Book XIV.
Of Laws in Relation to the Nature of the Climate.
14.1. 1. General Idea.
If it be true that the temper of the mind and the
passions of the heart are extremely different in different climates, the
laws ought to be in relation both to the variety of those passions and
to the variety of those tempers.
14.2. 2. Of the Difference of Men in different Climates.
Cold air constringes the extremities of the external fibres of the body;
[1]
this
increases their elasticity, and favours the return of the blood from the
extreme parts to the heart. It contracts
[2]
those very fibres;
consequently it increases also their force. On the contrary, warm air
relaxes and lengthens the extremes of the fibres; of course it
diminishes their force and elasticity.
People are therefore more vigorous in cold climates. Here the action
of the heart and the reaction of the extremities of the fibres are
better performed, the temperature of the humours is greater, the blood
moves more freely towards the heart, and reciprocally the heart has more
power. This superiority of strength must produce various effects; for
instance, a greater boldness, that is, more courage; a greater sense of
superiority, that is, less desire of revenge; a greater opinion of
security, that is, more frankness, less suspicion, policy, and cunning.
In short, this must be productive of very different tempers. Put a man
into a close, warm place, and for the reasons above given he will feel a
great faintness. If under this circumstance you propose a bold
enterprise to him, I believe you will find him very little disposed
towards it; his present weakness will throw him into despondency; he
will be afraid of everything, being in a state of total incapacity. The
inhabitants of warm countries are, like old men, timorous; the people in
cold countries are, like young men, brave. If we reflect on the late
wars,
[3]
which are more recent in our memory, and in which we can better
distinguish some particular effects that escape us at a greater distance
of time, we shall find that the northern people, transplanted into
southern regions,
[4]
did not perform such exploits as their countrymen
who, fighting in their own climate, possessed their full vigour and
courage.
This strength of the fibres in northern nations is the cause that
the coarser juices are extracted from their aliments. Hence two things
result: one, that the parts of the chyle or lymph are more proper, by
reason of their large surface, to be applied to and to nourish the
fibres; the other, that they are less proper, from their coarseness, to
give a certain subtilty to the nervous juice. Those people have
therefore large bodies and but little vivacity.
The nerves that terminate from all parts in the cutis form each a
nervous bundle; generally speaking, the whole nerve is not moved, but a
very minute part. In warm climates, where the cutis is relaxed, the ends
of the nerves are expanded and laid open to the weakest action of the
smallest objects. In cold countries the cutis is constinged and the
papill compressed: the miliary glands are in some measure paralytic; and
the sensation does not reach the brain, except when it is very strong
and proceeds from the whole nerve at once. Now, imagination, taste,
sensibility, and vivacity depend on an infinite number of small
sensations.
I have observed the outermost part of a sheep's tongue, where, to
the naked eye, it seems covered with papill. On these papill I have
discerned through a microscope small hairs, or a kind of down; between
the papill were pyramids shaped towards the ends like pincers. Very
likely these pyramids are the principal organ of taste.
I caused the half of this tongue to be frozen, and, observing it
with the naked eye, I found the papill considerably diminished: even
some rows of them were sunk into their sheath. The outermost part I
examined with the microscope, and perceived no pyramids. In proportion
as the frost went off, the papill seemed to the naked eye to rise, and
with the microscope the miliary glands began to appear.
This observation confirms what I have been saying, that in cold
countries the nervous glands are less expanded: they sink deeper into
their sheaths, or they are sheltered from the action of external
objects; consequently they have not such lively sensations.
In cold countries they have very little sensibility tor pleasure; in
temperate countries, they have more; in warm countries, their
sensibility is exquisite. As climates are distinguished by degrees of
latitude, we might distinguish them also in some measure by those of
sensibility. I have been at the opera in England and in Italy, where I
have seen the same pieces and the same performers: and yet the same
music produces such different effects on the two nations: one is so cold
and phlegmatic, and the other so lively and enraptured, that it seems
almost inconceivable.
It is the same with regard to pain, which is excited by the
laceration of some fibre of the body. The Author of nature has made it
an established rule that this pain should be more acute in proportion as
the laceration is greater: now it is evident that the large bodies and
coarse fibres of the people of the north are less capable of laceration
than the delicate fibres of the inhabitants of warm countries;
consequently the soul is there less sensible of pain. You must flay a
Muscovite alive to make him feel.
