable men in order to make a name for themselves.[718]
At present in the world there are capable
men who are wise and able; why should only men of
ancient times [be capable]? The trouble is that the
ruler of men does not meet them. By what means

could a gentleman have access [to me]? Now I,
by the spiritual power of Heaven,[721] [and by my] capable
gentlemen and high officials have subjugated
and possess the empire and have made it one family.
I wish it to be enduring, that generation after generation
should worship at my ancestral temple without
cessation. Capable persons have already shared
with me in its pacification. Should it be that [any
capable persons] are not to share together with me
in its comfort and its benefits? If there are
any capable gentlemen or sirs who are willing
to follow and be friends with me, I can make them
honorable and illustrious. Let [the foregoing] be
published to [all] the world, to make plain Our intention.
Let the Grandee Secretary[722] [Chao] Yao[723]
transmit it to the Chancellor of State; let the Chancellor
of State [Hsiao Ho], the Marquis of Tso, transmit
it to the vassal kings; the Palace Secretary for
Administrating the Laws shall transmit it to the
Commandery Administrators. If any [among their
people] have an excellent[725] reputation and manifest
virtue, [the officials] must personally urge [them to
come], provide them with a quadriga, and send
them to go to the courts of the Chancellor of State
to have written down their accomplishments, their
appearance,[729] and their age.[730] If there are [such
ones] and [any official] does not report them, when
[this fact] becomes known, he shall be dismissed.
Those who are aged, infirm, or ill should not be
sent."

In the third month, the King of Liang, P'eng
Yüeh, plotted a rebellion. He was exterminated
with his three [sets of] relatives.[732] The imperial
edict said, "Do you select [some persons] who can
be made the King of Liang and the King of Huai-yang."
The King of Yen, [Lu] Wan, the Chancellor
of State [Hsiao] Ho, and others begged [the Emperor]
to establish his son, [Liu] K'uei, as the King of Liang,
and his son, [Liu] Yu, as the King of Huai-yang.
[The Emperor] reduced considerably the Tung
Commandery and added a part of it to [the state of]
Liang. He [also] reduced considerably[735] the Ying-ch'uan
Commandery and added a part of it to [the
state of] Huai-yang.

In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor]

went from Lo-yang to [the capital]. He ordered that
the people of Feng who had been moved to Kuan-chung
should all be exempted [from taxes and
service] for life.[738]

In the fifth month an imperial edict said, "According

to the customs of the people of [Nan-] Yüeh, they
like to attack each other. At a previous time, the
Ch'in [dynasty] moved people from the central
prefectures[740] to the three commanderies of the
southern quarter, and sent them to live intermixed
with the many [tribes of] the Yüeh. It happened
that when the world punished the Ch'in [dynasty],
the [Commandery] Commandant of Nan-hai, [Chao]
T'o, was living in the southern quarter and ruling it
as its chieftain. He has made an excellent arrangement
[of his government, so that] the people from the
central prefectures have hence not diminished [in
number] and the custom of the people of Yüeh to
attack each other is progressively ceasing. For all
[the foregoing, the region] is in debt to his ability.
Now We establish [Chao] T'o as King of Nan-yüeh
and commission Lu Chia to transmit his kingly seal
and [its] cord." [Chao] T'o made obeisance [to the
Emperor's edict] and acknowledged himself as
[Kao-tsu's] subject.

In the sixth month [the Emperor] ordered that the
officers and soldiers who had followed him into Shu,
Hans, and Kuan-chung should all be exempted [from
taxes and military service] for life.[744]

In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of
Huai-nan, [Ch'ing] Pu, revolted. The Emperor
asked the generals [for a plan of campaign]. The
Lord of Teng [Hsia-hou Ying] said that the former
Chief Administrator of Ch'u, his excellency
Hsieh, had formed a plan, and the Emperor saw[749]
his excellency. His excellency Hsieh told about
[Ch'ing] Pu's circumstances, and the Emperor approved
his [plan] and appointed his excellency
Hsieh [to the income of] a thousand families. [The
Emperor next issued] an edict that the kings and
the Chancellor of State should select [someone] who
could be made King of Huai-nan. His subjects
[the kings and chancellors] begged that he make his
son, [Liu] Ch'ang, its king. The Emperor thereupon
mobilized as the Imperial Heir-apparent's Guard,
chariots and cavalry from the Shang commandery,
from the Pei-ti [Commandery], and from the Lung-hsi
[Commandery], skilled soldiers from Pa and
Shu, together with thirty thousand of the soldiers
[belonging to] the Palace Military Commander, and
had them encamp at Pa-shang. [Ch'ing] Pu really
[did] as his excellency Hsieh had said: he went
eastwards, attacked and killed the King of Ching,
Liu Chia, seized his troops, crossed the Huai
[River], and attacked [the state of] Ch'u.[750] The
King of Ch'u, [Liu] Chiao, fled to Hsieh. The
Emperor granted a pardon to [everyone in] the world
except [those guilty of] capital crimes, and ordered
them all to enlist in the army. He summoned the
troops of the nobles, and, with the Emperor in person
acting as general, attacked [Ch'ing] Pu.

In his twelfth year, in the winter, the tenth
month, the Emperor routed [the army of Ch'ing]
Pu at Kuei-chui. [Ch'ing] Pu fled. [The Emperor]
ordered a detached general to pursue him.

The Emperor, on his return, passed thru P'ei,[755]
and stopped to make a feast in the palace at P'ei.
He summoned all his friends, elders and young people,
to attend[756] the feast. He sent out for the children

of P'ei, secured a hundred and twenty persons, and
taught them some songs. At the height of the
drinking, the Emperor struck a five-stringed lute,[758]
and himself sang as follows:[759]
He ordered all the children to reiterate it in concert;
then the Emperor arose and danced. In sadness of
mind and grieving in spirit many tears rolled down
[his cheeks], and he said to the elders of P'ei, "The
wanderer is saddened in his native village. Altho
I [make] my capital in Kuan-chung, after my life is
over, my spirit will rejoice[762] as it thinks of P'ei.
Moreover, [beginning] from [the humble rank of]
the Lord of P'ei, We have punished with extermination
the tyrannous and rebellious [dynasty of Ch'in]
and thereafter possessed the empire. Let[763] P'ei
become Our private town.[764] [We] exempt its
people from generation to generation, not [requiring]
them to provide anything [for the public treasury]."

