3.5. 5. That Virtue is not the Principle of a Monarchical Government.
In monarchies, policy effects great things with as little virtue as
possible. Thus in the nicest machines, art has reduced the number of
movements, springs, and wheels.
The state subsists independently of the love of our country, of the
thirst of true glory, of self-denial, of the sacrifice of our dearest
interests, and of all those heroic virtues which we admire in the
ancients, and to us are known only by tradition.
The laws supply here the place of those virtues; they are by no
means wanted, and the state dispenses with them: an action performed
here in secret is in some measure of no consequence.
Though all crimes be in their own nature public, yet there is a
distinction between crimes really public and those that are private,
which are so called because they are more injurious to individuals than
to the community.
Now in republics private crimes are more public, that is, they
attack the constitution more than they do individuals; and in
monarchies, public crimes are more private, that is, they are more
prejudicial to private people than to the constitution.
I beg that no one will be offended with what I have been saying; my
observations are founded on the unanimous testimony of historians. I am
not ignorant that virtuous princes are so very rare; but I venture to
affirm that in a monarchy it is extremely difficult for the people to be
virtuous.
[9]
Let us compare what the historians of all ages have asserted
concerning the courts of monarchs; let us recollect the conversations
and sentiments of people of all countries, in respect to the wretched
character of courtiers, and we shall find that these are not airy
speculations, but truths confirmed by a sad and melancholy experience.
Ambition in idleness; meanness mixed with pride; a desire of riches
without industry; aversion to truth; flattery, perfidy, violation of
engagements, contempt of civil duties, fear of the prince's virtue, hope
from his weakness, but, above all, a perpetual ridicule cast upon
virtue, are, I think, the characteristics by which most courtiers in all
ages and countries have been constantly distinguished. Now, it is
exceedingly difficult for the leading men of the nation to be knaves,
and the inferior sort to be honest; for the former to be cheats, and the
latter to rest satisfied with being only dupes.
But if there should chance to be some unlucky honest man
[10]
among the people. Cardinal Richelieu, in his political testament, seems to
hint that a prince should take care not to employ him.
[11]
So true is it that virtue is not the spring of this government! It is not
indeed excluded, but it is not the spring of government.
Footnotes
[9]
I speak here of political virtue, which is also moral virtue as
it is directed to the public good; very little of private moral virtue,
and not at all of that virtue which relates to revealed truths. This
will appear better in v. 2.
[10]
This is to be understood in the sense of the preceding note.
[11]
We must not, says he, employ people of mean extraction; they are
too rigid and morose. — Testament Polit., 4.
