Chapter 14. The Succession to the Kingdom in Ancient Latium.
IN REGARD to the Roman king, whose priestly functions were inherited by
his successor the king of the Sacred Rites, the foregoing discussion has
led us to the following conclusions. He represented and indeed personated
Jupiter, the great god of the sky, the thunder, and the oak, and in that
character made rain, thunder, and lightning for the good of his subjects,
like many more kings of the weather in other parts of the world. Further, he
not only mimicked the oak-god by wearing an oak wreath and other
insignia of divinity, but he was married to an oak-nymph Egeria, who
appears to have been merely a local form of Diana in her character of a
goddess of woods, of waters, and of child-birth. All these conclusions,
which we have reached mainly by a consideration of the Roman evidence,
may with great probability be applied to the other Latin communities. They
too probably had of old their divine or priestly kings, who transmitted their
religious functions, without their civil powers, to their successors the Kings
of the Sacred Rites. 1
But we have still to ask, What was the rule of succession to the kingdom
among the old Latin tribes? According to tradition, there were in all eight
kings of Rome, and with regard to the five last of them, at all events, we
can hardly doubt that they actually sat on the throne, and that the
traditional history of their reigns is, in its main outlines, correct. Now it is
very remarkable that though the first king of Rome, Romulus, is said to have
been descended from the royal house of Alba, in which the kingship is
represented as hereditary in the male line, not one of the Roman kings was
immediately succeeded by his son on the throne. Yet several left sons or
grandsons behind them. On the other hand, one of them was descended
from a former king through his mother, not through his father, and three of
the kings, namely Tatius, the elder Tarquin, and Servius Tullius, were
succeeded by their sons-in-law, who were all either foreigners or of
foreign descent. This suggests that the right to the kingship was transmitted
in the female line, and was actually exercised by foreigners who married
the royal princesses. To put it in technical language, the succession to the
kingship at Rome and probably in Latium generally would seem to have
been determined by certain rules which have moulded early society in
many parts of the world, namely exogamy, beena marriage, and female
kinship or mother-kin. Exogamy is the rule which obliges a man to marry a
woman of a different clan from his own: beena marriage is the rule that he
must leave the home of his birth and live with his wife's people; and female
kinship or mother-kin is the system of tracing relationship and transmitting
the family name through women instead of through men. If these principles
regulated descent of the kingship among the ancient Latins, the state of
things in this respect would be somewhat as follows. The political and
religious centre of each community would be the perpetual fire on the king's
hearth tended by Vestal Virgins of the royal clan. The king would be a man
of another clan, perhaps of another town or even of another race, who had
married a daughter of his predecessor and received the kingdom with her.
The children whom he had by her would inherit their mother's name, not
his; the daughters would remain at home; the sons, when they grew up,
would go away into the world, marry, and settle in their wives' country,
whether as kings or commoners. Of the daughters who stayed at home,
some or all would be dedicated as Vestal Virgins for a longer or shorter
time to the service of the fire on the hearth, and one of them would in time
become the consort of her father's successor. 2
This hypothesis has the advantage of explaining in a simple and natural
way some obscure features in the traditional history of the Latin kingship.