The elders, the matrons, and his old friends at
P'ei [spent their time for] days rejoicing and drinking,
extremely pleased and telling of [his] former [doings]
in order to laugh and rejoice. [After] more than ten
days, the Emperor wished to leave, [but] the elders
of P'ei insistently begged him [to stay].[765] The

Emperor said, "My people are quite numerous; you,
Elders, are not able to provide [for them]." Thereupon
he departed. Those who were in P'ei emptied
the city and all came to the west of the town to
make offerings.[769] The Emperor stopped and stayed
[there], and banqueted them in a tent for three days.
The elders of P'ei all knocked their heads to the
ground [before Kao-tsu] and said, "P'ei has happily
obtained exemption, but Feng has not obtained it—if
only your Majesty would take pity upon it!" The
Emperor replied, "Feng is where I was born and
raised; I could never forget it. But I [cannot
exempt it] because it formerly revolted against me
for the sake of Yung Ch'ih [and gave its allegiance]
to Weih."[770] The elders of P'ei insistently begged
him, so he also exempted Feng like P'ei.

The detached general of the Han [dynasty]
attacked the army of [Ch'ing] Pu north and south
of the River Pi,[771] and at both places routed it
severely. [Then] he caught up with and decapitated
[Ch'ing] Pu at P'o-yang.

Chou P'o subjugated Tai and beheaded Ch'en
Hsi at Tang-ch'eng.

An imperial edict said, "Wu was an anciently
established state. In the past, the King of Ching
[Liu Chia] has also had its territory. Now that he
has died without issue, We wish again to establish a
king of Wu. Let it be discussed who is able [to
occupy this position]." The King of Ch'ang-sha,
[Wu] Ch'en,[774] and others said, "The Marquis of
P'ei, [Liu] P'i, is dignified and sincere; we beg that
you establish him as King of Wu." When he had
already been installed [as King], the Emperor summoned
him and said to [Liu] P'i, "Your appearance
has the look of a rebel." So he patted him on the
back and said, "If, [within] the coming fifty years,
the Han [dynasty] has a revolt in the southeast,
would it be you? The world is however [now subservient
to] one house and is all one family; you must
be careful not to rebel." [Liu] P'i knocked his head
on the ground and said, "I would not dare [to do
so]."[776]

In the eleventh month, [the Emperor] travelled

from Huai-nan and returned [to the capital]. He
passed thru Lu and sacrificed to Confucius, offering
him a suevotaurilia.[779]

In the twelfth month an imperial edict said, "The
[First] Emperor of the Ch'in [dynasty], King Yin of
Ch'u [Ch'en Shê], King An-hsi of Weih, King Min
of Ch'i, and King Tao-hsiang of Chao, all have had
their lines of descent cut off, being without issue.
Let there be twenty families as the grave-keepers of
the First Emperor of Ch'in; [for] each of [these kings
of] Ch'u, of Weih, and of Ch'i, [let there be] ten
families; [for] each of [the king of] Chao and the
Prince of Weih, Wu-chi, [let there be] five families.
We order that [these families] should watch with care
the tumuli [to the care of which they have been
assigned] and that they should be exempted and not
made to give any other service."[783]

A general of Ch'en Hsi who had surrendered told
that when [Ch'en] Hsi rebelled, the King of Yen,
Lu Wan, had sent men to the place where [Ch'en]
Hsi was, to plot secretly. When the Emperor sent
the Marquis of Pi-yang, Shen Yi-chi, to go to escort

[Lu] Wan [to the capital, Lu] Wan feigned sickness,
[so that Shen] Yi-chi reported that there were signs
that [Lu] Wan had rebelled. In the spring, the
second month, [the Emperor] sent Fan K'uai and
Chou P'o, with troops, to attack [Lu] Wan. The
imperial edict said, "The King of Yen, [Lu] Wan, was
an old friend of mine, and I loved him like a son.
When I heard that he had plotted with Ch'en Hsi, I
thought there was no such thing, hence I sent an
envoy to escort [Lu] Wan [to the capital. But Lu]
Wan feigned sickness and did not come, [so that] it
is evident he has planned to rebel. The officials
and people of Yen have committed no crime. I grant
to each of its officials who have the rank of six
hundred piculs and above, one step [in noble rank];
to those who have been [in revolt] with [Lu] Wan
[but] leave him and come to return [to their allegiance
to me], I will grant pardon and also add one
step in noble rank." An edict [ordered that] the
vassal kings should discuss who should be made King
of Yen. The King of Ch'ang-sha, [Wu] Ch'en, and
others begged that [the Emperor] establish his son
[Liu] Chien as King of Yen.

An imperial edict said, "The Marquis of Nan-wu,
Chih, is also a descendent of Yüeh; We establish
him as King of Nan-hai."

In the third month an imperial edict said, "I

have been made the Son of Heaven, and as Emperor
have now possessed the world for twelve years until
the present. Together with the brave officers and
talented grandees of the empire I have subjugated
the empire; together we have pacified and reunited it.
Among those [of my followers] who have distinguished
themselves, I have established the best as
kings, the next [best] as marquises, and the least
have moreover been given the income of towns.
Moreover some of the relatives of my important
subjects have become marquises. All have been
themselves authorized to establish their officials and
levy taxes. Their daughters have become[792] Princesses.
The marquises who have the income of
towns all wear seals; we have granted them large
residences. The officials [of the rank of] two thousand
piculs We moved to Ch'ang-an to receive small
residences. Those who went to Shu and Hans and
subjugated the three [parts of the state of] Ch'in are
all exempted [from taxes and services] from generation
to generation. Towards the worthy officers
and meritorious officials of the empire I may be said
not to have been ungrateful. Let those who unrighteously
rebel against the Son of Heaven and
arbitrarily raise troops be punished by the united
military forces of the empire and be executed. Let
this be published and announced to the world to let
it clearly understand Our intention."

When the Emperor was fighting against [Ch'ing]
Pu, he had been wounded by a stray arrow; as he was
traveling along he became ill. When his illness
became severe the Empress [née] Lü called a good
physican. When the physician entered and saw
him, the Emperor asked the physician, "Can my
sickness be healed?" The physician replied, "It can
be healed."[794] Thereupon the Emperor scolded
him, [using] disrespectful [language], "I took possession
of the world as a humble citizen wielding a
sword[795] —was not this [achievement by] the Decree

of Heaven? My fate is then with Heaven; altho
Pien Ch'io [were here], what use could he be?"
Therefore he did not let him treat his sickness, but
granted him fifty catties of actual gold and dismissed
him.

