University of Virginia Library

MASSACHUSETTS.

So far as relates to the introduction of the art of printing,
and establishing the press in this section of the continent,
Massachusetts claims precedence over all the other colonies.
The press was erected here nearly at the end of the
year 1638; and it was more than forty years later when
printing commenced in any other part of what, before the
revolution, was called British America.

Hitherto justice has not been done to the man by
whose agency the art was first introduced into the English
colonies. Although he was one of the best and firmest
friends to New England, his name has not been handed
down to us with so much publicity as were those of other
distinguished characters, who were his contemporaries
and fellow laborers in the great work of settling a dreary
country and civilizing the children of the wilderness.
The principal cause of this seeming neglect in our historians
and biographers may, perhaps, arise from the
circumstance, that his destiny was similar to that of
Moses, who, although zealously engaged in conducting
the children of Israel from Egypt to Canaan, yet never
reached the land of promise himself.

As the founder of the Anglo-American press died on
his passage from Europe to this country, he, of course, did
not become so well known as he would have been had he
arrived and resided here. This circumstance, probably,
prevented his acquiring that celebrity to which his merits
justly entitled him. Although his name is barely mentioned
by two or three journalists, yet, after a diligent
research, I have been enabled to obtain the following
particulars respecting this venerable Father of the American
Press.

The Rev. Joseph Glover was a worthy and wealthy
dissenting clergyman in England, who engaged in the
business of the settlement of Massachusetts, and had been
attentively pursuing such measures for its interest and
prosperity as he judged would best tend to promote them.
Among other things for the benefit of the infant colony, he
was very desirous of establishing a press to accommodate
the business of both church and state;[1] he contributed
liberally towards a sum sufficient to purchase printing
materials, and for this purpose solicited, in England and
Holland, the aid of others.[2]

The ancient records of Harvard College mention, that
"Mr. Joss. Glover gave to the college a font of printing
letters, and some gentlemen of Amsterdam gave towards
furnishing of a printing press with letters forty-nine pounds,
and something more."[3] The same records give us, also,
the following names as "benefactors to the first fonts of
letters for printing in Cambridge, in New England, Major
Thomas Clark, Capt. James Oliver, Capt. Allen, Mr.
Stoddard, Mr. Freake, and Mr. Hues."

In the year 1638, Mr. Glover, having obtained the
means, procured a good printing apparatus, and engaged

a printer to accompany it in a ship bound to New England.
Mr. Glover, with. his family, embarked in the same vessel;
but unfortunately he did not live to reach, the shores of
this new world. His widow and children, it is supposed,
arrived in the autumn of that year, and settled at Cambridge;
she afterwards became the wife of Mr. Henry
Dunster, who was elected the first president of Harvard
College.

It is not known whether Mr. Glover had been in New
England previous to his embarking for this country in
1638; but I find by the records of the county of Middlesex,
that he possessed a valuable real and personal estate in
Massachusetts; that he had two sons and three daughters;
that John Glover, one of the sons, was educated at
Harvard College, and graduated in 1650, and was appointed
a magistrate in 1652; that one of the daughters
was married to Mr. Adam Winthrop, and another to Mr.
Appleton.

Mr. Glover had doubtless been written to and requested
by his friends, among whom were the leading men in the
new settlement of Massachusetts, who were then establishing
an academy, which soon acquired the appellation of
college—to provide a press, etc., not only for the advantage
of the church and state, but particularly for the
benefit of the academy; the records of which prove that
the types and press were procured for, and, types particularly,
were the property of, that institution. The press, as
appears by the records of the county court of Middlesex,
1656, was the property of Mr. Glover's heirs. Mr. Glover,
it should seem, intended to have carried on both printing
and book selling; for, besides the printing materials, he
had provided a stock of printing paper, and a quantity of
books for sale.

John Glover, one of the sons of Mr. Glover, after the
death of his mother brought an action, in the court above

mentioned, against his father-in-law Duneter, for the
recovery of the estate which had belonged to his father
and mother, and which was detained by Dunster. An
inventory of the estate was filed in court; among the items
were the printing press, printing paper, and a quantity of
books. The inventory proves that the press, then the only
one in the country, was the property of the plaintiff in the
action; and it is shown by the said inventory, and by the
records of the general court, that Dunster had had the
management of the press, in right of his wife, and as
president of the college; and that he had received the
"profits of it."[4] As it may amuse those who feel an interest
in whatever concerns the first press, and the person by
whose agency the art of printing was introduced into the
colonies, and as others may be gratified by the perusal of
the proceedings in, and decision of, one of the courts of
justice holden in the primitive state of the country, I have
extracted them, verbatim et literatim, from the records, and
added them with the inventory before mentioned in a note.
Appendix C.

Cambridge.

The printing apparatus, as has been related, was, in the
year 1638,[5] brought to Cambridge, then as much settled as
Boston, both places being founded in a situation which
eight years before this event, was, in scriptural language, a
howling wilderness. At Cambridge the building of an
academy was begun; and, it was at that place the rulers
both of church and state then held their assemblies. These
circumstances, probably, induced those who had the
management of public affairs to fix the press there;
and there it remained for sixty years, altogether under
their control, as were other presses afterwards established
in the colony; but for upwards of thirty years, printing
was exclusively carried on in that town.

Stephen Daye was the first who printed in this part of
America. He was the person whom Mr. Glover engaged
to come to New England, and conduct the press. He was
supposed to be a descendant of John Daye, a very eminent
printer, in London, from 1560 till 1583, but this cannot be
accurately ascertained. He was, however, born in London,
and there served his apprenticeship to a printer.

Daye having, by the direction of the magistrates and
elders, previously erected the press and prepared the other
parts of the apparatus, began business in the first month of
1639.[6]

The first work which issued from the press was the Freeman's
Oath—to which succeeded, an almanack.

However eminent Daye's predecessors, as printers, might
have been, it does not appear that he was well skilled in
the art. It is probable he was bred to the press; his work
discovers but little of that knowledge which is requisite for
a compositor. In the ancient manuscript records of the
colony, are several particulars respecting Daye; the first
is as follows:

"Att a General Court held at Boston, on the eighth
day of the eighth moneth [October] 1641. Steeven Daye
being the first that sett vpon printing, is graunted three
hundred acres of land, where it may be convenient
without prejudice to any town."

In 1642, he owned several lots of land "in the bounds
of Cambridge." He mortgaged one of those lots as security
for the payment of a cow, calf, and a heifer; whence, we
may conclude, he was not in very affluent circumstances.[7]

In 1643, Daye, for some offence, was by order of the
general court taken into custody; his crime does not appear
on record; the court "ordered, that Steeven Day shall be

released, giving 1001. Bond for appearance when called
for."

Daye continued to print till about the close of the year
1648, or the beginning of 1649; at which time the printing
house was put under the management of Samuel Green.
Whether the resignation of the office of manager of the
printing house was or was not voluntary in Daye, cannot
be ascertained. Neither the press nor the types belonged
to him; he had been employed only as the master workman;
his wages were undoubtedly low; and it evidently
appears he was embarrassed with debts. His industry and
economy might not be suited to the state of his finances.
Circumstances like these might cause Mr. Dunster, who it
seems then conducted the printing business, to be dissatisfied,
and induce him to place the printing house in other
hands; or, it was possible that Daye, finding himself and
the press under a control he was unwilling to be subjected
to, resigned his station.[8]

Daye remained in Cambridge; and, some years after he
had ceased to be master workman in the printing house,
brought an action against President Dunster, to recover
one hundred pounds for former services. The record of
the decision of the County court in that case, is as follows:
"Att a County Court held at Cambridge, April, 1656,
Steeven Day, Plant. against Mr. Henry Dunster, Defft.
in an action of the case for Labour and Expenses about
the Printing Presse and the utensils and appurtenances
thereof and the manageing the said worke to the vallue
of one hundred pounds. The jury finds for the Defft.
costs of court."

