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 | Old churches, ministers and families of Virginia |  |
ARTICLE IX.
Henrico Parish.—No. 1.
About twelve or fifteen miles below Richmond, on the north
side of James River, lies a tract of land, than which none, except
the island on which Jamestown stood, has more interest to a Virginian.
It was the second settlement in the Colony, with the
exception of the feeble attempts at the Falls of James River, at
Nansemond, and Hampton. In the year 1611,—four years after
the first settlement at Jamestown, and while that was just struggling
into existence,—Sir Thomas Dale, High-Marshal of Virginia,
divided the colonists with Governor Gates, and brought with him
three hundred and fifty men, (chiefly German labourers,) and built
three rows of houses for them, a church, a house for himself, and
others for "the honester sort of people,"—that is, the farmers.
Palisadoes,—that is, fences,—to be some guard against the
Indians and to keep in the cattle, and small watch-towers and
other works, were put up. The place on which these things were
erected was afterward called Farrar's Island, from the name
of the man who bought it after the great massacre, but misnamed,
just as Jamestown was; for a narrow neck of land united
them both to the main, though, in the case of Jamestown, that
neck has been overflowed, and it is now—not only in name, but in
reality—an island. The other, Farrar's Island, is sometimes
called the Great Bend, because, while the neck is only one hundred
and twenty yards across, you must go seven miles around by
water to reach the opposite point. It has also been called Dutch
Gap, because there are indubitable marks of the commencement
of a channel by the first Dutch settlers across its narrow neck,
by which the water might be let through and thus the seven miles
of travel be saved. The channel was opened about half-way
across,—that is, about sixty yards,—and then abandoned. A
proposition to do this was also made during the last war, but
never executed. The same reason probably prevented in both
instances,—viz.: the fear of injuring the bed of the river, or of
inundating some of the adjoining lands. Another name was also
given to the settlement in earlier times,—viz.: Dale's Gift,
hitherto (while at Jamestown) lived in common, cultivating the
fields on the island, but living together in the city. Fifty
acres of fine river-bottom were allotted to each family. The
city was called Henricopolis, or the City of Henry, after
Prince Henry. It was afterward in common use contracted to
Henrico. There were probably about five thousand acres of
land in the settlement as bounded by the circuit of the river
and the long palisadoes which separated it from the main-land
on the north. If its figure be compared to the human body, the
head of a man would represent the island, or rather peninsula;
the neck represents the narrow part where the river, after its
circuit, almost touches; and then, if the arms be a little raised
from the body on each side, you would have the remaining part
of the settlement extending about two miles between the two
rivers, as they seem to be. Indeed, the visitor to this spot, standing
on the elevation where Henrico City once stood, may see,
almost at one view, what appear to be four beautiful rivers, though
only one in reality. The effect upon both mind and eye is truly
romantic and worth a visit from places far more distant than
Richmond, though it is believed but few of the inhabitants of that
city have ever enjoyed the sight. Let those who have any thing
of the feeling of an antiquarian, or even of a Virginian, only visit
that spot, taking with them the account given of its first settlement
by Captain Smith, Sir Thomas Dale, or any other of our
early writers, with the guidance of our fellow-citizen, Mr. Richard
Randolph, who was born near it and lived on it forty years ago,
and they may verify the accounts on the ground, may gather up
some broken bricks, which have been worn by the ploughshare for
one or two centuries on the well-known spots where the houses of
Sir Thomas Dale, Rolph, and Pocahontas once stood. The correspondence
between the ancient account and the present appearances
and relics is too strong to admit of a lingering doubt.
Near the Dutch Gap, or narrow neck separating what appears to
be two beautiful rivers only by a few paces, stood the second
church in Virginia and America, built immediately on the landing
of these Virginia Pilgrims, and before Sir Thomas Dale laid the
foundation of his own residence. And this was only preparatory
to a much better one of brick, whose foundation, Captain Smith
informs us, was soon laid. Such was the piety of our first
ancestors. It was soon discovered that another settlement on the
other side of the river—between James River and the Appomattox—was
Henrico, for a troublesome tribe of Indians occupied that narrow
corner between the two rivers, and annoyed the colonists.