The Empress [née] Lü asked, "After your Majesty's

decease,[799] when the Chancellor of State Hsiao
[Ho] has died,[800] whom should I order to take his
place?" The Emperor said, "Ts'ao Ts'an can [be
chosen.]" She [then] asked who next, and he
replied, "Wang Ling can [be chosen]. However he
is a little stupid, [so] Ch'en P'ing can [be chosen] to
assist him. Ch'en P'ing has superabundent intelligence,
but he would find it difficult to bear the
responsibility alone. Chou P'o is dignified and
sincere, [but] he is not very polished; yet the one
who will assure the peace of the house of Liu must be
[Chou] P'o. He could be made Grand Commandant."
The Empress [née] Lü again asked who next, and
the Emperor replied, "After that you[801] too will not
know [things]."

Lu Wan with several thousand men stayed at the
foot of the Barrier, waiting, if by good chance the
Emperor's sickness should become better, to come in

person to beg for pardon. [But] in the summer, the
fourth month, on [the day] chia-ch'en, the Emperor
died in the Ch'ang-lo Palace.[805] When Lu Wan
heard of it, he thereupon fled to the Huns.

The Empress [née] Lü plotted with Shen Yi-chi,
saying, "The generals together with the Emperor
formerly came from families enregistered as common
people; when they faced north[806] as courtiers, in
their hearts they have always felt dissatisfied, and

now they [will] nevertheless [have to] serve the young
lord [his son]. If they are not all completely exterminated
together with their families, the empire
will not be at peace." For this reason [the Empress]
did not [announce the death and] proclaim a mourning.
Someone heard of it and spoke to Li Shang.
[Li] Shang saw Shen Yi-chi and said [to him], "I have
heard that the Emperor has already been dead for
four days, and that [the Empress] has not proclaimed
any mourning and wishes to kill the generals. If
[the situation] is really like this, the empire is certainly
in danger. Ch'en P'ing and Kuan Ying,
leading a hundred thousand [men], defend Jung-
yang; Fan K'uai and Chou P'o, leading two hundred
thousand [men], are subjugating Yen and Tai—
when these[811] [people] hear that the Emperor has
died and the generals have all been killed, they will
certainly turn about face with their troops in order
to attack Kuan-chung. With the great ministers
revolting inside [the passes] and the generals turning
against [the dynasty] outside [the passes], it could
await its destruction on tiptoe."[812] Shen Yi-chi
entered and told these [words to the Empress]. So
on [the day] ting-wei [the Empress] proclaimed a
mourning and granted a general amnesty to the
world.

In the fifth month, on [the day] ping-yin, [the

Emperor] was buried in the Ch'ang Tomb. When
[the coffin] had been put in place, the imperial heir-apparent
and the courtiers all returned and went to
the temple of the Grand Emperor.[816] The courtiers
said, "The Emperor arose from humble [beginnings];
he established order in a troubled generation, and
turned it back to the right [path]. He pacified
and subjugated the world, and became the Grand
Founder[817] of the Han [dynasty]. His achievements
were very great.[818] We offer him the high title of
Kao-huang-ti."[819]

In his early life, Kao-tsu did not cultivate literary

studies, but by nature he was intelligent and penetrating.
He liked to make plans and was able to
listen [to others]. From a superintendent of a gate
or a man exiled to the frontier[821] [upwards, anyone]
who came to see him [was treated] as an old [friend].
At the beginning [of his reign] he conformed to the
people's wishes when he made an agreement [with
them] in three articles;[822] when the empire had been
subjugated, he commanded Hsiao Ho to set in order
the [criminal] laws and orders,[823] Han Hsin to set
forth the military methods,[824] Chang Ts'ang to fix the
calendar and measures,[825] Shu-sun T'ung to establish
the rites and etiquette,[826] and Lu Chia to compose
the Hsin-yü. With his meritorious followers he
split tallies and made oaths, with red writing and an
iron certificate, a golden box and a stone chest, and
kept them in the ancestral temple.[828] Altho daily
no leisure was afforded him, his designs and plans
were vast and far-reaching.

In eulogy we say,[829] In `Spring and Autumn'
[times], the historian of [the state of] Chin, Ts'ai

Mo, said, "When the T'ao and T'ang family[831]
had lost its power, among its descendants there
was a Liu Lei who learned to train dragons.[832] He
served K'ung-chia. The Fan family were his
descendants." Moreover the Grandee Fan Hsientzu
also said, "My ancestors before [the time of]
Yü [Shun] were surnamed T'ao and T'ang; in the
[time of the] Hsia [dynasty], they were surnamed
Yü-lung; in [the time of] the Shang [dynasty], they
were surnamed Shih-wei; in [the time of] the Chou
[dynasty], they were surnamed T'ang and Tu; when
[the state of] Chin became the lord of China's
oaths,[834] they were surnamed Fan. A [member of
the] Fan [family] was the Supreme Judge of Chin.
In the time of Duke Wen of Lu, [the family] fled to
Ch'in.[835] Later they returned to Chin. Those
[of the Fan family] who remained [in Ch'in] became
the Liu family."[836] Liu Hsiang said, "In the time
of the Contending States, [a member of] the Liu
family from Ch'in was made prisoner of war by
Weih.[838] When [the state of] Ch'in destroyed [the
state of] Weih,[840] [the family] moved to Ta-liang
and dwelt at Feng. Hence Chou Fu said to Yung
Ch'ih,[842] `Feng was formerly a colony of Liang.'
Thus the eulogy of Kao-tsu said,[843]

The Lord of Feng was indeed the Grand Emperor's
father. The period since his moving [to
Feng] had been brief, [for] there are few mounds or
graves [of the family] at Feng. When Kao-tsu took
the throne, he established officials for the worship
[of his ancestors], so there were shamans from Ch'in,
Chin, Liang, and Ching.[845] For generations the

worship of Heaven and Earth has been accompanied
by the worship [of these ancestors].[847] How could
[these facts] be untrustworthy? From the foregoing
[accounts] we infer that the Han [dynasty] succeeded
to the fortunes of Yao; its virtues and the
happiness recompensing it are already great. The
cutting in two of the snake,[848] the auspicious omens
which appeared,[849] the banners and pennons which
emphasized [the color] red[850] in harmony with the
virtue of fire,[851] were responses which came of their
own accord, [thereby showing that Kao-tsu] secured
the [dynastic] rule from Heaven.

Appendix I

THE CONJUNCTION OF THE FIVE PLANETS IN TUNG-CHING

HS 1A: 18b reads, "In the first year, in the winter, the tenth month
[Nov. 14-Dec. 12, 207 B.C.] there was a conjunction of the five planets
in [the constellation] Tung-ching."