In 1655, he had not obtained the land granted to him
in 1641. This appears by the following extracts from the
public records, viz:

"At a General Court of Elections holden at Boston 29th
of May 1655, In answer to the Peticōn of Steeven Day of
Cambridge craving that the Graunt within the year 1641
of this Court of three hundred Acres of Land to him for
Recompence of his Care and Charg in furthering the
worke of Printing, might be recorded, the Record whereof
appears not,[9] the Court Graunt his Request and doeth
hereby confirme the former graunt thereof to him."

"At a General Court of Elections holden at Boston, 6th
of May 1657, Steeven Day of Cambridg having often
complayned that he hath suffered much dammage by
Erecting the Printing Presse at Cambridg, at the Request
of the Magistrates and Elders, for which he never had yett
any Considerable Sattisfaction. This Court doe Graunt
him three hundred Acres of Land in any place not formerly
Graunted by this Court."

In the records of 1667, is the following order of the
General Court relative to another petition from Daye, viz:
"In answer to the Peticōn of Steeven Daye, It is ordered
that the Peticōner hath liberty to procure of the Sagamore
of Nashoway [now Lancaster] by sale, or otherwise, to
the quantity of one hundred and fifty acres of Vpland, and
this Court doeth also graunt the Peticōner twenty Acres
of meadow where he can find it free of former Graunts."

Daye died in Cambridge, December 22, 1668, aged
about 58 years. Rebecca Daye, probably his wife, died,
October 17, of the same year.

I have found but few books printed by Daye. I have
never seen his name in an imprint, and, I believe, it never
appeared in one. Several books printed at Cambridge,
by his successor, are without the name of the printer;
and some of them do not give even the year in which
they were printed; but I have identified the following

Catalogue of Books printed by Dayc.

1639. The Freeman's Oath.

1639. An Almanack, calculated for New England. By Mr.
Pierce, Mariner. The year begins with March.

1640. The Psalms in Metre, Faithfully translated for the Use,
Edification, and Comfort of the Saints in Publick and Private,
especially in New England. Crown 8vo. 300 pages. I have no
doubt that it is the first book printed in this country. The type is
Roman, of the size of small bodied English, entirely new, and may
be called a very good letter. In this edition there are no Hymns
or Spiritual Songs; it contains only the Psalms, the original long
preface, and "An Admonition to the Reader" of half a page, at the
end of the Psalms after Finis.—This "admonition" respects the tunes
suited to the psalms. The second edition in 1647, contained a few
Spiritual Songs. The third edition, revised and amended by President
Dunster, &c., had a large addition of Scripture Songs and
Hymns, written by Mr. Lyon. The first edition abounds with
typographical errors, many of which were corrected in the second
edition. This specimen of Daye's printing does not exhibit the
appearance of good workmanship. The compositor must have been
wholly unacquainted with punctuation. "The Preface," is the
running title to that part of the work. "The" with a period, is on
the left hand page, and "Preface," on the right. Periods are
often omitted where they should be placed, and not seldom used
where a comma only was necessary. Words of one syllable, at the
end of lines, are sometimes divided by a hyphen; at other times
those of two or more syllables are divided without one; the spelling
is bad and irregular. One thing is very singular—at the head of
every left hand page throughout the book, the work "Psalm" is
spelled as it should be; at the head of every right hand page, it has
an e final thus, "Psalme." Daye was probably bred a pressman;
the press work is passable.

This was commonly called The Bay Psalm Book, but afterwards
The New England Version of the Psalms. The Rev. Thomas
Prince, of Boston, who published a revised and improved edition in
1758, gives, in his preface, the following account of its origin and of
the first edition printed by Daye, viz: "By 1636 there were come
over hither, near thirty pious and learned Ministers, educated in the
Universities of England; and from the same exalted Principles of
Scripture Purity in Religious Worship, they set themselves to

translate the Psalms and other Scripture Songs into English Metre
as near as possible to the inspired Original. They committed this
Work especially to the Rev. Mr. Weld, and the Rev. John Eliot[10] of
Roxbury, well acquainted with the Hebrew, in which the Old Testament,
and with the Greek, in which the New, were originally written.
They finished the Psalms in 1640, which were first printed by Mr.
Daye that year, at our Cambridge, and had the Honor of being the
First Book printed in North America, and as far as I find in this
whole New World."[11]

1640. An Almanack for 1640.

1641. A Catechism, agreed upon by the Elders at the Desire of
the General Court.[12]

1641. Body of Liberties. [This book contained an hundred
Laws, which had been drawn up pursuant to an order of the General
court by Nathaniel Ward, pastor of the church in Ipswich. Mr.
Ward had been a minister in England, and formerly a practitioner
of law in the courts of that country.][13]

1641. An Almanack for 1641. [One or more almanacs were
every year printed at the Cambridge press. In all of them the
year begins with March.]

1642. Theses, etc., in Latin, of the first graduates in Harvard
College.

1647. The Psalms in Metre. Faithfully translated for the use,
Edification and Comfort of the Saints, in public and private, especially
in New England. Cro. 8vo, 300 pages.

[This was a second edition, somewhat amended, and a few Spiritual
Songs added. After this edition was published, the Rev. Henry
Dunster, President of Harvard College, and a master of the Oriental
languages, and Mr. Richard Lyon, educated at a university in
Europe, were appointed a committee further to revise and improve
the psalms, which service they performed in two or three years;

when another edition was published, with the addition of other
scriptural songs. This revised version went through numerous
editions, in New England. It was reprinted in England and Scotland;
and was used in many of the English dissenting congregations,
as well as in a number of the churches in Scotland—it was added
to several English and Scotch editions of the Bible; and, went
through fifty editions, including those published in Europe][14]

1647. Danforth's [Samuel] Almanack. "Cambridg, Printed
1648." The typography is rather better than usual.[15]

1648. The Laws of the Colony of Massachusetts; drawn up by
order of, and adopted by, the General Court, etc. Folio. I have
not found a copy of this work.

1648. [About] Astronomical Calculations. By a Youth. [Urian
Oakes, then student at Cambridge; where he was afterwards settled
in the ministry, and elected president of Harvard College.] The
Almanack had the motto—Parvum parva decent; sed inest sua
gratia parvis. The year in which this was published is not ascertained,
nor by whom printed.[16]

1649. Danforth's [Samuel] Almanack. "Cambridg, Printed."

Besides the works already enumerated, there were many
others printed by Daye; but no copies of them are now
to be found.[17]

Although I have not been able to discover a copy of the
laws, printed in 1648; yet, respecting this edition, there
is the following record, viz:

"At a General Court of Elections held at Boston 8th month,
1648. It is ordered by the court that the Booke of Lawes now at
the presse may be sould in Quires, at 3s. the booke, provided that
every member of this court shall have one without price, and the
Auditor Generall and Mr. Joseph Hills; for which there shall be
fifty in all taken up to be so disposed by the appointment of this
court." Appendix D.

