It is not our aim to derive conclusions concerning the effectiveness of
the Congregation or their impact on the community. Rather, our principal
objective is to examine the style of social action pursued by the
Congregation and to consider the reactions of various sectors of the
community to this style. In this manner we hope to provide church
leaders with some additional basis for measuring the viability of the
life-style of the Congregation for Reconciliation as a model for other
communities.
The Congregation for Reconciliation has been involved in at least
forty-one different social-action projects.
[1]
These range from one-time protests to a campaign sustained since early in
the life of the group. Some projects have involved only two or three members
and others have included nearly the entire active membership of the Congregation.
[2]
The initial projects created media visibility for the mission but had
limited possibilities for generating a major victory. The Christmas card
leafleting of National Cash Register employees gained public attention
but produced no measurable results. The issue, in fact, belonged to the
Second Family, a group of black NCR employees; the Congregation only
supplied support. Their second project attempted to deal with prison
reform. On Good Friday in 1969, several members of the Congregation
participated in a pilgrimage in Columbus from the capitol building to
the state penitentiary, with cross in tow, simulating the procession of
Christ from Pilate's court to Golgotha. At each "station of the cross,"
press releases were distributed condemning different aspects of
the prevailing system for dispensing criminal justice. The symbolism is
biting. At the County Courthouse, Christ is condemned; at the Board of
Elections, Christ falls. At the State Office Building, Christ falls
again, and again at the Federal Office Building. At the Ohio Council of
Churches offices, a woman wipes Christ's face, and finally he is
crucified at the Ohio Penitentiary. The march was well staged and
received extensive coverage by the media. But here again, the
Congregation provided support personnel for a project not entirely their
own.
By the spring of 1969, Righter recognized the Congregation's need for a
long-term project of some magnitude to provide stability and continuity
for congregational action outreach and, more importantly, to inspire the
hope of a significant victory. Righter had more than his instincts to
point him toward the United Fund as a serious subject of direct action.