Dr. J. K. Fotheringham of Oxford has very kindly calculated this
conjunction. According to his results, this conjunction cannot have
been correctly recorded for 207 B.C., inasmuch as at that time,
although the planets were within about 41° of longitude of each other,
"Mercury and Jupiter were on one side of the sun, visible as morning
stars, and Venus, Mars, and Saturn were on the other side, visible as
evening stars." In 206 B.C., Mars was far away from Jupiter.

The date of closest approach for these planets was on May 30, 205
B.C., when the planetary longitudes were as follows: Mercury and
Jupiter at 88.3° right ascension, Saturn at 90.7°, Mars at 98.4°, and
Venus at 111.3°. The total range in right ascension was thus 23°.

But at that time all the planets were not in the constellation Tung-ching.
The right ascensions of the stars in that constellation are calculated
for 205 B.C. by Dr. Fotheringham as follows: μ Gemini as 62.8°,
ν as 64.9°, ε as 67.3°, γ as 67.8°, ξ as 70.5°, ζ as 73.3° and λ as 77.7°.
Tung-ching is however stated by Chinese authorities to contain 33
Chinese degrees, which is about 32.5° in European measurement. The
next constellation in the Chinese zodiac is Kuei [OMITTED], whose constituent
stars ranged at that date from 95.3° to 98.8° R.A. This constellation is
said to contain 4 Chinese degrees (about 3.9° in our measurement).
Hence "it is clear from this that the space between one asterism in the
list of zodiacal constellations and the next was reckoned to the preceding
asterism. At least this was so with" Tung-ching. Then Tung-ching
extended from 62.8° to 95.3° R.A. Even so, on May 30th, Mars was in
Kuei and Venus in the next constellation, Liu.

Dr. Fotheringham has however calculated that on May 16th, 205 B.C.,
when Mercury was first opposite the first star in Tung-ching, being at
62.8°, the other planets were located as follows: Jupiter at 85.0°, Mars at
88.8°, Saturn at 88.9°, and Venus at 95.9°. They were thus spread over
33.1° of longitude. The first four planets were in Tung-ching, and
Venus was just over in Kuei. Venus had last been seen in Tung-ching

on May 14th, two evenings previous. But Kuei is usually mentioned
together with Tung-ching in the HS; the two were grouped together
as the constellation Shun-shou [OMITTED] (lit., "the head of the quail").
Chinese astronomers thus had no difficulty in giving "the conjunction
the benefit of any doubt." We may then take the middle of May 205
B.C. as the date of this conjunction.

How did this conjunction get dated in November 207 B.C. in the
HS? That date was the result of a misunderstanding on the part of
the author. The earliest extant statement about this conjunction is
found in the SC 37: 40a, "When the Han dynasty triumphed, the five
planets appeared in conjunction in [the constellation] Tung-ching."
[Cf. Mh III, 407. Chavannes adds a note that this conjunction
happened in 200 B.C., on the authority of Ssu-ma Cheng's So-yin. But
the So-yin gives that date, not to this conjunction, but to the event
mentioned next, the siege of Kao-tsu at P'ing-ch'eng, for the note comes
after the sentence recounting the siege. Elsewhere the SC (Mh. II,
389, 390) gives this date for the siege.]

The date when "the Han dynasty triumphed" may be variously given.
Kao-tsu dated his accession from the time he received the surrender of
Tsu-ying in November 207 B.C., but Hsiang Yü was not killed until
January 202 B.C., and Kao-tsu did not ascend the throne as emperor
until Feb. 22, 202 B.C. It might also be said that the triumph occurred
when Kao-tsu returned from Han and conquered the three Ch'in successor
states—June 206 B.C. He however first actually assumed
imperial prerogatives when he did away with the Ch'in dynasty's
gods of the land and grains and substituted his own—on March 5, 205
B.C. About the time of the conjunction in May 205 B.C., Kao-tsu did
triumph over Hsiang Yü, when he entered P'eng-ch'eng, Hsiang Yü's
capital, but he was severely defeated immediately afterwards. Perhaps
this conjunction actually helped to keep up his courage after that defeat
(cf. 1A: 33b). It was thus quite natural that Kao-tsu's assumption of
imperial prerogatives in March 205 should have been linked with the
conjunction in May, and that the conjunction should have been said to
have happened when the Han dynasty triumphed.

The astrological interpretation of this conjunction also assisted in
bringing about the statement in the HS. The ancient Chinese allocated
the various regions of the sky to various states, just as was the case
in the ancient Mediterranean world. According to Cheng Chung
(ca. 5 B.C.-83 A.D.), Shun-shou, which includes Tung-ching and Kuei,
was allocated to Ch'in. Since Kao-tsu had possessed himself of this
territory, it is natural that the conjunction should have been interpreted

with reference to his dynasty. Ying Shao remarks that this conjunction
indicated that a new emperor of a new dynasty would conquer by his
righteousness.

Because of this astrological interpretation, when the exact date of the
conjunction had been forgotten, it was natural to have put this conjunction
at the beginning of the Han dynasty's reign. Liu Hsiang (80-9
B.C.) wrote, "When the Han [dynasty] entered [the region of] Ch'in,
the five planets appeared in conjunction in [the constellation] Tung-ching."
In SC 89: 9b (repeated in HS 23: 6b, 7a) we find a further
detail: "The old gentleman Kan said, `When the King of Han [Kao-tsu]
entered the pass [Oct. 207 B.C.], the five planets appeared in conjunction
in [the constellation] Tung-ching. Tung-ching is the portion [of the
heavens allocated to] Ch'in. Whoever reached [that place] first should
have been made its king.' "

With the foregoing statement before him, it is quite natural that
Pan Ku should have written as he did and dated this conjunction at the
official beginning of the Han dynasty in November 207 B.C. He
evidently had no exact record of the conjunction except the foregoing
passages and was not sorry, in his record, to glorify the dynasty under
which he was writing. [Reproduced by permission from the Jour.
A. O. S., Sept. 1935, vol. 55, pp. 310-3.]

Appendix II

THE HAN DYNASTY'S EARLIER CALENDAR

In ancient times, several calendars were used in China. Months were
always counted from new moon to new moon, a month occupying the
time of a lunation, but the year did not always begin at the same period.
For astronomical purposes, months were numbered by the twelve horary
characters, beginning with the month which normally contains the
winter solstice. The calendar anciently used in the feudal state of
Chin, said to be that of the legendary Hsia dynasty, put the first month
in the third [OMITTED] astronomical month. The Yin calendar, used in the
state of Sung, began the year one month earlier, putting New Year's
day in the second [OMITTED] astronomical month. The royal calendar of the
Chou dynasty began the year one month earlier, New Year's day coming
in the first astronomical [OMITTED] month. (Cf. H. Maspero, La Chine antique,
pp. 222-223.) The Ch'in dynasty put New Year's day one month
farther forward, into the twelfth [OMITTED] astronomical month. The early
Han rulers continued this practise, until, in 104 B.C., the Han Emperor
Wu put New Year's day back to the period it occupied in the Hsia
calendar, in the third [OMITTED] astronomical month, where it stayed (with
unimportant exceptions) until the time of the Chinese Republic. (For a
fuller account, cf. Havret, in the T'oung Pao, vol. 8, p. 399.)