Samuel Green, was the son of Bartholomew and Elizabeth
Green, who, with their children and other relations,
were among the early settlers of Cambridge. Samuel
Green, then only sixteen years of age, arrived with Governor
Winthrop. He was in Cambridge eight years before Daye
came from England; but was unknown as a printer
until about 1649, nearly eleven years after Daye's arrival.
Some writers, since the year 1733, erroneously mention
Green as "the first who printed in New England, or in
North America."[18]

All the records I have examined are silent respecting
the cause of Daye's relinquishing the management of the
press; nor do they give any reason why his place in the
printing house was supplied by the appointment of Green.
The similarity of Green's first printing to that of Daye's,
induces me to believe that Green was unacquainted with
the art when he undertook the management of the press,

and that he was assisted by Daye, who continued to
reside in Cambridge; and whose poverty, probably, induced
him to become, not only an instructor, but a
journeyman to Green.

By the records of the colony, it appears, that the
president of the college still had the direction of the
concerns of the printing house, and made contracts for
printing; and that he was responsible for the productions
of the press, until licensers were appointed. I have
extracted the following from the records of 1650 and 1654:

"At a third meeting of the General Court of Elections
at Boston, the 15th of October, 1650, It is ordered that
Richard Bellingham, Esquir, the Secretary, and Mr. Hills,
or aney Two of them, are appointed a Comittee to take
order for the printing of Lawes Agreed vppon to be
printed, to determine of all Things in reference thereunto.
Agreeing with the President ffor the printing of them with
all Expedition and to Alter the title if there be Cawse."

"At a General Court of Elections, held at Boston, the
third of May, 1654. It is ordered by this Court that
henceforth the Secretary shall, within tenn dayes after
this present sessions, and so from time to time, deliver a
copie of all Lawes that are to be published unto the
President or printer, who shall forthwith make an Impression
thereof to the noumber of five, Six, or Seven hundred
as the Court shall order, all which Coppies the Treasurer
shall take of and pay for in wheate, or otherwise to Content,
for the Noumber of five hundred, after the rate of
one penny a Sheete, or eight shillings a hundred for five
hundred sheetes of a Sorte, for so many sheetes as the
bookes shall contajne, and the Treasurer shall disterbute
the bookes, to every magistrate one, to every Court one,
to the Secretary one, to each towne where no magistrate
dwells one, and the rest amongst the Townes that beare
publick charge with this jurisdiction, according to the

noumber of freemen in each Towne. And the order that
Ingageth the Secretary to transcribe coppies for the Townes
and others, is in that respect repealed."[19]

"At a General Court held at, Boston 9th of June, 1654,
Upon Conference with Mr. Dunster, [president of the
college] and the printer in reference to the imprinting of
the Acts of the General Court, whereby we understand
some inconveniencies may accrue to the Printer by printing
that Law which recites the agreement for printing.
It is therefore ordered, that the said law be not put forth
in print, but kept amongst the written records of this
Court."

Whether Green was, or was not acquainted with printing,
he certainly, some time after he began that business,
prosecuted it in such a way as, generally, met approbation.
He might, by frequenting the printing house, when it was
under the care of Daye, have obtained that knowledge of
the art, which enabled him, with good workmen, to carry
it on; be this as it may, it is certain that as he proceeded
with the execution of the business, he seems to have
acquired more consequence as a printer; his work, however,
did not discover that skill of the compositor, or
the pressman, that was afterwards shown when Johnson,
who was sent over to assist in printing the Indian Bible,
arrived.

In 1658, Green petitioned the general court for a grant
of land. The court took his petition into consideration,
and determined as follows, viz.

"At the Second Sessions of the General Court held at
Boston the 19th of October, 1658, in answer to the Peticōn
of Samuel Green, of Cambridge, printer. The Court

judgeth it meete for his Encouragement to graunt him
three hundred acres of Land where it is to be found."

In 1659, the records of the colony contain the following
order of the General court. "It is ordered by this Court
that the Treasurer shall be and hereby is empowered to disburse
out of the Treasury what shall be necessary tending
towards the printing of the Lawes, to Samuel Greene, referring
to his Pajnes therein or otherwise." This edition
of the Laws was ordered to be printed December 1658,
and was finished at the press, October 16th, 1660.

From the Manuscript records of the commissioners of
the United Colonies, who were agents for the corporation
in England for propagating the gospel among the Indians
in New England, we find that in 1656 there were two
presses in Cambridge, both under the care of Green. One
belonged to the college, which undoubtedly was the press
that Mr. Glover purchased in England, and Daye brought
over to America; the other was the property of the
corporation in England. There were types appropriated
to each.

The corporation, for a time, had their printing executed
in London; but when the Indian youth had been taught
to read, &c., at the school at Cambridge, established for
the purpose, and Mr. Eliot and Mr. Pierson had translated
Primers and Catechisms into the Indian language for the
common use of the Indians, and eventually translated the
Bible, it became necessary that these works should be
printed in America, under the inspection of the translators.
For this reason the corporation sent over a press
and types, furnished every printing material for their
work, and even paid for mending of the press when out of
repair. In September, 1654, the commissioners in the
United Colonies found that a sufficient quantity of paper
and types for the purpose of executing the works which
were projected had not been received, they therefore,

wrote to the corporation in England for an augmentation
to the value of £20.[20] The articles arrived in 1655.

Green judging it necessary to have more types for the
Indian work, in 1658, petitioned the General Court to
that purpose. The court decided thereon as follows, viz.

"At a General Court holden at Boston 19th of May,
1658. In answer to the Peticōn of Samuel Green, printer,
at Cambridge, The Court Judgeth it meete to Comend
the consideration therof to the Comissioners of the United
Colonjes at their next meeting that so if they see meete
they may write to the Corporation in England for the
procuring of twenty pounds worth more of letters for the
vse of the Indian Colledg."

When the press and types, &c., sent by the corporation
in England, for printing the Bible and other books in the
Indian Language, arrived they were added to the printing
materials belonging to the college, and altogether made a
well furnished printing house.[21] The types were very good,
and the faces of them as handsome as any that were made
at that time; they consisted of small founts of nonpareil,
brevier long primer, small pica, pica, english, great primer,
and double pica; also, small casts of long primer and pica
Hebrew, Greek, and blacks. The building occupied for a
printing house, was well suited to the business. It had
been designed for a college for the Indian youth.

Green now began printing the Bible in the Indian language,
which even at this day would be thought a work of
labor, and must, at that early period of the settlement of
the country, have been considered a business difficult
to accomplish, and of great magnitude. It was a work of
so much consequence as to arrest the attention of the
nobility and gentry of England, as well as that of King
Charles, to whom it was dedicated. The press of Harvard
college, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, was for a time, as
celebrated as the presses of the universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, in England. Having obtained many particulars
relating to the printing of this edition of the Bible, I
will follow Green through that arduous undertaking.

In 1659, Hezekiah Usher, merchant, and bookseller, of
Boston, agent for the corporation, charges that body £40
paid Green for printing "the Psalms and Mr. Pierson's
Cattechisme," &c., and credits 80 £ in printing types; he
also gives credit for one hundred and four reams of paper
sent by the corporation toward printing the New Testament
"in the Indian language." The corporation in a
letter dated London. April 28, 1660, and directed to the
commissioners, observes. "Conserning youer Printing
the New Testament in the Indian Language, a sheet
whereof you haue transmitted to vs, wee concurr with
youerselues therin, and doe approue of that prouision you
have made for printing the same conceiueing and offering
as our judgments that it is better to print fifteen hundred
than but a thousand; hopeing that by incurragement
from Sion Collidge, with whom we haue late conference,
you may bee enabled to print fifteen hundred of the
Ould Testament likewise."