From this delicacy of organs peculiar to warm climates it follows
that the soul is most sensibly moved by whatever relates to the union of
the two sexes: here everything leads to this object.
In northern climates scarcely has the animal part of love a power of
making itself felt. In temperate climates, love, attended by a thousand
appendages, endeavours to please by things that have at first the
appearance, though not the reality, of this passion. In warmer climates
it is liked for its own sake, it is the only cause of happiness, it is
life itself.
In southern countries a machine of a delicate frame but strong
sensibility resigns itself either to a love which rises and is
incessantly laid in a seraglio, or to a passion which leaves women in a
greater independence, and is consequently exposed to a thousand
inquietudes. In northern regions a machine robust and heavy finds
pleasure in whatever is apt to throw the spirits into motion, such as
hunting, travelling, war, and wine. If we travel towards the north, we
meet with people who have few vices, many virtues, and a great share of
frankness and sincerity. If we draw near the south, we fancy ourselves
entirely removed from the verge of morality; here the strongest passions
are productive of all manner of crimes, each man endeavouring, let the
means be what they will, to indulge his inordinate desires. In temperate
climates we find the inhabitants inconstant in their manners, as well as
in their vices and virtues: the climate has not a quality determinate
enough to fix them.
The heat of the climate may be so excessive as to deprive the body
of all vigour and strength. Then the faintness is communicated to the
mind; there is no curiosity, no enterprise, no generosity of sentiment;
the inclinations are all passive; indolence constitutes the utmost
happiness; scarcely any punishment is so severe as mental employment;
and slavery is more supportable than the force and vigour of mind
necessary for human conduct.
Footnotes
[1]
This appears even in the countenance: in cold weather people look
thinner.
[2]
We know that it shortens iron.
[3]
Those for the succession to the Spanish monarchy.
[4]
For instance, in Spain.
14.3. 3. Contradiction in the Tempers of some Southern Nations.
The Indians
[5]
are naturally a pusillanimous people; even the children
[6]
of Europeans born in India lose the courage peculiar to their own climate.
But how shall we reconcile this with their customs and penances so full
of barbarity? The men voluntarily undergo the greatest hardships, and
the women burn themselves; here we find a very odd compound of fortitude
and weakness.
Nature, having framed those people of a texture so weak as to fill
them with timidity, has formed them at the same time of an imagination
so lively that every object makes the strongest impression upon them.
That delicacy of organs which renders them apprehensive of death
contributes likewise to make them dread a thousand things more than
death: the very same sensibility induces them to fly and dare all
dangers.
As a good education is more necessary to children than to such as
have arrived at maturity of understanding, so the inhabitants of those
countries have much greater need than the European nations of a wiser
legislator. The greater their sensibility, the more it behoves them to
receive proper impressions, to imbibe no prejudices, and to let
themselves be directed by reason.
At the time of the Romans the inhabitants of the north of Europe
were destitute of arts, education, and almost of laws; and yet the good
sense annexed to the gross fibres of those climates enabled them to make
an admirable stand against the power of Rome, till the memorable period
in which they quitted their woods to subvert that great empire.
Footnotes
[5]
"One hundred European soldiers," says Tavernier, "would without
any great difficulty beat a thousand Indian soldiers."
[6]
Even the Persians who settle in the Indies contract in the third
generation the indolence and cowardice of the Indians. See "Bernier on
the Mogul," tome i, p. 182.
14.4. 4. Cause of the Immutability of Religion, Manners, Customs, and Laws
in the Eastern Countries.
If to that delicacy of organs which renders
the eastern nations so susceptible of every impression you add likewise
a sort of indolence of mind, naturally connected with that of the body,
by means of which they grow incapable of any exertion or effort, it is
easy to comprehend that when once the soul has received an impression it
cannot change it. This is the reason that the laws, manners, and
customs,
[7]
even those which seem quite indifferent, such as their mode
of dress, are the same to this very day in eastern countries as they
were a thousand years ago.
Footnotes
[7]
We find by a fragment of Nicolaus Damascenus, collected by
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, that it was an ancient custom in the East
to send to strangle a governor who had given any displeasure; it was in
the time of the Medes.