The SC and HS were both written after the Han calendar reform
in 104 B.C., but they record events occurring at a time when the year
began three months earlier than at the time they were writing. Which
calendar did they use? What names did they give to the months, those
in use in later Han or in Ch'in times?

The true answer to the above questions is a very peculiar one: the
Ch'in dynasty kept the same names (numbers) for the months as those
used in Hsia (and later Han) times, but merely shifted the date of New
Year's day and the attendant official ceremonies. That is, the Ch'in
dynasty made New Year's day occur in the month which they called the
"tenth" month, so that the month which they called the "first month"
was the fourth in order from the beginning of the official year! The Han
Emperor Wu merely restored New Year's day to the beginning of what
he and his predecessors had been calling the "first" [OMITTED] month, but which
month had not previously begun the year.

The existence of such an anomalous calendar as one beginning with
the "tenth" month is so unnatural that only quite conclusive evidence

should make us accept it. This evidence is even more important because
Yen Shih-ku (581-645 A.D.), the outstanding commentator on the
HS, contradicts our view—he said that the Ch'in dynasty had really
called the month with which their year began the "first" month, and
numbered the months consecutively beginning with that one; and that
the authors of the SC and HS had changed the names of the months to
correspond to the different names given them in Han times after the
calendrical reform. The evidence for the contrary view is presented
below:

I. In the first place, there is ample evidence from the SC, HS, and
other documents to show that in Ch'in and early Han times the year did
actually begin with what the historians called the "tenth" month and
that the "first" month was the fourth in the order of the months. Since
exactly three months are reckoned to a season, the Ch'in calendar then
made the year begin with the first month of autumn and made the
"first" month begin the spring season. The pertinent points in the
following passages are accordingly: the order of the months in the year,
the seasons at which certain months come, and the month and season in
which official ceremonies occurred. Italics are mine.

a. In chap. 5 of the SC we read (cf. Mh. II, 91): "In the 48th year of
King Chao-hsiang, in the tenth month, [the state of] Hanh offered [to
Ch'in the city of] Yüan-yung. The army of Ch'in was divided into three
armies. . . . In the first month, the troops were disbanded." Note that in
the same year, the "first" month comes after the "tenth" month.

b. In the monthly tables of the SC (chap. 16; cf. Mh III, 59) during
the second year of the Second Emperor, the months are enumerated
beginning with the tenth month, next the eleventh and twelfth months,
and then only the first month. It is here called the [OMITTED], for [OMITTED] was
tabooed, since it was the personal name of the First Emperor.

c. In chap. 8 of the SC (cf. Mh II, 393) we read, "In the tenth
month of the tenth year [of Kao-tsu], Ch'ing Pu, King of Huai-nan,
P'eng Yüeh, King of Liang, Lu Wan, King of Yen, Liu Chia, King of
Ching, Liu Chiao, King of Ch'u, Liu Fei, King of Ch'i, Wu Jei, King of
Ch'ang-sha, all came to court at the Ch'ang-lo Palace. In the spring and
summer, nothing [of note] happened. In the seventh month, the Grand
Emperor died at the Yo-yang Palace." The great court reception at the
beginning of the official year then occurred in the tenth month, which
was in winter, for spring came afterwards.

d. In the HS, 4: 15b f, we read, "In the spring of the fifteenth year, a
yellow dragon appeared at Ch'eng-chi. The Emperor issued an edict
ordering a discussion of a sacrifice in the suburbs. . . . In the fourth month,
in the summer, the emperor visited Yung and then first sacrificed to the

Five Emperors." Since the SC says that in ancient times the sacrifice
to the Five Emperors was always made in the summer, the fourth month
came in summer; hence the first month came in the spring.

e. In HS 6: 6b we read, "In the fourth year [of the period Yüan-kuang
(131 B.C.)] Tou-yin, the Marquis of Wei-chi, who had committed
a crime, was executed publicly. In the spring, the third month, on the
day yi-mao, the Lieutenant Chancellor [T'ien] Fen died." But the SC
107: 12b, says, "On the last days of the twelfth month, [the Marquis of
Wei-chi] was sentenced to be publicly executed in the market-place in
Wei-ch'eng. In that spring the Marquis of Wu-an [the chancellor] died
of illness." Then the execution occurred before the spring, according
to the HS, and in the twelfth month, according to the SC; the death
occurred in the spring and in the third month.

f. In SC 16: 9b, 10a, b, 12a we read, "[In the first year of the state of
Hans], in the first month, Hsiang Yu divided Kuan-chung. . . . The
second month was the beginning of the [reign of] the King of Hans, the
former Lord of P'ei. . . . In the third month he made Nan-cheng his
capital." Now in 22: 1b we read, "In the first year of the Emperor
Kao-tsu, in the Spring, the Lord of P'ei became the King of Hans and
went to Nan-ch'eng." Thus the first, second, and third months came
in spring.

g. In chap. 25 of the SC, the explanation of the twelve musical tubes
begins with the tenth month (cf. Mh III, 303), "Among the sonorous
tubes, [it, i.e. the tenth month, corresponds to] the Yin-chung." The
explanation proceeds month by month, and ends with the ninth month
(cf. ibid. 313), "Among the musical tubes, [it, i.e. the ninth month,
corresponds to] the Wu-yi." Thus the order of the tubes follows that
of the official year, from the tenth to the ninth month.

h. In HS 90: 7b, 8a, b we read, "When Wang Wen-shu . . . became
the administrator of Ho-nei, . . . by the end of the twelfth month, in all
the commandery there was not a thief to make any dogs bark. Those
few [thieves] whom he did not catch and who fled to neighboring commanderies,
he pursued. Meanwhile spring had come. [Wang] Wen-shu
stamped his feet and sighed, `Alas! If the winter months should be prolonged
one more month, it would be sufficient [for my task].' . . . The
Emperor considered him an able [person] and promoted him to be Palace
Military Commander." Now according to HS 19B: 18b, he was appointed
Palace Military Commander in 119 B.C., 15 years before the
reform of the calendar. In his time, the twelfth month came in winter.