Usher, in his account rendered to the corporation in
1660, debits the stock of the corporation with two hundred
reams of printing paper, "bought since he rendered his
last account," and with printing ink and types, and

"setting them in the presse," the gross sum. of £120 1 8;
and, to "cash paid Mr. Green for distributing the ffont of
letters and printing six sheets of the New Testament in
Indian att four pounds per sheet, £24."

In September 1661, the commissioners, who that year
met at Plymouth, wrote to Mr. Usher; and among other
things, thanked him for his "care in prouiding Matterials
and furthering the printing of the Bible, and desire the
continuance of the same vntill it bee Issved;" and to
"pay Mr. Green for printing the same as formerly; "also
to "demaund and receiue of Mr. Green the whole Impression
of the New Testament in Indian, now finished; and
take care for the binding of two hundred of them strongly
and as speedily as may bee with leather or as may bee
most serviceable for the Indians; and deliuer them forth
as you shall haue direction from any of the commissioners
for the time being of which keep an exact account that
soe it may bee seen how they are Improved and disposed
of; alsoe, wee pray you take order for the printing of a
thousand coppyes of Mr. Eliotts Catichismes which we
vnderstand are much wanting amongst the Indians, which
being finished, Receiue from the Presse and dispose of
them according to order abouesaid."

The agent, in his account current with the corporation
in 1662, has, among other charges, one for "Disbursements
for printing the Bible as per bill of particulars £234 11 8."[22]

This bill was only for one year ending September, 1662.
At that time Green, by direction, gave to the commissioners:

"An account of the Vtensils for printing belonging to the Corporation,
in the custody of Samuell Green of Cambridge Printer and giuen
in vnder his hand, viz:

The presse with what belongs to it with one tinn pann and two frisketts.

Item two table of Cases of letters [types] with one ode [odd] Case.

Item the ffontt of letters together with Imperfections that came
since.

Item one brasse bed, one Imposing stone.

Item two barrells of Inke, 3 Chases, 2 composing stickes one ley
brush 2 candlestickes one for the Case the other for the Presse.

Item the frame and box for the sesteren [water trough.]

Item the Riglet brasse rules and scabbard the Sponge 1 galley 1
mallett 1 sheeting [shooting] sticke and furniture for the chases.

Item the letters [types] that came before that were mingled with the
colledges."

At the meeting of the commissioners in September, 1663,
the agent charges the corporation with the balance due for
printing the Bible, which he paid that month to Green, in
full for his services, £140 12 6. Green, at this meeting,
gave in an account of all the printing paper he had received
at different times, from the corporation and their agent,
amounting to 469 reams; 368 reams of which he had used
in printing the Bible, 30 reams in printing two Catechisms,
and there remained in his hands 71 reams.

At the meeting of the commissioners in September,
1664, among the articles charged in the agent's account

with the corporation, was the following bill of sundries
paid to Green, viz:
                     

"To expences about the presse for mending it; makeing
new Chases, and to twenty seauen skins for balls &c.	£ 4 4 4
To two smale Chests to put the Bibles in [20 Copies] that
were sent to England.	5 0
To printing the Indian Psalmes to go with the Bible, 13
sheets att 2 lb per sheet,	26 0 0
To printing the Epistle dedicatory to the Bible,	1 0 0
To printing Baxter's Call in Indian, eight sheets at 50s.
per sheet,	20 0 0
To printing the Psalter in Indian, 9 sheets, at 20s.	9 0 0
To one yeares board of Johnson,	15 0 0

The agent, in his account for 1669, charges, "Cash
paid Green for binding and clasping 200 Indian Bibles
at 2 s. 6 d. £25.—For binding 200 Practice of Piety
at 6d. £5.—For do. 400 Baxter's Call at 3s. per 100,
12s." &c.

I have made a calculation from the documents I have
seen, and find the whole expense attending the carrying
through the press, 1000 copies of the Bible, 500 additional
copies of the New Testament, an edition of Baxter's Call
to the Unconverted, an edition of the Psalter, and two
editions of Eliot's Catechism, all in the Indian language,
including the cost of the types for printing the Bible, and
the binding a part of them, and also the binding of a part
of Baxter's Call, and the Psalters, amounted to a fraction
more than £1200, sterling. The Bible was printed on a
fine paper of pot size, and in quarto. After the first
edition of the Bible, and some other books in the Indian
language, had been completed at the press belonging to
the corporation for propagating the gospel, &c., the corporation
made a present of their printing materials to the
college. On this occasion the government of the college
ordered as follows:

"Harvard Colledge Sept. 20, 1670. The honorable
Corporation for the Indians having ordered their Printing
Presse, letters, and Vtensils to be delivered to the
Colledge, the Treasurer is ordered forthwith to take order
for the receivcing thereof, and to dispose of the same for
the Colledge use and improvement."[23] Green, by direction,
gave to the president a schedule of the articles, and
valued them at £80. That sum must have been very low.
With these types he began another edition of the Indian
Bible.[24]

Some small religious treatises having been published in
1662, which the general court, or some of the ruling
clergy, judged rather too liberal, and tending to open the
door of heresy, licensers of the press were appointed;[25]
but on the 27th of May, 1663, the general court "Ordered
that the Printing Presse be at liberty as formerly, till this
Court shall take further order, and the late order is
hereby repealed."[26] After this order was passed, a more
free use of the press seems to have been made; this
immediately arrested the attention of government, and
soon awakened their fears; and the following rigid edict
was in consequence passed, viz.

"At a General Court called by order from the Governour,
Deputy Governour, and other Magistrates, held at
Boston 19th of October 1664. For the preventing of
Irregularyties and abuse to the authority of this Country,
by the Printing Presse, it is ordered by this Court and the
authority thereof, that theeir shall no Printing Presse be
allowed in any Towne within this Jurisdiction, but in

Cambridge,[27] nor shall any person or persons presume to
print any Copie but by the allowance first had and
obtayned under the hands of such as this court shall from
tjme to tjme Impower; the President of the Colledge,
Mr. John Shearman, Mr. Jonathan Mitchell and Mr.
Thomas Shepheard, or any two of them to survey such
Copie or Coppies and to prohibit or allow the same
according to this order; and in case of non observance
of this order, to forfeit the Presse to the Country and be
disabled from Vsing any such profession within this Jurisdiction
for the tjme to Come. Provided this order shall
not extend to the obstruction of any Coppies which
this Court shall Judge meete to order to be published
in Print."[28]

Government appears not only to have required a compliance
with the above law, but to have exercised a power
independent of it. The licensers of the press had permitted
the reprinting of a book written by Thomas à
Kempis, entitled Imitation of Christ &c., a work well
known in the Christian world. This treatise was represented
to the court by some of its members, in their
session in 1667, as being heretical; whereupon the court
passed an order as follows: "This Court being informed
that there is now in the Presse reprinting, a book that
Imitates of Christ, or to that purpose, written by Thomas
Kempis, a popish minister, wherein is contayned some
things that are lesse safe to be infused amongst the people
of this place, Doe comend to the licensers of the Presse
the more full revisale thereof, and that in the meane tjme
there be no further progresse in that work."