Accordingly, Sir Thomas, in a few months, divided his forces
again, drove away the Indians from thence, and made a settlement,
opposite to what is now called City Point, naming it
Bermuda Hundred, and dividing lands here also to the settlers,
and running a palisado from river to river across another neck.
The Rev. Mr. Whittaker—of whom we have before spoken—was
the minister to each of these settlements; for they were both
in one parish (Henrico parish) from the first, and for a long
time, extending (as did the county) on both sides of James River,
included what is now Chesterfield county and Dale parish.
Wherefore Mr. Whittaker, in order to be convenient to his whole
parish, chose for his residence what is well known at this day as
Rock Hall, on the southern bank of James River, in what is now
Chesterfield, and opposite to the lowest part of the Great Bend.
At this point Sir Thomas Dale built him a parsonage and set
apart his glebe.[34] It was probably in crossing the river near his
house, in order to visit his parishioners on the island, that he was
drowned, as we have before stated. Having referred to the
residence of Rolph and Pocahontas, it will be interesting to point
the reader and the visitor to the very spot, since it is clearly
ascertained. Mr. Rolph's house and residence were about two
miles from the city of Henrico, down the river, where the courthouse
afterward stood, and where a parsonage and glebe also were
located. All these sites are well known, and constitute what was
called Varina.
Before proceeding further in our history of Henrico parish, we
must make a digression, for which we are sure our readers will
more than pardon us. It will be remembered that, in our
sketch of the early history of Jamestown parish, we introduced
some things concerning Henrico and Bermuda, alleging, as a
sufficient reason, that the history of these three places were intimately
connected and identified for some years, and, indeed, was
the whole history of the colony at that time. For the same
reason we now introduce into the early history of Henrico some
things which might have formed a part of our notices of Jamestown,
be remembered that, in speaking of the marriage of Rolph and
Pocahontas in the church at Jamestown, we alluded to a letter of
the former to Sir Thomas Dale, in which he sets forth all the perplexities
of his soul on that subject and submitted the final decision
to that pious and noble-spirited man. Through the kindness of our
worthy citizen, Mr. Conway Robinson, of Richmond, I have possession
of that letter, which he obtained during a recent visit to
England, and here submit it to the reader. None can fail to perceive
what a genuine spirit of piety and philanthropy breathes
throughout it.
ROLPH'S LETTER TO SIR THOMAS DALE.
"The coppie of this Gentleman's Letter to Sir Thomas Dale, that after
married Powhatan's daughter, containing the reasons that moved him
thereunto.[35]
When your leasure
shall best serve you to peruse these lines, I trust in God the beginning
will not strike you into greater admiration than the end will give you good
content. It is a matter of no small moment, concerning my own particular,
which here I impart unto you, and which toucheth me so nearly
as the tenderness of my salvation. Howbeit, I freely subject myself to
your great and mature judgment, deliberation, approbation, and determination;
assuring myself of your zealous admonition and godly comforts,
either persuading me to desist, or encouraging me to persist therein, with
a religious fear and godly care, for which (from the very instant that this
began to roote itself within the secrete bosome of my breast) my daily
and earnest praiers have bin, still are, and ever shall bee poored forthwith,
in as sincere a goodly zeal as I possibly may, to be directed, aided, and
governed in all my thoughts, words, and deedes, to the glory of God and
for my eternal consolation; to persevere wherein I had never had more
neede, nor (till now) could ever imagine to have bin moved with the like
occasion. But (my case standing as it doth) what better worldly refuge
can I here seeke, than to shelter myself under the safety of your favourable
protection? And did not my case proceede from an unspotted conscience,
I should not dare to offer to your view and approved judgment
these passions of my troubled soule; so full of feare and trembling is
hypocrisie and dissimulation. But, knowing my own innocency and godly
fervour in the whole prosecution hereof, I doubt not of your benigne
acceptance and clement construction. As for malicious depravers and
turbulent spirits, to whom nothing is tasteful but what pleaseth their unsavoury
pallate, I passe not for them, being well assured in my persuasion
by the often trial and proving of myselfe in my holiest meditations and
praises, that I am called hereunto by the Spirit of God; and it shall be
sufficient for me to be protected by yourselfe in all virtuous and pious
endeavours. And for my more happy proceedings herein, my daily oblations
and all the world may truly say, `This is the worke of God, and it
is marvellous in our eies.'