14.5. 5. That those are bad Legislators who favour the Vices of the
Climate, and good Legislators who oppose those Vices.
The Indians believe that repose and non-existence are the foundation of all things,
and the end in which they terminate. Hence they consider entire inaction
as the most perfect of all states, and the object of their desires. To
the Supreme Being they give the title of immovable.
[8]
The inhabitants of Siam believe that their utmost happiness
[9]
consists in not being obliged to animate a machine, or to give motion to a body.
In those countries where the excess of heat enervates and exhausts
the body, rest is so delicious, and motion so painful, that this system
of metaphysics seems natural; and Foe,
[10]
the legislator of the Indies,
was directed by his own sensations when he placed mankind in a state
extremely passive; but his doctrine arising from the laziness of the
climate favoured it also in its turn; which has been the source of an
infinite deal of mischief.
The legislators of China were more rational when, considering men
not in the peaceful state which they are to enjoy hereafter, but in the
situation proper for discharging the several duties of life, they made
their religion, philosophy, and laws all practical. The more the
physical causes incline mankind to inaction, the more the moral causes
should estrange them from it.
Footnotes
[8]
Panamanack: See Kircher.
[9]
La Loubere, "Account of the Kingdom of Siam," p. 446.
[10]
Foe endeavoured to reduce the heart to a mere vacuum: "We have
eyes and ears, but perfection consists in neither seeing nor hearing; a
mouth, hands, &c., but perfection requires that these members should
be inactive." This is taken from the dialogue of a Chinese philosopher,
quoted by Father Du Halde, tome iii.
14.6. 6. Of Agriculture in warm Climates. Agriculture is the principal
labour of man.
The more the climate inclines him to shun this labour,
the more the religion and laws of the country ought to incite him to it.
Thus the Indian laws, which give the lands to the prince, and destroy
the spirit of property among the subjects, increase the bad effects of
the climate, that is, their natural indolence.
14.7. 7. Of Monkery.
The very same mischiefs result from monkery: it had
its rise in the warm countries of the East, where they are less inclined
to action than to speculation.
In Asia the number of dervishes or monks seems to increase together
with the warmth of the climate. The Indies, where the heat is excessive,
are full of them; and the same difference is found in Europe.
In order to surmount the laziness of the climate, the laws ought to
endeavour to remove all means of subsisting without labour: but in the
southern parts of Europe they act quite the reverse. To those who want
to live in a state of indolence, they afford retreats the most proper
for a speculative life, and endow them with immense revenues. These men,
who live in the midst of plenty which they know not how to enjoy, are in
the right to give their superfluities away to the common people. The
poor are bereft of property; and these men indemnify them by supporting
them in idleness, so as to make them even grow fond of their misery.
14.8. 8. An excellent Custom of China.
The historical relations
[11]
of China mention a ceremony
[12]
of opening the ground which the emperor
performs every year. The design of this public and solemn act is to
excite the people to tillage.
[13]
Further, the emperor is every year informed of the husbandman who
has distinguished himself most in his profession; and he makes him a
mandarin of the eighth order.
Among the ancient Persians
[14]
the kings quitted their grandeur and
pomp on the eighth day of the month, called Chorrem-ruz, to eat with the
husbandmen. These institutions were admirably calculated for the
encouragement of agriculture.
Footnotes
[11]
Father Du Halde, "History of China," tome i, p. 72.
[12]
Several of the kings of India do the same. La Loubere, "Account
of the Kingdom of Siam," p. 69.
[13]
Venty, the third emperor of the third dynasty, tilled the lands
himself, and made the empress and his wives employ their time in the
silkworks in his palace. "History of China."
[14]
Hyde, "Religion of the Persians."
14.9. 9. Means of encouraging Industry.
We shall show, in the nineteenth
book, that lazy nations are generally proud. Now the effect might well
be turned against the cause, and laziness be destroyed by pride. In the
south of Europe, where people have such a high notion of the point of
honour, it would be right to give prizes to husbandmen who had excelled
in agriculture; or to artists who had made the greatest improvements in
their several professions. This practice has succeeded in our days in
Ireland, where it has established one of the most considerable linen
manufactures in Europe.