In 1671, the general court ordered an edition of the
laws, revised, &c., to be printed. Heretofore the laws had
been published at the expense of the colony. John Usher,
a wealthy bookseller, who was then or soon after treasurer
of the province, made interest to have the publishing of
this edition on his own account. This circumstance produced
the first instance in this country of the security of
copyright by law. Usher contracted with Green to print
the work, but suspecting that Green might print additional
copies for himself, or that Johnson, who was permitted to
print at Cambridge, would reprint from his copy, two
laws, at the request of Usher, were passed to secure to
him this particular work. These laws are copied from
the manuscript records; the first was in May, 1672, and
is as follows, viz: "In answer to the petition of John
Vsher, the Court Judgeth it meete to order, and be it by
this Court ordered and Enacted, That no Printer shall
print any more Coppies than are agreed and paid for by
the owner of the Coppie or Coppies, nor shall he nor any
other reprint or make Sale of any of the same without the
said Owner's consent upon the forfeiture and penalty
of treble the whole charge of Printing and paper of the
quantity paid for by the owner of the Coppie, to the
said owner or his Assigns."

When the book was published, Usher, not satisfied
with the law already made in his favor, petitioned the
court to secure him the copyright for seven years. In
compliance with the prayer of his petition, the court in
May, 1673, decreed as follows: "John Vsher Having
been at the sole Chardge of the Impression of the booke
of Lawes, and presented the Governour, Magistrates,
Secretary, as also every Deputy, and the Clark of the
deputation with one. The Court Judgeth it meete to
order that for at least Seven years, Vnlesse he shall have
sold them all before that tjmc, there shall be no other or

further Impression made by any person thereof in this
Jurisdiction, under the penalty this court shall see cause
to lay on any that shall adventure in that Kind, besides
making ffull sattisfaction to the said Jno Vsher or his
Assigns, for his chardge and damage thereon. Voted by
the whole court met together."

A revised edition of the laws of the colony was put to
the press in 1685. Respecting this edition the court
"Ordered, for the greater expedition in the present revisal
of the Laws they shall be sent to the Presse Sheete by
Sheete, and the Treasurer shall make payment to the
Printer for the same, Paper and work; and Elisha Cook
and Samuel Sewall Esqrs. are desired to oversee the
Presse about that work."

There is among the records of the colony for 1667,
one as follows: "Layd out to Ensign Samuel Green of
Cambridge printer three hundred Acres of land in the
wilderness on the north of Merrimacht River on the west
side of Haverhill, bounded on the north east of two little
ponds beginning at a red oak in Haverhill," &c. "The
court allowed of the returne of this farme as laid out." By
the records of the earliest English proprietors of Cambridge,
it appears that Green was the owner of several
valuable tracts of land in and about that town.

Green often mentioned to his children, that for some
time after his arrival in New England, he, and several
others, were obliged to lodge in large empty casks, having
no other shelter from the weather; so few were the
huts then erected by our hardy and venerable ancestors.
He had nineteen children; eight by his first wife, and
eleven by a second, who was daughter of Mr. Clarke,
an elder in the church in Cambridge, and to whom he
was married Feb. 23, 1662.[29] Nine of the children by

the second wife lived to the age of fifty-two years, or
upwards.

The Cambridge company of Militia elected Green to
be their captain; and, as such, he bore a commission for
thirty years. He took great pleasure in military exercises;
and when he became through age too infirm to walk
to the field, he insisted on being carried there in his chair
on days of muster, that he might review and exercise his
company.[30]

He was for many years chosen town clerk. And in the
Middlesex Records, vol. I, is the following particular, viz:
"At a County Court held at Cambridge the 5th 8th
month 1652, Samuel Green is alowed Clearke of the
Writts for Cambridge."

Green continued printing till he became aged. He was
a pious and benevolent man, and as such was greatly
esteemed. He died at Cambridge, January 1st, 1702,
aged eighty-seven years.

Until the commencement of the revolution in 1775,
Boston was not without one or more printers by the name
of Green. These all descended from Green of Cambridge.
Some of his descendants have, for nearly a century past,
been printers in Connecticut. One of them, in 1740,
removed to Annapolis, and established the Maryland
Gazette, which was long continued by the family.

No printing was done at Cambridge after Green's death.
The press was established in this place sixty years; and,
about fifty of them, Green, under government, was the
manager of it. He was printer to the college as long as
he continued in business.

Soon after his decease, the printing materials were
removed from Cambridge and probably sold. It does
not appear that the corporation of the college owned any

types after this time till about the year 1718, when Mr.
Thomas Hollis, of London, a great benefactor to the college,
among other gifts, presented to the university a
fount, or cast, of Hebrew, and another of Greek types,
both of them of the size of long primer. The Greek was
not used till 1761, when the government of the college
had a work printed entitled, Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii
Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos, dedicated to King George
III, on his accession to the throne; two of these poetical
essays being written in Greek, called these types into
use. They were never used but at that time, and were in
January, 1764, destroyed by the fire that consumed Harvard
hall, one of the college buildings, in which the types
and college library were deposited; the cast of Hebrew
escaped, having been sent to Boston some time before to
print Professor Sewall's Hebrew Grammar.

The following is a catalogue of the books that I have
ascertained were printed by Green, and by Green and
Johnson; the greater part of them I have seen. Those
in which Marmaduke Johnson was concerned, have the
names of the printers added.

Catalogue of Books printed by Green.

1649. "A Platform of Church Discipline gathered out of the
word of God: and agreed upon by the Elders; and Messengers of
the Churches assembled in the Synod at Cambridge in New England
to be presented to the Churches and Generall Court for their
consideration and acceptance, in the Lord. The Eight Moneth
Anno 1649. Printed by S. G. at Cambridge in New England and
are to be Sold at Cambridge and Boston Anno Dom: 1649." Quarto,
of pot size, 44 pages.

[This book appears to be printed by one who was but little acquainted
with the typographic art; it is a proof that Green was not
bred to it, and that this was one of the first books from the press
after he began printing. The type is new pica, or one but little
worn; the press work is very bad, and that of the case no better.
The punctuation in the title is exactly copied; the compositor did

not seem to know the use of points; there are spaces before commas,
periods, parentheses, &c. The head of The Preface is in two
lines of large capitals, but has no point after it—nor is there any
after FINIS, which word is in two line capitals at the end of
the book. The pages of the Preface have a running title; with
the folio, or number of the pages, in brackets immediately following
in the centre of a line, thus,

The Preface [2]

The printer did not appear to have any acquaintance with signatures.
The book is printed and folded in whole sheets, without
insets; in the first sheet, at the bottom of the second page, is Aa,
third page Aaa, fifth page Aaa, seventh page Aaaa. The second
sheet has the signature A at the bottom of the first page of that
sheet; A a, third page, A a a, fifth page, and A a a a, seventh
page. The third sheet begins with B, which the following sheets,
have as many signatures to each as the first and second; but
all, excepting those on the first and third pages of a sheet, were
uncommon, and have not any apparent meaning. Every part of the
work shows the want of common skill in the compositor. Facs, and
ornamented large capitals cut on wood, are used at the beginning of
the preface, and at the first chapter of the work. A head piece of
flowers is placed at the beginning of the text, and a line of flowers
between each chapter. In the book are many references to scripture,
in marginal notes, on brevier. Letters of abbreviation are
frequently used—such as cōmend, allowāce, compāy, acquaīt, frō,
offēce, offēded, partakīg, cōfession, &c. The spelling is very ancient,
as els, forme, vpon, owne, wildernes, powr, eyther, wee, acknowledg,
minde, doctrin, therin, wherin, himselfe, patrone, choyce,
soveraigne, sinne, satisfie, griefe, &c. As I believe this book to be
one of the first printed by Green, I have been thus particular in
describing it; soon after this period his printing was much improved.]
[The Platform, &c., was reprinted in London, in 1653,
for "Peter Cole, at the Sign of the printing Press, in Cornhill, near
the Royal Exchange."]