"But to avoide tedious preambles, and to come nearer the matter: first,
suffer with your patience to sweepe and make cleane the way wherein I
walke from all suspicions and doubts, which may be covered therein, and
faithfully to reveale unto you what should move me hereunto.
"Let, therefore, this my well-advised protestations, which here I make
before God and my own conscience, be a sufficient witnesse at the dreadful
day of judgment, when the secret of all living harts shall be opened, to
condemn me herein, if my deepest intent and purpose be not to strive
with all my power of body and minde, in the undertaking of so mighty a
matter, for the good of this plantation, for the honour of our countrie, for
the glory of God, for my own salvation, and for the converting to the true
knowledge of God and Jesus Christ an unbelieving creature,—viz.: Pokahontas.
To whom my hartie and best thoughts are and have a long
time bin so intangled and inthralled in so intricate a labyrinth, that I was
even awearied to unwinde myself thereout. But Almighty God, who
never faileth his that truly invocate his holy name, hath opened the gate
and led me by the hand, that I might plainly see and discerne the safe
pathes wherein to treade.
"To you, therefore, (most noble sir,) the patron and father of us in this
countrie, doe I utter the effects of this my settled and long-continued
affection, (which hath made a mightie warre in my meditations;) and
here I do truly relate, to what issue this dangerous combat is come unto,
wherein I have not only examined, but thoroughly tried and pared my
thoughts, even to the quicke, before I could finde any fit, wholesome, and
apt applications to cure so dangerous an ulcer. I never failed to offer my
daily and faithful praiers to God for his sacred and holy assistance. I forgot
not to set before mine eies the frailtie of mankind, his proneness to
evill, his indulgence of wicked thoughts, with many other imperfections,
wherein man is daily insnared and oftentimes overthrown, and them compared
to my present estate. Nor was I ignorant of the heavie displeasure
which Almightie God conceived against the sonnes of Levie and Israel
for marrying strange wives, nor of the inconveniences which may thereby
arise, with other the like good notions, which made me look about warily
and with good circumspection into the grounds and principall agitations,
which thus provoke me to be in love with one whose education hath been
rude, her manners barbarous, her generation accursed, and so discrepant
in all nurtreture from myself, that oftentimes with fear and trembling I
have ended my private controversie with this:—`Surely these are wicked
instigations, hatched by him who seeketh and delighteth in man's destruction;'
and so with fervent praiers to be ever preserved from such
diabolical assaults (as I tooke those to be) I have taken some rest.
"Thus when I thought I had obtained some peace and quietness,
behold, another but more gracious tentation hath made breaches into my
holiest and strongest meditations, with which I have been put to a new
triall, in a straighter manner than the former; for besides the many passions
and sufferings which I have daily, hourly, yea, and in my sleepe
indured, even awaking me to astonishment, taxing me with remisness and
carelessness, refusing and neglecting to performe the duties of a good
Christian, pulling me by the eare, and crying, `Why dost not thou indeavour
to make her a Christian?' And these have happened to my greater
common reason (were it not an undoubted work of God) might breede
forgetfulness of a fare more worthy creature. Besides, I say, the Holy
Spirit hath often demanded of me, why I was created, if not for transitory
pleasures and worldly vanities, but to labour in the Lord's vineyard,
there to sow and plant, to nourish and increase the fruits thereof, daily
adding, with the good husband in the gospel, somewhat to the talent, that
in the end the fruits may be reaped, to the comfort of the labourer in
this life and his salvation in the world to come? And if this be, as undoubtedly
this is, the service Jesus Christ requireth of his best servant,
wo unto him that hath these instruments of pietie put into his hands, and
wilfully despiseth to worke with them! Likewise adding hereunto her
great appearance of love to me, her desire to be taught and instructed in
the knowledge of God, her capablenesse of understanding, her aptness
and willingnesse to receive anie good impression, and also the spirituall,
beside her own incitements hereunto stirring me up. What should I doe?