Thus the legends which tell how Latin kings were born of virgin mothers
and divine fathers become at least more intelligible. For, stripped of their
fabulous element, tales of this sort mean no more than that a woman has
been gotten with child by a man unknown; and this uncertainty as to
fatherhood is more easily compatible with a system of kinship which ignores
paternity than with one which makes it all-important. If at the birth of the
Latin kings their fathers were really unknown, the fact points either to a
general looseness of life in the royal family or to a special relaxation of
moral rules on certain occasions, when men and women reverted for a
season to the licence of an earlier age. Such Saturnalias are not
uncommon at some stages of social evolution. In our own country traces of
them long survived in the practices of May Day and Whitsuntide, if not of
Christmas. Children born of more or less promiscuous intercourse which
characterises festivals of this kind would naturally be fathered on the god to
whom the particular festival was dedicated. 3
In this connexion it may be significant that a festival of jollity and
drunkenness was celebrated by the plebeians and slaves at Rome on
Midsummer Day, and that the festival was specially associated with the
fireborn King Servius Tullius, being held in honour of Fortuna, the goddess
who loved Servius as Egeria loved Numa. The popular merrymakings at this
season included foot-races and boat-races; the Tiber was gay with
flower-wreathed boats, in which young folk sat quaffing wine. The festival
appears to have been a sort of Midsummer Saturnalia answering to the real
Saturnalia which fell at Midwinter. In modern Europe, as we shall learn later
on, the great Midsummer festival has been above all a festival of lovers
and of fire; one of its principal features is the pairing of sweethearts, who
leap over the bonfires hand in hand or throw flowers across the flames to
each other. And many omens of love and marriage are drawn from the
flowers which bloom at this mystic season. It is the time of the roses and of
love. Yet the innocence and beauty of such festivals in modern times ought
not to blind us to the likelihood that in earlier days they were marked by
coarser features, which were probably of the essence of the rites. Indeed,
among the rude Esthonian peasantry these features seem to have lingered
down to our own generation, if not to the present day. One other feature in
the Roman celebration of Midsummer deserves to be specially noticed. The
custom of rowing in flower-decked boats on the river on this day proves
that it was to some extent a water festival; and water has always, down to
modern times, played a conspicuous part in the rites of Midsummer Day,
which explains why the Church, in throwing its cloak over the old heathen
festival, chose to dedicate it to St. John the Baptist. 4
The hypothesis that the Latin kings may have been begotten at an annual
festival of love is necessarily a mere conjecture, though the traditional birth
of Numa at the festival of the Parilia, when shepherds leaped across the
spring bonfires, as lovers leap across the Midsummer fires, may perhaps be
thought to lend it a faint colour of probability. But it is quite possible that the
uncertainty as to their fathers may not have arisen till long after the death of
the kings, when their figures began to melt away into the cloudland of fable,
assuming fantastic shapes and gorgeous colouring as they passed from
earth to heaven. If they were alien immigrants, strangers and pilgrims in the
land they ruled over, it would be natural enough that the people should
forget their lineage, and forgetting it should provide them with another,
which made up in lustre what it lacked in truth. The final apotheosis, which
represented the kings not merely as sprung from gods but as themselves
deities incarnate, would be much facilitated if in their lifetime, as we have
seen reason to think, they had actually laid claim to divinity. 5
If among the Latins the women of royal blood always stayed at home and
received as their consorts men of another stock, and often of another
country, who reigned as kings in virtue of their marriage with a native
princess, we can understand not only why foreigners wore the crown at
Rome, but also why foreign names occur in the list of the Alban kings. In a
state of society where nobility is reckoned only through women-in other
words, where descent through the mother is everything, and descent
through the father is nothing-no objection will be felt to uniting girls of the
highest rank to men of humble birth, even to aliens or slaves, provided that
in themselves the men appear to be suitable mates. What really matters is
that the royal stock, on which the prosperity and even the existence of the
people is supposed to depend, should be perpetuated in a vigorous and
efficient form, and for this purpose it is necessary that the women of the
royal family should bear children to men who are physically and mentally
fit, according to the standard of early society, to discharge the important
duty of procreation. Thus the personal qualities of the kings at this stage of
social evolution are deemed of vital importance. If they, like their consorts,
are of royal and divine descent, so much the better; but it is not essential
that they should be so. 6
At Athens, as at Rome, we find traces of succession to the throne by
marriage with a royal princess; for two of the most ancient kings of Athens,
namely Cecrops and Amphictyon, are said to have married the daughters
of their predecessors. This tradition is to a certain extent confirmed by
evidence, pointing to the conclusion that at Athens male kinship was
preceded by female kinship. 7
Further, if I am right in supposing that in ancient Latium the royal families
kept their daughters at home and sent forth their sons to marry princesses
and reign among their wives' people, it will follow that the male
descendants would reign in successive generations over different
kingdoms. Now this seems to have happened both in ancient Greece and in
ancient Sweden; from which we may legitimately infer that it was a custom
practised by more than one branch of the Aryan stock in Europe. Many
Greek traditions relate how a prince left his native land, and going to a far
country married the king's daughter and succeeded to the kingdom. Various
reasons are assigned by ancient Greek writers for these migrations of the
princes. A common one is that the king's son had been banished for
murder. This would explain very well why he fled his own land, but it is no
reason at all why he should become king of another. We may suspect that
such reasons are afterthoughts devised by writers, who, accustomed to the
rule that a son should succeed to his father's property and kingdom, were