1650. Norton's [John] Heart of New England rent at the Blasphemies
of the present Generation. 4to. 58 pages.

1650. The Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs of the Old and
New Testament, faithfully translated into English Metre. For the
Use, Edification and Comfort of the Saints in publick and private,
especially in New England. 2 Tim. 3: 16, 17. Col. 3: 16, Eph. 5:

18, 19. James 5: 13." Crown 8vo, 308 pages. [This was the
New England version of the Psalms, revised and improved by
President Dunster and Richard Lyon, mentioned by the Rev.
Thomas Prince.]

1653. Eliot's [John] Catechism. [In the Indian language.
Printed at the expense of the corporation in England for propagating
the gospel among the Indians in New England.]

1655. God's Mercy shewed to his People in giving them a faithful
Ministry and Schooles of Learning, for the continual Supplyes thereof.
Delivered in a sermon Preached at Cambridge the Day after the
Commencement, by Charles Chauncy, B. D., President of Harvard
College, in New England. Published with some additions thereto, at
the Request of divers Honoured and much Respected Friends, for
publick Benefit, as they judged. Small 8vo, 56 pages.

1656. An Almanack for the year of our Lord 1656. By T. S.
Philomathemat. Foolscap. 8vo. 16 pages [This Almanack I own.
It appears that an Almanack was annually printed at Cambridge
from the first establishment of the press, till near the close of the
17th century. Many of them I have seen, and these I shall more
particularly notice.]

1657. An Almanack for the year of our Lord 1657. By S. B.
Philomathemat. Foolscap. 8vo. 16 pages. [I have a copy of this.]

1657. Mather's [Richard] Farewell Exhortation to the Church
and People of Dorchester, in New England. "Printed at Cambridge."
4to. 28 pages.

The Life and Death of that deservedly Famous Mr. John Cotton,
the late Reverend Teacher of the Church of Christ at Boston in
New England. Collected out of the Writings and Information of
the Rev. Mr. John Davenport, of New Haven, the Rev. Mr. Samuel
Whiting at Lynne, the pious Widow of the Deceased, and others.
And compiled by his unworthy Successour. 4to. 56 pages.

1658. Pierson's Catechism. [In the Indian language, for the
use of the Indians in New Haven jurisdiction.]

1659. Versions of the Psalms in the Indian Language.

1660. The Humble Petition and Address of the General Court
Sitting at Boston, New England, unto the High and Mighty Prince,
Charles the Second. 4to, 8 pages.

1660. The Book of the General Lawes and Libertyes concerning
the Inhabitants of the Massachusets, collected out of the Records
of the General Court, for the several years wherein they were made
and established. And now Revised by the same Court, and disposed

into an Alphabetical order, and published by the same Authority in
the General Court holden at Boston, in May, 1649. Whosoever
therefore resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God, and
they that resist, receive to themselves damnation. Rom. 13: 2.
Folio, 100 pages. Cambridge, [N. E.] Printed according to Order
of the General Court, 1660. [This volume has a Preface addressed
"To our Beloved Brethren and Neighbours the Inhabitants of the
Massachusets, the Governour, Assistants, and Deputies Assembled
in the General Court of that Jurisdiction wish Grace and Peace in
our Lord Jesus Christ," signed, "By Order of the Generall Court,
Edward Rawson, Secret." There is an Alphabetical Table or Index
at the end. It was printed by Samuel Green, but his name does
not appear in the imprint. Only one perfect copy of this work can
be found, and that is in the Library of the American Antiquarian
Society.][31]

1661. The New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
Translated into the Indian Language and ordered to be printed by
the Commissioners of the United Colonies in New England, at the
Charge, and with the Consent of the Corporation in England for the
Propagation of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England.
The Indian title is thus, Wusku Wuttestamentum Nul-Lordumun
Jesus Christ Nuppoquohwussuaeneumun. With marginal notes.
Printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson. The whole in
the Indian language, except having two title pages, one of which is
in English. Quarto. [Appendix E.] [Some copies were dedicated
to the king.]

1661. Eliot's [John] Catechism. [In the Indian language.]
Second edition. [1000 copies were printed.]

1661. The Psalms of David in Indian Verse, entitled, Wame
Ketoohomae Uketoohomaongash David. 4to. [This Indian version
accompanied the New Testament, and when the Old Testament was
finished they were bound up together.]

1662. Propositions to the Elders and other Messengers of the
Churches, concerning Baptisme. Recommended by the General
Court. 4to, 48 pages.

1662. Answer of the Elders and other Messengers of the
Churches assembled at Boston 1662, to the Questions proposed to
them by order of the Honoured General Court. 4to. 60 pages.

1662. An Almanack for 1662.

1662. Anti-Synodalia Scripta Americana. By John Allin of
Dedham. 4to. 38 pages.[32] [No printer's name nor year are mentioned.
This was reprinted in London.]

1663. The Holy Bible: Containing the Old Testament and the
New. Translated into the Indian Language, and ordered to be
printed by the Commissioners of the United Colonies in New England,
at the Charge and with the Consent of the Corporation in
England for the Propagation of the Gospel amongst the Indians in
New England. [Appendix E.] Quarto. Printed by Samuel Green
and Marmaduke Johnson. It had marginal notes; and also an Indian
title page, for which see the second edition in 1685. [This work
was printed with new types, full faced bourgeois on brevier body
cast for the purpose, and on good paper. The New Testament which
was first printed in 1661, was on the same types and like paper.
The Old Testament was three years in the press.

1663. An Almanack for 1663. By Israel Chauncy., Φιλομαζης
Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1663. Davenport's [John, of New Haven] Another Essay for
investigation of the Truth in answer to two Questions concerning,
I. The subject of Baptisme. II. The Consociation of Churches.
Cambridge. Printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson.
4to. 82 pages.

1663. Shepard's Church Membership. 4to. 50 pages.

1663. Shepard's Letter on the Church Membership of Children
and their Right to Baptisme. Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.
—Certain Positions out of the Holy Scriptures, premissed
to the whole ensuing Discourse. Printed at Cambridge. 4to. 80
pages. [Year and printer's name not mentioned.]

1663. Cotton's [John] Discourse on Civil Government in a New
Plantation. 4to. 24 pages. Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1663. Higginson's [John] Cause of God and his People in New
England. An Election Sermon at Boston, 1663. 4to. 28 pages.

1663. Several Laws and Orders made at Several General Courts.
In the years 1661, 1662, 1663. Printed and Published by order of
the General Court. 8 pages, Folio. No imprint. [Printed by
Samuel Green.]

1664. Shepard's Sincere Convert. 12mo.

1664. Anti-Synodalia Americana. 4to. 100 pages. Second
edition. Reprinted at Cambridge by S. G. & M. J., for Hezekiah
Usher of Boston.