Shall I be of so untoward a disposition as to refuse to leade the blind into
the right way? Shall I be so unnaturall as not to give bread to the hungrie,
or uncharitable as not to cover the naked? Shall I despise to actuate
these pious duties of a Christian? Shall the base feare of displeasing
the world overpower and withhold me from revealing unto man these
spirituall works of the Lord, which in my meditations and praiers I have
daily made known unto him? God forbid! I assuredly trust he hath
thus delt with mee for my eternal felicitie and for his glorie; and I hope
so to be guarded by his heavenly grace, that in the end, by my faithfull
praiers and christianlike labour, I shall attaine to that blessed promise
pronounced by that holy prophet Daniell unto the righteous that bring
many unto the knowledge of God,—namely: that `they shall shine like
the stars forever and ever.' A sweeter comfort cannot be to a true Christian,
nor a greater incouragement to him to labour all the daies of his life
in the performance thereof, to be desired at the hour of death and in the
day of judgment. Again, by my reading and conference with honest and
religious persons, have I received no small encouragement; besides mea
serena conscientia, the cleannesse of my conscience, clean from the filth
of impurity, quœ est instar muri ahenei, which is to me a brazen wall. If
I should set down at large the perturbations and godly motions which
have striven within mee, I should make but a tedious and unnecessary
volume. But I doubt not these shall be sufficient, both to certify you of
my true intent, in discharging of my duties to God and to yourselfe, to
whose gracious Providence I humbly submit myself, for his glory, your
honour, my countrie's good, the benefit of this Plantation, and for the
converting of one unregenerate to regeneration, which I beseech God to
grant for his dear Sonne Christ Jesus his sake. Nor am I in so desperate
an estate that I regard not what becometh of mee; nor am I out of hope
but one day to see my countrie, nor so void of friends, nor mean in birth,
but there to obtain a match to my great content; nor have I ignorantly
passed over my hopes there, nor regardlessly seek to lose the love of my
friends by taking this course: I know them all, and have not rashly overslipped
any.
"But shall it please God thus to dispose of me (which I earnestly
desire to fulfill my end before set down) I will heartily accept of it, as a
godly taxe appointed me, and I will never cease (God assisting me) until
I have accomplished and brought to perfection so holy a worke, in which
And thus desiring no longer to live, to enjoy the blessing of God, than
this my resolution doth tend to such godly ends, as are by me before declared,
not doubting your favourable acceptance, I take my leave, beseeching
Almighty God to rain down upon you such plenitude of his heavenly
graces as your heart can wish and desire; and so I rest,
FIRST JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
For the following deeply-interesting document I am also indebted
to the same hand. Mr. Robinson, in his careful examination
of papers in the State Office, in London, discovered a manuscript
journal covering thirty pages, in which are the proceedings
of a House of Burgesses held at Jamestown in 1619. It has
been generally received and admitted, since the first volume of Mr.
Henning's Statutes at Large were published, that no account of
any such meeting was to be found for some years after this.
My object in publishing it is not merely to gratify the curiosity
and promote the objects of the historian and politician, but far
more,—to give additional weight to what I have already adduced in
proof of the spirit of piety which animated the bosoms of the first
founders of the Church and State of Virginia.
None can read the following document without admitting this:—
"A report of the manner of proceeding in the General Assembly convented
at James City, in Virginia, July 30, 1619, consisting of the Governor,
the Council of Estate, and two Burgesses elected out of each
incorporation and plantation, and being dissolved the first of August next
ensuing."
This is a document of the greatest interest to every Virginian.
It is very satisfactory to find that it is quite a full report, embracing
thirty pages. After the caption it proceeds as follows:—
"First, Sir George Yeardley, Knight, Governor and Captain-General
of Virginia, having sent his summons all over the country, as well as to
invite those of the Council of Estate that were absent, as also for the
election of Burgesses, they were chosen and appeared.
"1st. For James City—Capt. Wm. Powell, Ensign Wm. Spense.
"2nd. For Charles City—Samuel Sharpe, James Jordan.
"3rd. For the City of Henricus—Thomas Dowce, John Potintine.
"4th. For Kicciotan—Captain Wm. Tucker, Wm. Capp.
"5th. For Martin Brandon, Captain John Martin's Plantation—Mr.