hard put to it to account for so many traditions of kings' sons who quitted
the land of their birth to reign over a foreign kingdom. In Scandinavian
tradition we meet with traces of similar customs. For we read of daughters'
husbands who received a share of the kingdoms of their royal
fathers-in-law, even when these fathers-in-law had sons of their own; in
particular, during the five generations which preceded Harold the
Fair-haired, male members of the Ynglingar family, which is said to have
come from Sweden, are reported in the Heimskringla or Sagas of the
Norwegian Kings to have obtained at least six provinces in Norway by
marriage with the daughters of the local kings. 8
Thus it would seem that among some Aryan peoples, at a certain stage of
their social evolution, it has been customary to regard women and not men
as the channels in which royal blood flows, and to bestow the kingdom in
each successive generation on a man of another family, and often of
another country, who marries one of the princesses and reigns over his
wife's people. A common type of popular tale, which relates how an
adventurer, coming to a strange land, wins the hand of the king's daughter
and with her the half or the whole of the kingdom, may well be a
reminiscence of a real custom. 9
Where usages and ideas of this sort prevail, it is obvious that the kingship
is merely an appanage of marriage with a woman of the blood royal. The
old Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus puts this view of the kingship very
clearly in the mouth of Hermutrude, a legendary queen of Scotland. "Indeed
she was a queen," says Hermutrude, "and but that her sex gainsaid it,
might be deemed a king; nay (and this is yet truer), whomsoever she
thought worthy of her bed was at once a king, and she yielded her kingdom
with herself. Thus her sceptre and her hand went together." The statement
is all the more significant because it appears to reflect the actual practice
of the Pictish kings. We know from the testimony of Bede that, whenever a
doubt arose as to the succession, the Picts chose their kings from the
female rather than the male line. 10
The personal qualities which recommended a man for a royal alliance and
succession to the throne would naturally vary according to the popular
ideas of the time and the character of the king or his substitute, but it is
reasonable to suppose that among them in early society physical strength
and beauty would hold a prominent place. 11
Sometimes apparently the right to the hand of the princess and to the
throne has been determined by a race. The Alitemnian Libyans awarded
the kingdom to the fleetest runner. Amongst the old Prussians, candidates
for nobility raced on horseback to the king, and the one who reached him
first was ennobled. According to tradition the earliest games at Olympia
were held by Endymion, who set his sons to run a race for the kingdom. His
tomb was said to be at the point of the racecourse from which the runners
started. The famous story of Pelops and Hippodamia is perhaps only
another version of the legend that the first races at Olympia were run for no
less a prize than a kingdom. 12
These traditions may very well reflect a real custom of racing for a bride,
for such a custom appears to have prevailed among various peoples,
though in practice it has degenerated into a mere form or pretence. Thus
"there is one race, called the `Love Chase,' which may be considered a
part of the form of marriage among the Kirghiz. In this the bride, armed with
a formidable whip, mounts a fleet horse, and is pursued by all the young
men who make any pretensions to her hand. She will be given as a prize to
the one who catches her, but she has the right, besides urging on her
horse to the utmost, to use her whip, often with no mean force, to keep off
those lovers who are unwelcome to her, and she will probably favour the
one whom she has already chosen in her heart." The race for the bride is
found also among the Koryaks of North-eastern Asia. It takes place in a
large tent, round which many separate compartments called pologs are
arranged in a continuous circle. The girl gets a start and is clear of the
marriage if she can run through all the compartments without being caught
by the bridegroom. The women of the encampment place every obstacle in
the man's way, tripping him up, belabouring him with switches, and so forth,
so that he has little chance of succeeding unless the girl wishes it and
waits for him. Similar customs appear to have been practised by all the
Teutonic peoples; for the German, Anglo-Saxon, and Norse languages
possess in common a word for marriage which means simply bride-race.
Moreover, traces of the custom survived into modern times. 13
Thus it appears that the right to marry a girl, and especially a princess,
has often been conferred as a prize in an athletic contest. There would be
no reason, therefore, for surprise if the Roman kings, before bestowing their
daughters in marriage, should have resorted to this ancient mode of testing
the personal qualities of their future sons-in-law and successors. If my
theory is correct, the Roman king and queen personated Jupiter and his
divine consort, and in the character of these divinities went through the
annual ceremony of a sacred marriage for the purpose of causing the crops
to grow and men and cattle to be fruitful and multiply. Thus they did what in
more northern lands we may suppose the King and Queen of May were
believed to do in days of old. Now we have seen that the right to play the
part of the King of May and to wed the Queen of May has sometimes been
determined by an athletic contest, particularly by a race. This may have
been a relic of an old marriage custom of the sort we have examined, a
custom designed to test the fitness of a candidate for matrimony. Such a test
might reasonably be applied with peculiar rigour to the king in order to
ensure that no personal defect should incapacitate him for the performance
of those sacred rites and ceremonies on which, even more than on the
despatch of his civil and military duties, the safety and prosperity of the
community were believed to depend. And it would be natural to require of
him that from time to time he should submit himself afresh to the same ordeal
for the sake of publicly demonstrating that he was still equal to the
discharge of his high calling. A relic of that test perhaps survived in the
ceremony known as the Flight of the King (regifugium), which continued to
be annually observed at Rome down to imperial times. On the twenty-fourth
day of February a sacrifice used to be offered in the Comitium, and when it
was over the King of the Sacred Rites fled from the Forum. We may
conjecture that the Flight of the King was originally a race for an annual
kingship, which may have been awarded as a prize to the fleetest runner.