1664. Animadversions upon the Anti-Synodalia Americana,
printed in Old England in the Name of the Dissenting Brethren
in the Synod held at Boston in New England 1662, and written
by John Allin, Pastor of the Church in Dedham. 4to. 86 pages.
Reprinted by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1664. Defence of the Answers and Arguments of the Synod
met at Boston in the yeare 1662. 4to. 150 pages. Printed by S.
Green & M. Johnson, for Hezekiah Usher of Boston. By Richard
Mather.

1664. Defence of the Synod by some of the Elders. 48 pages,
small type. Printed by S. G. & M. J., for Hezekiah Usher of
Boston.

1664. Several Laws and Orders made at Several General Courts.
In the years 1661, 1662, 1664. Printed and Published by Order
of the General Court. 4 pages, folio. No imprint. [Printed by
S. Green.]

1664. Baxter's Call to the Unconverted. Translated into the
Indian Language by the Rev. John Eliot. Small 8vo. 130 pages.
[1000 copies were printed.]

1664. The Psalter. Translated into the Indian Language by
the Rev. John Eliot. Small 8vo. 150 pages. [500 copies were
printed.]

1664. Indian Grammar. About 60 pages. 4to. [No year is
mentioned, as I find is often the case with other printers besides
Green, but it must have been printed about 1664.]

1664. Whiting's [Samuel] Discourse on the Last Judgment.
12mo. 170 pages. Printed by S. G. and M. J.

1664. Chauncy's [Israel] Almanack for 1664. Printed by S.
Green and M. Johnson.

1665. Nowell's [Alexander] Almanack for 1665.

1665. Collection of the Testimonies of the Fathers of the New
England Churches respecting Baptism. 4to. 32 pages.

1665. Laws and Orders made at the General Courts in
May 3, August 1, and October 11, 1665. Printed and Published
by order of the General Court. 4 pages, folio, No imprint.
[Printed by Samuel Green.]

1665. Manitowompae Pomantamoonk: Sampwshanau Christianoh
uttoh woh an Pomantog wussikkitteahonat God. 12mo. 400
pages. [Written in the language of the aborigines of New England.]
—The Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs of the Old and
New Testament, Faithfully Translated into English Metre. For the
Use, Edification and Comfort of the Saints in publick and private,

especially in New England. Small 12mo. 100 pages, two columns
to each, in nonpareil. "Cambridge. Printed for Hezekiah Usher
of Boston."

[This was, I believe, the third edition of the New England Version
of the Psalms after it had been revised and improved by president
Dunster, &c., and the fifth, including all the former editions.
[Appendix E.] I have a complete copy of this edition, but the name of
the printer, and the year in which it was printed, are not mentioned.
It is calculated by being printed in a small page, with a very small
type, to bind up with English editions of the pocket Bible; and, as
the printing is executed by a good workman, and is the best that I
have seen from the Cambridge press, I conclude, therefore, it could
not be printed by Green before the arrival of Marmaduke Johnson
in 1660; I have no doubt it was printed under Johnson's care; and,
probably, soon after the Indian Bible came from the press in 1663.
Johnson was a good printer, and so called by the corporation in
England, who engaged, and sent him over, to assist Green in printing
that work. Although in this edition the typography far exceeds
in neatness any work then printed in the country, it is very incorrect;
but this might have been more the fault of the corrector of
the press, than of the printer. My belief that it was published
about the year 1664, or 1665, is confirmed by its being printed for
Hezekiah Usher, the only bookseller that I can find an account of
at that time, in New England. He dealt largely in merchandise,
and was then agent to the corporation in England, for propagating
the Gospel in New England. It is a curious fact, that nonpareil
types were used so early in this country; I have not seen them in
any other book printed either at Cambridge, or Boston, before the
revolution; even brevier types had been but seldom used in the
printing houses in Boston, earlier than 1760. The nonpareil used
for the Psalms was new, and a very handsome faced letter.]

1665. The Conditions for New Planters in the territories of his
Royal Highness the Duke of York. Printed at Cambridge, on the
face of half a sheet.

1665. Practice of Piety. [Translated into the Indian language.]
Small 8vo. about 160 pages.

1666. Whiting's [Samuel, of Lynn] Meditations upon Genesis
xviii, from ver. 23 to the end of the chapter. 12mo. 350 pages.
"Printed and Sold at Cambridge." [No printer's name, but undoubtedly
from Green's press.]

1666. Flint's [Josiah] Almanack for 1666. Φιλομαζης, after
Flint's name. "Printed Anno Dom. 1666."

1666. Several Laws and Orders made at the General Court
Held at Boston the 23d of May, 1666, and 10th of October following.
Printed and published by Order of the General Court. 4
pages. folio. [Printed by S. Green.]

1667. Mitchell's [Jonathan] Nehemiah upon the Wall. An
Election Sermon, May, 1667. "Printed at Cambridge." [No
printer's name.]

1667. Practice of Piety. Translated into the Indian language,
by the Rev. John Eliot. Second edition.

1667. Beakenbury's [Samuel] Almanack for 1667.

1668. Dudley's [Joseph] Almanack for 1668.

1668. Elegy on the Rev. Thomas Shepard, Pastor of the Church
in Charlestown. By Urian Oakes. 4to.

1668. Wilsoniana Memoria. Or the Life of the Rev. John
Wilson. 12mo.

1668. Several Laws and Orders made at the General Courts of
Election, held at Boston, New England, the 29th of April, 1668.
Printed and Published by their Order. 12 pages, folio. No imprint.
[Printed by S. Green.]

1668. Several Laws and Orders made at the General Court held
at Boston, in New England, October 14th, 1668. Printed and
Published by their Order. 16 pages, folio. [Printed by S.
Green.]

1669. Morton's [Nathaniel] New England's Memorial. 216
pages, 4to. Printed by S. G. & M. J. for John Usher of Boston.

1669. An Almanack for 1669. By J. B. Printed by S. G. &
M. J.

1670. Danforth's Election Sermon at Boston, 1670. 4to. 24
pages. Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1670. Stoughton's [William] Election Sermon, 1670. 4to.

1670. An Almanack for 1670. By J. R. Printed by S. G. &
M. J.

1670. Life and Death of that Reverend Man of God, Mr. Richard
Mather, Teacher of the Church in Dorchester, New England.
4to. 42 pages. Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1670. Walley's [Thomas, of Boston] Balm of Gilead to heal
Sion's Wounds. An Election Sermon, preached at New Plimouth,
1669. 20 pages, 4to. Printed by S. Green and M. Johnson.

1670. Mather's [Samuel] Testimony from the Scripture against
Idolatry and Superstition, preached in Dublin 1660. 4to. 80 pages.
[No printer's name.] "Reprinted at Cambridge."

1671. Mather's [Eleazar, of Northampton]. Exhortation to the
present and succeeding Generations. 4to. 32 pages. Printed by
S. G. & M J.

1671. An Almanack for 1671.

1672. An Artillery Election Sermon 1672. By the Rev. Urian
Oakes. 4to.

1672. Mather's [Increase] Word to the present and succeeding
Generations of New England. 4to. 36 pages.

1672. Eye Salve, or a Watch Word from our Lord Jesus Christ
unto his Churches, especially in the Colony of Massachusetts. An
Election Sermon preached at Boston 1672. By Thomas Shepard,
of Charlestown. 4to. 56 pages.