14.10. 10. Of the Laws in relation to the Sobriety of the People.
In warm countries the aqueous part of the blood loses itself greatly by
perspiration;
[15]
it must therefore be supplied by a like liquid. Water
is there of admirable use; strong liquors would congeal the globules
[16]
of blood that remain after the transuding of the aqueous humour.
In cold countries the aqueous part of the blood is very little
evacuated by perspiration. They may therefore make use of spirituous
liquors, without which the blood would congeal. They are full of
humours; consequently strong liquors, which give a motion to the blood,
are proper for those countries.
The law of Mahomet, which prohibits the drinking of wine, is
therefore fitted to the climate of Arabia: and indeed, before Mahomet's
time, water was the common drink of the Arabs. The law
[17]
which forbade the Carthaginians to drink wine was a law of the climate; and, indeed,
the climate of those two countries is pretty nearly the same.
Such a law would be improper for cold countries, where the climate
seems to force them to a kind of national intemperance, very different
from personal ebriety. Drunkenness predominates throughout the world, in
proportion to the coldness and humidity of the climate. Go from the
equator to the north pole, and you will find this vice increasing
together with the degree of latitude. Go from the equator again to the
south pole, and you will find the same vice travelling south,
[18]
exactly in the same proportion.
It is very natural that where wine is contrary to the climate, and
consequently to health, the excess of it should be more severely
punished than in countries where intoxication produces very few bad
effects to the person, fewer to the society, and where it does not make
people frantic and wild, but only stupid and heavy. Hence those laws
[19]
which inflicted a double punishment for crimes committed in drunkenness
were applicable only to a personal, and not to a national, ebriety. A
German drinks through custom, and a Spaniard by choice.
In warm countries the relaxing of the fibres produces a great
evacuation of the liquids, but the solid parts are less transpired. The
fibres, which act but faintly, and have very little elasticity, are not
much impaired; and a small quantity of nutritious juice is sufficient to
repair them; for which reason they eat very little.
It is the variety of wants in different climates that first
occasioned a difference in the manner of living, and this gave rise to a
variety of laws. Where people are very communicative there must be
particular laws, and others where there is but little communication.
Footnotes
[15]
Monsieur Bernier, travelling from Lahore to Cashmere, wrote
thus: "My body is a sieve; scarcely have I swallowed a pint of water,
but I see it transude like dew out of all my limbs, even to my fingers'
ends. I drink ten pints a day, and it does me no manner of harm." --
Bernier, "Travels," tome ii, p. 261.
[16]
In the blood there are red globules, fibrous parts, white
globules, and water, in which the whole swims.
[17]
Plato, "Laws," Book ii; Aristotle, "Of the Care of Domestic Affairs";
Eusebius, "Evangelical Preparation," Book xii, chap. 17.
[18]
This is seen in the Hottentots, and the inhabitants of the most
southern part of Chili.
[19]
As Pittacus did, according to Aristotle, "Politics," lib. i, cap. iii. He
lived in a climate where drunkenness is not a national vice.
14.11. 11. Of the Laws in relation to the Distempers of the Climate.
Herodotus
[20]
informs us that the Jewish laws concerning the leprosy
were borrowed from the practice of the Egyptians. And, indeed, the same
distemper required the same remedies. The Greeks and the primitive
Romans were strangers to these laws, as well as to the disease. The
climate of Egypt and Palestine rendered them necessary; and the facility
with which this disease is spread is sufficient to make us sensible of
the wisdom and sagacity of those laws.
Even we ourselves have felt the effects of them. The Crusades
brought the leprosy amongst us; but the wise regulations made at that
ime hindered it from infecting the mass of the people.
We find by the law of the Lombards
[21]
that this disease was spread
in Italy before the Crusades, and merited the attention of the
legislature. Rotharis ordained that a leper should be expelled from his
house, banished to a particular place, and rendered incapable of
disposing of his property; because from the very moment he had been
turned out of his house he was reckoned dead in the eye of the law. In
order to prevent all communication with lepers, they were rendered
incapable of civil acts.
I am apt to think that this disease was brought into Italy by the
conquests of the Greek emperors, in whose armies there might be some
soldiers from Palestine or Egypt. Be that as it may, the progress of it
was stopped till the time of the Crusades.