Thomas Davis, Robert Stacy.
"6th. For Smyth's Hundred—Captain Thos. Graves, Mr. Walter
Shelley.
"7th. For Martin's Hundred—Mr. John Boys, John Jackson.
"8th. For Argall's Plantation—Mr. Powlett, Mr. Gourgemy.
"9th. For Flour De Hundred—Ensign Poppingham, Mr. Jefferson.
"10th. For Captain Lannis' Plantation—Captain Christopher Lanne,
Ensign Wisher.
"11th. Captain Wirt's Plantation—Captain Wirt, Lieutenant Gibbs.
"The most convenient place we could find to sit in was the quire of
the church where Sir George Yeardley, the Governor, being set down in
his accustomed place, those of the Council of the Estate sat next him on
both hands, except only the Secretary, then appointed Speaker, who sat
before him. John Frome, Clerk of the General Assembly, being placed
next the Speaker, and Thomas Pierce, the Sergeant, standing at the bar,
to be ready for any service the Assembly should command him.
"But for as much as men's affairs do little prosper when God's service
is neglected, all the Burgesses took their places in the quire till a prayer
was said by Mr. Bucke, the minister, that it would please God to guide
and sanctify all our proceedings to his own glory and the good of this
plantation. Prayer being ended to the intent that, as we had begun at
God Almighty, so we might proceed with careful and due respect towards
his Lieutenant, our most gracious and dread sovereign, all the Burgesses
were instructed to retire themselves into the body of the church,
which, being done, before they were fully admitted, they were called in
order and by name, and so every man (none staggering at it) took the
oath of supremacy, and then entered the assembly."
To the foregoing documents in proof of the spirit which animated
the most devoted friends of the Colony, I add a third,
furnished me by another true son of Virginia,—Mr. Charles Campbell,
of Petersburg.
In the records of the London Company we meet with the name
of the Earl of Southampton as the treasurer and most active
friend of the same at the time of its greatest trials, when King
James and his ministers were seeking its destruction. In the year
1724, their object was effected and the Company summarily disbanded,
all their papers were seized upon, and the Colony taken
under the sole charge of Government. The pious, zealous, and
brave Earl of Southampton, however, never deserted the cause,
but, in Parliament, boldly advocated such measures as he believed
would most promote the true welfare of the Colony, in opposition
to a corrupt king and cabinet. This was the more honourable to
him from the relation he bore to the king. The Earl of Southampton
was the bosom-friend of the celebrated Earl of Essex,
Prime Minister to Elizabeth, and was somewhat implicated with
him in that conduct toward the queen which brought Essex to
the scaffold. Southampton was imprisoned by the queen, though
coronation of James, he was released from prison and placed in
some offices of honour and trust, being a member of the Privy
Council also. While thus honoured, in opposition to the wishes
and remonstrances of the king, the earl, true to the best interests
of the Company and the Colony, accepted the office of treasurer,
attended all its meetings, often had them at his own house, and, as
we have said, was the zealous advocate of all measures in Parliament
calculated to promote the truest good of the Colony, after
the company was dismissed by the king. The true secret of this
moral courage was his fidelity to the King of kings. How much
the following letter from his friend, the Earl of Essex, may have
contributed to this, we know not, but that it was eminently calculated
to direct his mind to the only true source of moral greatness
none can question. It has been a long time since its publication
in a London chronicle, and it is well worthy of republication in connection
with the name of Southampton and the early history of
Virginia. Let me add that so high was the character of Southampton
held in Virginia, that one of her rivers for some time bore
his name, and one of her largest counties still retains it.
Letter from the Earl of Essex to his friend the Earl of Southampton.
As neither nature nor custom ever made me a man of
compliment, so now I shall have less will than ever for to use such ceremonies,
when I have left with Martha to be solicitus circa multa, and
believe with Mary unum sufficit. But it is no compliment or ceremony,
but a real and necessary duty that one friend oweth to another in absence,
and especially at their leave-taking, when, in man's reason, many accidents
may keep them long divided, or perhaps bar them ever meeting till
they meet in another world; for then shall I think that my friend, whose
honour, whose person, and whose fortune is dear unto me, shall prosper
and be happy wherever he goes, and whatever he takes in hand, when he
is in the favour of that God under whose protection there is only safety,
and in whose service there is only true happiness to be found. What I
think of your natural gifts or ability, in this age or in this State, to give
glory to God and to win honour to yourself, if you employ the talents you
have received to their best use, I will not now tell you; it sufficeth that
when I was farthest of all times from dissembling I spake truly and
have witness enough. But these things only I will put your lordship in
mind of.