At the end of the year the king might run again for a second term of office;
and so on, until he was defeated and deposed or perhaps slain. In this way
what had once been a race would tend to assume the character of a flight
and a pursuit. The king would be given a start; he ran and his competitors
ran after him, and if he were overtaken he had to yield the crown and
perhaps his life to the lightest of foot among them. In time a man of masterful
character might succeed in seating himself permanently on the throne and
reducing the annual race or flight to the empty form which it seems always
to have been within historical times. The rite was sometimes interpreted as a
commemoration of the expulsion of the kings from Rome; but this appears to
have been a mere afterthought devised to explain a ceremony of which the
old meaning was forgotten. It is far more likely that in acting thus the King of
the Sacred Rites was merely keeping up an ancient custom which in the
regal period had been annually observed by his predecessors the kings.
What the original intention of the rite may have been must probably always
remain more or less a matter of conjecture. The present explanation is
suggested with a full sense of the difficulty and obscurity in which the
subject is involved. 14
Thus if my theory is correct, the yearly flight of the Roman king was a relic
of a time when the kingship was an annual office awarded, along with the
hand of a princess, to the victorious athlete or gladiator, who thereafter
figured along with his bride as a god and goddess at a sacred marriage
designed to ensure the fertility of the earth by homoeopathic magic. If I am
right in supposing that in very early times the old Latin kings personated a
god and were regularly put to death in that character, we can better
understand the mysterious or violent ends to which so many of them are
said to have come. We have seen that, according to tradition, one of the
kings of Alba was killed by a thunderbolt for impiously mimicking the
thunder of Jupiter. Romulus is said to have vanished mysteriously like
Aeneas, or to have been cut to pieces by the patricians whom he had
offended, and the seventh of July, the day on which he perished, was a
festival which bore some resemblance to the Saturnalia. For on that day the
female slaves were allowed to take certain remarkable liberties. They
dressed up as free women in the attire of matrons and maids, and in this
guise they went forth from the city, scoffed and jeered at all whom they met,
and engaged among themselves in a fight, striking and throwing stones at
each other. Another Roman king who perished by violence was Tatius, the
Sabine colleague of Romulus. It is said that he was at Lavinium offering a
public sacrifice to the ancestral gods, when some men, to whom he had
given umbrage, despatched him with the sacrificial knives and spits which
they had snatched from the altar. The occasion and the manner of his death
suggest that the slaughter may have been a sacrifice rather than an
assassination. Again, Tullus Hostilius, the successor of Numa, was
commonly said to have been killed by lightning, but many held that he was
murdered at the instigation of Ancus Marcius, who reigned after him.
Speaking of the more or less mythical Numa, the type of the priestly king,
Plutarch observes that "his fame was enhanced by the fortunes of the later
kings. For of the five who reigned after him the last was deposed and
ended his life in exile, and of the remaining four not one died a natural
death; for three of them were assassinated and Tullus Hostilius was
consumed by thunderbolts." 15
These legends of the violent ends of the Roman kings suggest that the
contest by which they gained the throne may sometimes have been a
mortal combat rather than a race. If that were so, the analogy which we
have traced between Rome and Nemi would be still closer. At both places
the sacred kings, the living representatives of the godhead, would thus be
liable to suffer deposition and death at the hand of any resolute man who
could prove his divine right to the holy office by the strong arm and the
sharp sword. It would not be surprising if among the early Latins the claim
to the kingdom should often have been settled by single combat; for down
to historical times the Umbrians regularly submitted their private disputes to
the ordeal of battle, and he who cut his adversary's throat was thought
thereby to have proved the justice of his cause beyond the reach of
cavil. 16