i. In the Book of Rites, chap. 17, p. 4a we find the following, "In the
third month of autumn [OMITTED] . . , it was [ordered] that the nobles should
unify their practises and customs and that [the officials of] all the

districts [should come] to receive [instructions for their government] at
[the grand reception] on the first day of the month in the coming year."
The commentary tells us that this passage refers to Ch'in practises.
Since the great court reception was held on New Year's day, that festival
came in winter.

j. In the HS 1B: 17a we read, "In the eleventh year . . . the second
month, an imperial edict said, . . . `The vassal kings and marquises
shall regularily pay court and make offerings in the tenth month." The
reference is again to the grand court reception on New Year's day, here
stated to occur in the tenth month.

k. In HS 4: 6b we read, In the third month of the first year, "an
edict said, `Now it is the time of spring, when [nature is] harmonious,
and the plants and trees are all growing, when things all have means
of enjoying themselves." Then the third month was in spring.
But cf. p. 236, n. 4.

l. In HS 6:26a we read, In the first year of the period Yüan-feng
(110 B.C.) "an imperial edict read, `Let the tenth month [begin] the first
year of the [period] Yüan-feng.' " Hence the year began with the
tenth month. (Altho the word `begin' is not actually in the text, the
passage plainly implies it.)

m. In chap. 15 of the SC we read, "In the thirty-seventh year, in the
tenth month, on the day kuei-ch'ou [Nov. 1, 211 B.C.], the First Emperor
went out on a trip. [cf. Mh II, 184] . . . [In the seventh month] . . .
on the ping-yin day, the First Emperor died in the P'in terrace at
Sha-ch'iu . . . In the ninth month the First Emperor was buried in Mt.
Li" (cf. ibid. 193). In Chap. 15 of the SC (Chavannes did not translate
this passage), it reads, "The first year of the Second Emperor. In
the tenth month, on the day wu-yin [an edict was issued ordering] a
general freeing of criminals. In the eleventh month, he made the Rabbit
park. In the twelfth month, he went to the O-fang Palace. In the
ninth month of that year the commanderies and districts all rebelled."
Thus the historians began a year with the tenth month and ended it
with the ninth month. There are many such passages.

n. In the HS 4: 9a (cf. Mh II, 461), we read, "In the eleventh
month [of the second year], on the day kuei-mao [Jan. 2, 180 B.C.] the
last day of the month, there was an eclipse [Oppolzer's no. 2447]. The
imperial edict read: . . . `Since on the last day of the eleventh month there
was an eclipse—a reproach that was seen in the heavens—how great
must the calamity be!' " In this passage too events in the tenth month
are recorded as preceding this one and events in the first month follow it.

o. The SC 96: 5a (HS 42: 5a), tells that when Chang Ts'ang was

Lieutenant Chancellor, he advised that because Kao-tsu arrived at Pa-shang
(cf. HS 1A: 19b) in the tenth month, and was consequently considered
to have overthrown the Ch'in dynasty in that month, the date
of New Year's day should not be changed from the date set by the Ch'in
dynasty. Thus the conquest of Ch'in was commemorated by continuing
New Year's day on the date of his conquest. In the same chapter we
read, "It was ordered that all the kings and marquises should always
appear at court and make presentations in the tenth month." The same
statement appears in SC chap. 99 and HS chap. 43. Hence the early
Han tenth month was the same as the Ch'in tenth month. An interesting
confirmation is found in the HHS, chap. 14, where it says that
on the first day of each month and at the beginning of the year a
great court was held at which presents and congratulations were received
(from the nobles); the officials (however) congratulated (with presents)
in the first month. In chap. 16 of the HHS it says "The reason that
of all the first days of the months, only on the first day of the tenth month
did they follow the former custom, was because in that month Kao-tsu
subjugated the Ch'in dynasty and began the first year of his reign."

p. In the SC and the HS (before 104 B.C.) the intercalary month
is always called the "later ninth month" [OMITTED]. (Since twelve lunations
do not make quite a solar year, every two or three years an extra, intercalary
month was added). After the calendrical reform in 104 B.C.,
the intercalary month was inserted at various times of the year to keep
the seasons occurring in the proper months. The only adequate reason
for the intercalary month always previously coming after the ninth
month is that thus it was put at the end of the year.

II. The foregoing passages amply prove that in Ch'in and early Han
times the year began with what was later called the "tenth" month.
But did the historians change the names of the months, as Yen Shih-ku
said they did? We have already had evidence that such was not the
case: passages j, k, l, and o quote imperial edicts which fix the months in
the same seasons as those they later occurred in. The cyclical characters
in passages e, m, and n enable us to check the dates; for, with a sixty day
cycle, the same characters would not reappear in a month that came three
months later. There is also the evidence furnished by the following
passages:

q. In HS 6:31b we read, "In the fifth month, in the summer, [in the
first year of the (period) T'ai-ch'u (104 B.C.)], the calendar was corrected,
making the first [OMITTED] month begin the year." If the months
had previously been numbered from the beginning of the official year,
the record should have been different, something like the following:

The calendar was corrected, making the fourth month the first month.
The wording of the HS shows that previously the "first" month did not
begin the year.

r. The great scholar Chia Yi, who lived 200-168 B.C. (before the
calendrical reform) wrote a poem which is reproduced in his biography
in the SC chap. 84 and HS chap. 48. In that poem the word for
summer occurs in the rime, so that the historian could not have changed
it, and it is coupled with the cyclical characters for the day: "In the year
Shan-o [OMITTED] in the fourth month, in the first month of summer, on the
day keng-tzu, when the sun was setting, an owl perched in my house."
The naming of the year as the fourth in the twelve year cycle enables us
to identify it as 174 B.C. If the months were numbered beginning with
the astronomical twelfth month (in which New Year's day then occurred),
the fourth month would have been the first month of spring, not summer.
The cyclical character also enables us to identify the month, for we know
the cyclical character for the day of the calendrical reform, 19 years later,
and a simple calculation (cf. Chinese Social and Political Science Review,
vol. 18, p. 166) enables us to determine the characters for the days of
each month in the year the poem refers to. The day keng-tzu could not
have come in the fourth month after New Year's day of that year;
but it could have come in the seventh month after New Year's day,
which Chia Yi called the "fourth" month. Then the "fourth" month
occurred in summer and contemporary writers numbered the month in
which New Year's day came as the "tenth" month.