It is related that Pompey's soldiers returning from Syria brought a
distemper home with them not unlike the leprosy. We have no account of
any regulation made at that time; but it is highly probable that some
such step was taken, since the distemper was checked till the time of
the Lombards.
It is now two centuries since a disease unknown to our ancestors was
first transplanted from the new world to ours, and came to attack human
nature even in the very source of life and pleasure. Most of the
principal families in the south of Europe were seen to perish by a
distemper that had grown too common to be ignominious, and was
considered in no other light than in that of its being fatal. It was the
thirst of gold that propagated this disease; the Europeans went
continually to America, and always brought back a new leaven of it.
Reasons drawn from religion seemed to require that this punishment
of guilt should be permitted to continue; but the infection had reached
the bosom of matrimony, and given the vicious taint even to guiltless
infants.
As it is the business of legislators to watch over the health of the
citizens, it would have been a wise part in them to have stopped this
communication by laws made on the plan of those of Moses.
The plague is a disease whose infectious progress is much more
rapid. Egypt is its principal seat, whence it spreads over the whole
globe. Most countries in Europe have made exceedingly good regulations
to prevent this infection, and in our times an admirable method has been
contrived to stop it; this is by forming a line of troops round the
infected country, which cuts off all manner of communication.
The Turks,
[22]
who have no such regulations, see the Christians
escape this infection in the same town, and none but themselves perish;
they buy the clothes of the infected, wear them, and proceed in their
old way, as if nothing had happened. The doctrine of a rigid fate, which
directs their whole conduct, renders the magistrate a quiet spectator;
he thinks that everything comes from the hand of God, and that man has
nothing more to do than to submit.
Footnotes
[21]
Book ii. tit. 1, section 3; tit. 18, section 1.
[22]
Ricaut, "State of the Ottoman Empire," p. 284.
14.12. 12. Of the Laws against Suicides.
We do not find in history that the
Romans ever killed themselves without a cause; but the English are apt
to commit suicide most unaccountably; they destroy themselves even in
the bosom of happiness. This action among the Romans was the effect of
education, being connected with their principles and customs; among the
English it is the consequence of a distemper,
[23]
being connected with
the physical state of the machine, and independent of every other cause.
In all probability it is a defect of the filtration of the nervous
juice: the machine, whose motive faculties are often unexerted, is weary
of itself; the soul feels no pain, but a certain uneasiness in existing.
Pain is a local sensation, which leads us to the desire of seeing an end
of it; the burden of life, which prompts us to the desire of ceasing to
exist, is an evil confined to no particular part.
It is evident that the civil laws of some countries may have reasons
for branding suicide with infamy: but in England it cannot be punished
without punishing the effects of madness.
Footnotes
[23]
It may be complicated with the scurvy, which, in some countries
especially, renders a man whimsical and unsupportable to himself. See
Pirard, "Voyages," part II, 21.
14.13. 13. Effects arising from the Climate of England.
In a nation so distempered by the climate as to have a disrelish of everything, nay,
even of life, it is plain that the government most suitable to the
inhabitants is that in which they cannot lay their uneasiness to any
single person's charge, and in which, being under the direction rather
of the laws than of the prince, it is impossible for them to change the
government without subverting the laws themselves.
And if this nation has likewise derived from the climate a certain
impatience of temper, which renders them incapable of bearing the same
train of things for any long continuance, it is obvious that the
government above mentioned is the fittest for them.
This impatience of temper is not very considerable of itself; but it
may become so when joined with courage.
It is quite a different thing from levity, which makes people
undertake or drop a project without cause; it borders more upon
obstinacy, because it proceeds from so lively a sense of misery that it
is not weakened even by the habit of suffering.
This temper in a free nation is extremely proper for disconcerting
the projects of tyranny,
[24]
which is always slow and feeble in its
commencement, as in the end it is active and lively; which at first only
stretches out a hand to assist, and exerts afterwards a multitude of
arms to oppress.
Slavery is ever preceded by sleep. But a people who find no rest in
any situation, who continually explore every part, and feel nothing but
pain, can hardly be lulled to sleep.