"1. That you have nothing that you have not received.
"2. That you possess them not as lord over them, but as an accountant
for them
"3. If you employ them to serve this world, or your own worldly delights,
which the prince of this world will seek to entertain you with, it
is ingratitude, it is injustice, yea, it is perfidious treachery.
"For what would you think of such a servant of yours that should
convert your goods, committed to his charge, to the advantage or service of
your greatest enemy; and what do you less than this with God, since you
have all from him, and know that the world and prince thereof are at continual
enmity with him? And therefore, if ever the admonition of your
truest friend shall be heard by you, or if your country which you may
serve in so great and many things be dear unto you; if God, whom you
must (if you deal truly with yourself) acknowledge to be powerful over
all, and just in all, be feared by you; yea, if you be dear unto yourself
and prefer an everlasting happiness before a pleasant dream, which you
must shortly awake out of and then repent in the bitterness of your soul;
if any of these things be regarded by you, then, I say, call yourself to
account for what is past, cancel all the leagues you have made without the
warrant of a religious conscience, make a resolute covenant with your God
to serve him with all your natural and spiritual, inward and outward gifts
and abilities, and then He that is faithful and cannot lie hath promised to
honour them that honour him; He will give you that inward peace of soul
and true joy of heart which, till you have, you shall never rest, and that,
when you have, you shall never be shaken, and which you can never attain
to any other way than this that I have showed you.
"I know your lordship may say to yourself and object to me, This is
but a vapour of melancholy and the style of a prisoner; and that I was
far enough from it when I lived in the world as you do now, and may be
so again when my fetters be taken from me. I answer, though your
lordship should think so, yet cannot I distrust the goodness of my God,
that his mercy will fail me or his grace forsake me. I have so deeply
engaged myself, that I should be one of the most miserable apostates
that ever was; I have so avowed my profession and called so many from
time to time to witness it and to be watchmen over me, that I should be
the hollowest hypocrite that ever was born. But though I should perish
in my own sin, and draw upon myself my own damnation, should not you
take hold of the grace and mercy, in God, which is offered unto you, and
make your profit of my fearful and wretched example? I was longer a
slave and servant to the world and the corruptions of it than you have
been, and therefore could hardly be drawn from it. I had many calls,
and answered some of them,—slowly thinking a soft pace fast enough
to come to Christ, and myself forward enough when I saw the end of my
journey, though I arrived not at it; and therefore I have been, by God's
providence, violently pulled, hauled, and dragged to the marriage-feast,
as the world hath seen. It was just with God to afflict me in this world,
that he might give me joy in another. I had too much knowledge when
I performed too little obedience, and I was, therefore, to be beaten with
double stripes. God grant your lordship may feel the comfort I now
enjoy in my unfeigned conversion, but that you may never feel the
torments I have suffered for my too long delaying it! I had none but
divines to call upon; to whom I said, if my ambition could have entered
into their narrow hearts, they would not have been so humble; or, if my
delights had been tasted by them, they could not have been so precise.
But your lordship hath one to call on you, that knows what it is you now
enjoy, and what the greatest fruit and end is of all the contentments that
this world can afford. Think, therefore, dear earl, that I have staked
and buoyed all the ways of pleasure to you, and left them as sea-marks,
for you to keep the channel of religious virtue: for, shut your eyes never
is no peace to the wicked.
"I will make a covenant with my soul, not to suffer my eyes to sleep in
the night, nor my thoughts to attend the first business of the day, till I
have prayed to my God, that your lordship may believe and make profit
of this plain but faithful admonition; and then I know your country and
friends shall be happy in you, and yourself successful in all you take in
hand, which shall be an unspeakable comfort to
"whom no worldly cause can divide from you,
| Old churches, ministers and families of Virginia | |