s. Liu An, King of Huai-nan, committed suicide in 123-2 B.C., before
the reform of the calendar. In his chapter on astronomy he writes (I
confess that I do not altogether understand the passage), "The cycle of
the universe begins with the first month [OMITTED] which is the third astronomical
month [OMITTED] when the sun and moon have both entered five
degrees into the [constellation] Ying-shih [α, β Pegasus]." Here he says
plainly that the "first" month is the third astronomical month, not the
twelfth astronomical month, with which the Ch'in and early Han dynasty
began the year.

t. In the same book he tells that Mercury appears near the constellations
Andromeda and Aries at the spring equinox in the second month,
near Gemini and Cancer at the summer solstice in the fifth month, near
Virgo at the autumn equinox in the eighth month, and near Sagitarious
and Capricornus at the winter solstice in the eleventh month. Elsewhere
in the book he gives the positions of the sun among the constellations
for the twelve months of the year. Allowing for the precession of
the equinoxes, those positions are the same as for the months called by

the same names in Ch'ing times, altho the book was written before the
calendar reform.

u. A stone inscription known as [OMITTED] found on
a hill near Han-tan, has inscribed on it the date ping-yin in the
eighth month of the twenty-second year of the kingdom of Chao (B.C.
158). This is a contemporary record made before the correction of the
calendar. If the months had been counted beginning with New Year's
day, the eighth month could not have contained a ping-yin day at all.

There is thus ample proof that the Ch'in and early Han dynasties
used a curious calendar in which New Year's day and the official celebrations
connected therewith came in what they called the "tenth"
month, and that the reform in 104 B.C. did not change the names of the
months, but merely shifted the date for New Year's day, altho a court
celebration was continued to be held on the first days of the tenth
month, because that date commemorated the founding of the dynasty.
Hence the SC and the HS use the same names for the months as those
used in Ch'in and Han times, which were the same as those in use in the
time their authors wrote.

The foregoing evidence has been mostly collected by Wang Yin-chih
(1766-1834; Giles no. 2252); his famous reply to Yen Shih-ku is transcribed
in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Ch'ien-Han-shu Pu-chu, chap. 1, pt. A,
pp. 23-26. Wang Hsien-ch'ien himself added material; further significant
material is found in a paper by Chen Chin-sien, "The Anomalous
Calendars of the Ch'in and Han Dynasties" in the Chinese Social and
Political Science Review for July 1934, vol. 18, p. 157 ff.

Appendix III

THE METHOD USED IN CHECKING RECORDED ECLIPSES

For the checking of the eclipses recorded in Chinese records with
astronomical computations there is the monumental Canon der Finsternisse,
by Th. von Oppolzer, published in Vienna, in 1887, in which are
calculated all the eclipses from 1208 B.C. to A.D. 2161. This book of
tables gives the day, hour, and minute when eclipses occurred, the
longitude of the sun at the time of the conjunction, and charts the paths
of the central eclipses. Since and during Oppolzer's time, improvements
in astronomical computations have shown that his calculations
may be slightly in error. In the case of some Chinese eclipses, corrections
of Oppolzer may be found in F. K. Ginzel, Spezieller Kanon der Sonnenund
Mondfinsternisse für das Ländergebiet der klassischen Altertumswis-senschaften
und den Zeitraum von 900 vor Chr. bis 600 nach Chr., Berlin,
1899. Ginzel has again been corrected. The most recent work is P. V.
Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie, Berlin, 1929. For Han times,
Oppolzer is correct to within about half an hour.[1] As no one since
Oppolzer has produced a set of tables and charts covering Chinese territory,
so that his book is the only one convenient to use, and as so little
correction of his results is necessary, we may take Oppolzer's calculations
as being as reliable now as ever, except at regions near the limit
of visibility and when great exactness is necessary.

Oppolzer charts only the paths of umbral (i.e., total, annular, and
annular-total) eclipses (more exactly, only central eclipses). In most
cases, the Chinese however observed the sun as only partially eclipsed.
The region in which an umbral eclipse may be viewed as partial extends
in all directions from the umbral path. Oppolzer did not calculate this
area. We have allowed, on Oppolzer's charts, 15/16 to 1 inch at right
angles to the path of an umbral eclipse and ⅜ of an inch from the ends
in the direction of that path, as the area in which an umbral eclipse may
be seen as partial, remembering however that when we approach those
limits, we may need to make allowance for Oppolzer's errors and also
that the region of partiality may extend for much greater distances.[2]

More than one-third of the total number of solar eclipses—about 35.3
per cent—are nowhere umbral. These "partial eclipses" should be distinguished
from umbral eclipses which are viewed from some points as

partial. Since in partial eclipses the moon's umbra does not touch the
earth, Oppolzer has not indicated them on his charts. Yet they figure
among the eclipses recorded in Chinese history.

Astronomical chronology has sometimes neglected partial eclipses; J.
Fr. Schroeter's Spezieller Kanon der zentralen Sonnen- und Mondfinsternisse,
Kristiania, 1923, which claims to chart all eclipses visible in Europe
from 600 to 1800 A.D., omits partial eclipses entirely, even though many
such were visible within that region. Such eclipses are sometimes quite
conspicuous, sometimes being visible even from the polar circle as far
south as five degrees to the other side of the equator, so that historians
have recorded them. In dealing with these partial eclipses, we are aided
by certain empirical principles, known to the Greeks, but not much
used in modern times. Eclipses recur at intervals of 6585.3 days (18
years and 10 or 11 days), which period is called a saros. At intervals of
three saroi, 19,756 days (approximately 54 years 1 month), called by
Ptolemy an exeligmos, solar eclipses recur at approximately the same
place. If the eclipses occurring at intervals of an exeligmos are plotted
on a map, it will be found that they form a series which has certain
definite characteristics. Such a series invariably begins with a run of
partial eclipses visible in the neighborhood of one of the earth's poles,
followed by a long run of umbral eclipses, which gradually shift to the
other pole of the earth, and ends with a run of partial eclipses.[3] A solar
exeligmos series covers a period of from 1244 to 1532 years or 23 to 28
exeligmoi, with an initial and terminal run of 2 to 8 exeligmoi during
which only partial eclipses occur. If the noon points of the umbral
eclipses are plotted for such a series, the resulting curves[4] show periods
of shifting and periods of quietude, in the latter of which the curve
usually describes a loop. In periods of shifting, the noon points during
a period of 6 exeligmoi may shift as much as 180 degrees of longitude and
90 degrees of latitude; whereas, in a period of quiescence, at a node, the
noon points during as much as 8 exeligmoi may be located within an
area of 60° of longitude and 30° of latitude or less.