Politics is a smooth file, which cuts gradually, and attains its end
by a slow progression. Now the people of whom we have been speaking are
incapable of bearing the delays, the details, and the coolness of
negotiations: in these they are more unlikely to succeed than any other
nation; hence they are apt to lose by treaties what they obtain by their
arms.
Footnotes
[24]
Here I take this word for the design of subverting the
established power, and especially that of democracy; this is the
signification in which it was understood by the Greeks and Romans.
14.14. 14. Other Effects of the Climate.
Our ancestors, the ancient
Germans, lived in a climate where the passions were extremely calm.
Their laws decided only in such cases where the injury was visible to
the eye, and went no further. And as they judged of the outrages done to
men from the greatness of the wound, they acted with no other delicacy
in respect to the injuries done to women. The law of the Alemans
[25]
on this subject is very extraordinary. If a person uncovers a woman's head,
he pays a fine of fifty sous; if he uncovers her leg up to the knee, he
pays the same; and double from the knee upwards. One would think that
the law measured the insults offered to women as we measure a figure in
geometry; it did not punish the crime of the imagination, but that of
the eye. But upon the migration of a German nation into Spain, the
climate soon found a necessity for different laws. The law of the
Visigoths inhibited the surgeons to bleed a free woman, except either
her father, mother, brother, son, or uncle was present. As the
imagination of the people grew warm, so did that of the legislators; the
law suspected everything when the people had become suspicious.
These laws had, therefore, a particular regard for the two sexes.
But in their punishments they seem rather to humour the revengeful
temper of private persons than to administer public justice. Thus, in
most cases, they reduced both the criminals to be slaves to the offended
relatives or to the injured husband; a free-born woman
[26]
who had yielded to the embraces of a married man was delivered up to his wife to
dispose of her as she pleased. They obliged the slaves,
[27]
if they found their master's wife in adultery, to bind her and carry her to her
husband; they even permitted her children
[28]
to be her accusers, and
her slaves to be tortured in order to convict her. Thus their laws were
far better adapted to refine, even to excess, a certain point of honour
than to form a good civil administration. We must not, therefore, be
surprised if Count Julian was of opinion that an affront of that kind
ought to be expiated by the ruin of his king and country: we must not be
surprised if the Moors, with such a conformity of manners, found it so
easy to settle and to maintain themselves in Spain, and to retard the
fall of their empire.
Footnotes
[25]
Chapter 58, sections 1 and 2.
[26]
"Law of the Visigoths," Book iii, tit. 4, section 9.
14.15. 15. Of the different Confidence which the Laws have in the People,
according to the Difference of Climates.
The people of Japan are of so
stubborn and perverse a temper that neither their legislators nor
magistrates can put any confidence in them: they set nothing before
their eyes but judgments, menaces, and chastisements; every step they
take is subject to the inquisition of the civil magistrate. Those laws
which out of five heads of families establish one as a magistrate over
the other four; those laws which punish a family or a whole ward for a
single crime; those laws, in fine, which find nobody innocent where one
may happen to be guilty, are made with a design to implant in the people
a mutual distrust, and to make every man the inspector, witness, and
judge of his neighbour's conduct.
On the contrary, the people of India are mild,
[29]
tender, and compassionate. Hence their legislators repose great confidence in them.
They have established
[30]
very few punishments; these are not severe,
nor are they rigorously executed. They have subjected nephews to their
uncles, and orphans to their guardians, as in other countries they are
subjected to their fathers; they have regulated the succession by the
acknowledged merit of the successor. They seem to think that every
individual ought to place entire confidence in the good nature of his
fellow-subjects.
[31]
They enfranchise their slaves without difficulty, they marry them,
they treat them as their children.
[32]
Happy climate which gives birth to innocence, and produces a lenity in the laws!
Footnotes
[29]
See Bernier, tome ii, p. 140.
[30]
See in the "Edifying Letters," coll. xiv, p. 403, the principal
laws or customs of the inhabitants of the peninsula on this side the
Ganges.
[31]
See "Edifying Letters," coll. ix, p. 378.
[32]
I had once thought that the lenity of slavery in India had made
Diodorus say that there was neither master nor slave in that country;
but Diodorus has attributed to the whole continent of India what,
according to Strabo, xv, belonged only to a particular nation.