Since partial eclipses are those in which the moon's umbra (or its prolongation)
passes over one of the earth's poles, and since successive
eclipses in the same exeligmos series are located close to each other, it is
possible to determine definitely that a partial solar eclipse was not visible

in China by counting backwards or forwards by exeligmoi to the first
umbral eclipse. If that umbral eclipse was visible in the south polar
regions, the partial eclipse cannot have been visible in China. In this
manner half of the partial eclipses may be disposed of. A simpler
method of discovering whether a partial eclipse is visible in China is by
noting Oppolzer's calculated value of γ for that eclipse. If it is negative
and between -1.0 and -1.6, the eclipse was partial and visible only in
the southern hemisphere. By the above methods the regions of visibility
for about five-sixths of all eclipses may be approximated without
calculation.

If the nearest umbral eclipse in the same exeligmos series was visible
near the north pole, we cannot say with any certainty by this method
whether the partial eclipses in that series were visible in China. Less
than one-third of such partial eclipses are visible there, since only the
eclipse at one of the three saroi in an exeligmos can usually be visible in
China, and since the farther partial eclipses are from the nearest umbral
eclipse in the same exeligmos series, the more they tend to move northwards,
outside of Chinese latitudes. Because of the shifting in longitude
shown by some series, a determination of the approximate circumstances
of a partial eclipse from umbral eclipses in the same exeligmos series is
not reliable.

The visibility of partial eclipses in the northern hemisphere and of
umbral eclipses that lie near the limits of visibility must be calculated.
For that purpose the method used in Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie,
has been used. A useful preliminary step is to use the elements
given by Oppolzer with Neugebauer's tables as the latter directs (Op.
cit. I, p. 103). In this way little more than a mere inspection of Neugebauer's
tables is necessary. But the results thus obtained are only
approximate, and are useful only to eliminate eclipses that are plainly
invisible in China. In all cases where exact results are required, the computation
should be carried through as directed by Neugebauer. The elements
given in Oppolzer furnish a useful check upon such computations.

Appendix IV

THE ECLIPSES DURING THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR
KAO-TSU

During this period of twelve (or fifteen) years, only three eclipses are
recorded. We discuss them in chronological order.

i. In the third year of Kao-tsu's reign, the tenth month, on the day
chia-hsü, a solar eclipse is recorded (1A: 35a). This date was, according
to P. Hoang, Concordance des chronologies néoméniques, chinoise et européenne,
("Variétés sinologiques," no. 29), Shanghai, 1910, (which is used
for dates throughout), December 20, 205 B.C. For that date Oppolzer
calculated his solar eclipse no. 2387. It was merely partial; calculation
according to the method in P. V. Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie
(which is used for such calculations throughout), shows that the eclipse
reached a magnitude of 0.51 (the diameter of the sun being 1.00) at
Ch'ang-an at 10:44 a.m., local time.

HS 27 Cb: 13a adds, "It was 20 degrees in [the constellation] Tou,"
whose stars were then in R.A. 241.1° to 253.3°. The sun was in long.
266.0° = 265.6° R.A.[1] There is thus good agreement in both the date
and location of the sun.

ii. In the third year, the eleventh month, the day kuei-mao, the last
day of the month, a second solar eclipse is listed (1A: 35a). HS 27
Cb: 13a adds, "It was three degrees in [the constellation] Hsü, whose
two stars, α Equulei and β Aquarii, were then in R.A. 291.1° and 293.2°.
This date was Jan. 18, 204 B.C., but there was no eclipse on that date,
for Oppolzer gives none.

The Han-chi (written by Hsün Yüeh, lived 148-209) records the preceding
and the next eclipse (2: 11b, 4: 2a), copying the recording in the
HS, but omits this one, which, in view of the fact that the Han-chi takes
its material mostly from the HS, makes it look as though this eclipse
was not in the text of the HS during the second century A.D. If so, it
was interpolated both into chapters 1 and 27. In view of the fact that
Hsün Yüeh noted all the other eclipses that are in the HS for the first
half century of the Han period, even the one only found in HS ch. 27
(cf. ch. 4, App. IV, vi), it is difficult to explain otherwise his omission
of this eclipse.

During the seven years between the proceeding recorded eclipse and
the next one, there occurred 14 solar eclipses, of which only one was

visible in China.[2] Oppolzer numbers this one 2396, and dates it on
Oct. 8, 201 B.C., which was in the sixth year, eighth month, on the
last day, kuei-wei (if Hoang's calendar is one day in error). Oppolzer
calculates the sun in long. 191.6° = 190.7° R.A. The magnitude
of this eclipse was calculated for Ch'ang-an and was found to have
reached only 0.02, at 7:44 a.m. local time, so that it was practically
invisible there; at the present Pei-p'ing its magnitude however reached
0.28 at 8:26 a.m., local time, so that this eclipse might have been
reported from the east. Oppolzer's solar eclipse no. 2400, on Aug. 18,
199 B.C. seemed also visible in China, but calculation showed that it
was invisible in any part of China and even in the present Canton.

The eclipse of 201 B.C. might have been the one intended by this
recording, although it is not easy to explain the discrepancy of the
cyclical day. The SC does not record any of the three eclipses that the
HS lists in the reign of Kao-tsu. Pan Ku thus inserted them into the
account of events given in the SC from some other source. Some astronomer
who edited the list of eclipses thus used by Pan Ku might have
given an illegibly dated eclipse the next possible date for an eclipse after
the first and legibly dated solar eclipse. But two solar eclipses at successive
new moons can happen only when two small eclipses occur in
different (northern and southern) hemispheres.

Since however the Han-chi does not have this eclipse, it seems more
likely that some person of the third or later centuries interpolated this
eclipse for a time when he knew that an eclipse might have happened,
in order to emphasize the gravity of the period. In June/July of this
year, Kao-tsu barely escaped with his life from the siege of Jung-yang.

The location in the heavens given for this eclipse does not agree with
anything we can calculate. It must have been calculated from the date
of the year given to this eclipse, for it is about 28 Chinese degrees after
the preceding one.

iii. In the ninth year, the sixth month, on the day yi-wei, the last day
of the month, a third solar eclipse is recorded (1B: 14b). This date was
Aug. 7, 198 B.C.; Oppolzer calculates his solar eclipse no. 2402 for that
date. HS 27 Cb: 13a adds, "It was 13 degrees in [the constellation]
Chang," whose stars then ranged from 118.6° to 133° R.A. Oppolzer
calculates the sun as at long. 129.4° = 131.9° R.A. There is thus a
very close checking between observation and calculation here.