1672. Allin's [John, of Dedham] Spouse of Christ coming out
of Affliction leaning upon her Beloved. 4to. 32 pages. "Printed
at Cambridge by Samuel Green, and are to be Sold by John Tappan
of Boston."

1672. The General Laws and Liberties of the Massachusetts
Colony, Revised and alphabetically arranged. To which are added,
Precedents and Forms of things frequently used. With a complete
index to the whole. Re-printed by order of the General
Court Holden at Boston, May 15, 1672. Edward Rawson, Secr.
Whosoever therefore resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of
God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.
Rom. 13, 2. Folio, 200 pages. [Well printed. There is a small
wooden cut of the colony arms as a frontispiece opposite to the title
page, indifferently executed, and a large handsome head piece cut
on wood at the beginning of the first page of the laws. Printed by
S. Green, for John Usher of Boston.]

1672. The Book of the General Laws of the Inhabitants of
New Plimouth, collected out of the Records of the General Court.
Published by the Authority of the General Court of that Jurisdiction,
held at Plimouth the 6th day of June, 1671. The following
text of scripture is in the title page—Be subject [?] to every Ordinance
of Man for the Lord' & sake, 1 Pet. ii. 13. Folio. 50 pages.

1672. Indian Logic Primer. By John Eliot.

1672. Several "Laws and Orders" made at the General Court
at Boston, 1672. 8 pages. Folio.

1673. The Book of the General Laws for the People within the
Jurisdiction of Connecticut. Collected out of the Records of the
General Court. Lately revised and published by the Authority of
the General Court of Connecticut, 1672. Has a text from scripture

in the title page, viz.—Let us walk honestly as in the Day, not in
Rioting and Drunkenness; not in Chambering and Wantonness;
not in Strife and Envying. Rom. xiii. 13.[33] [There is a small
wooden cut of the arms of Connecticut in the title page. The arms
are fifteen grape vines, with a hand over them holding a scroll, on
which is this motto.—Sustinet qui transtulit.] Folio. 76 pages.

1673. New England Pleaded with, and pressed to Consider the
Things which concern her Peace. An Election Sermon 1673. By
Urian Oakes. 4to. 64 pages.

1674. Samuel Torrey, of Weymouth. Election Sermon at Plymouth.
4to.

1674. The Unconquerable, All-Conquering, and more than Conquering
Souldier, or the Successful Warre which a Believer wageth
with the Enemies of his Soul. An Artillery Election Sermon,
June, 1672. By Urian Oakes. 4to. 46 pages.

1674. David Serving his Generation. An Election Sermon before
the General Court of New Plimouth, June, 1674. By Samuel
Arnold of Marshfield. 4to. 24 pages. Imprimatur John Oxenbridge
and Increase Mather.

1674. Several "Laws and Orders," made at the General Court
at Boston, 1674. 4 pages. Folio.

1674. Moody's [Joshua] Souldiers Spiritualized, or the Christian
Souldier orderly and Strenuously engaged in the Spiritual Warre,
and so fighting the Good Fight. A Sermon preached at Boston on
Artillery Election 1674. 4to. 48 pages.

1674. Fitch's [James, of Norwich] Holy Connexion. An Election
Sermon at Hartford, Connecticut, 1674. 4to. 24 pages.

1675. Several "Laws and Orders" made at the Sessions of the
General Court at Boston in 1675. Folio, 20 pages.

1675. Mather's [Increase] First Principles of New England
concerning the subject of Baptisme and Church Communion. 4to.
56 pages.

1675. Mather's [Increase] Discourse concerning the subject of
Baptisms. 4to. 82 pages.

1676. Heart Garrisoned; or the Wisdome and Care of the
Spiritual Souldier above all Things to Safeguard his Heart. An
Artillery Election Sermon. By Samuel Willard. 4to. 24 pages.

1676. A Brief History of the War with the Indians in New
England from June 24, 1675, when the first Englishman was

murdered by the Indians, to August, 1776, when Philip, alias Metacomet,
principal Author and Beginner of the War was slain. By
Increase Mather. 4to. 56 pages.

1677. Several "Laws and Orders," made at the first Session of
the General Court for Elections 1677, at Boston. Folio. 4 pages.

1679. An Almanack for 1679. By Philomath.

1680. Wusku Wuttestamentum Nul-lordumun Jesus Christ
Nuppoquohwussuaeneumun. [The New Testament in the Indian
Language. The greater part, including the title page, was printed
in 1680, but the Testament was not completed till the year following.
This was a second edition and consisted of 2,500 copies; 500 of
which were bound up with the Indian Catechism, and the remainder
reserved to complete a second edition of the whole Bible which came
from the press in the beginning of the year 1686.

1680. A Confession of Faith owned and consented to by the
Elders and Messengers of the Churches assembled at Boston, May
12, 1680, being the Second Session of that Synod.

1682. Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary
Rowlandson. 8vo.

1682. Oakes's [Urian] Fast Sermon, delivered at Cambridge
4to. 32 pages.

1682. Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion; or the Character
and Happiness of a Virtuous Woman. By Cotton Mather. 12mo.
116 pages. Printed by S. G. & B. G. for Samuel Phillips of Boston.

1684. An Almanack for 1684.

1684. Dennison's [Daniel] Irenicon; or a Salve for New England's
Sore. 8vo. 50 pages.

1685. The New England Almanack for 1686. "Printed at
Cambridge by Samuel Green, sen., Printer to Harvard Col. A. D.
1685."

1685. The Holy Bible, containing the Old Testament and the
New. Translated into the Indian Language, and ordered to he
printed by the Commissioners of the United Colonies in New England,
&c. This was a second edition of Eliot's Indian Bible; and,
like the first, it had marginal notes, and an Indian translation of the
New England Version of the Psalms. The Rev. Mr. Cotton, a great
proficient in the Indian language, assisted Mr. Eliot in revising and
correcting this edition. Both editions had title pages in English
and Indian. The title in the Indian language is as follows: Mamvsse
Wunneetupanatamwe Up-Biblum God Naneeswe Nukkone-Testameat
kah wonk Wusku Testament. Ne quoshkinnumuk nashpe Wuttineumoh

Christ noh asoowesit John Eliot. Nahchtôeu ontchetôe
Printewoomuk. Cambridge: Printeuoop nashpe Samuel Green. 4to.
It was six years in the press. Two thousand copies were printed.[34] It was not so expensive as the first edition. Mr. Eliot had the
management of it; and, in his letters to the Hon. Robert Boyle,
president of the corporation for propagating the gospel among the
Indians in New England, he acknowledges the reception of £900
sterling, in three payments, for carrying it through the press.

1685. Manitowampae pomantamoonk sampwshanau Christianoh.
&c., second edition, 400 pp. small 8vo. [Practice of Piety.]

1686. The New England Almanack for 1687.

1687. Practice of Piety. [Translated into the Indian language.]
Third edition.

1687. Eliot's Catechism. [In the Indian language. This was
a third or fourth edition printed at the expense of the corporation.]

1687. Primer, in the Indian Language. [It had gone through
several previous editions at the expense of the corporation.]

1689. Sampwutteahae Quinnuppekompauaenin, Wahuwomook
oggussemesuog Sampwutteahae Wunnamptamwaenuog, &c. Noh
asoowesit Thomas Shepard. This is Shepard's Sincere Convert,
translated into Indian by the Rev. John Eliot, and was licensed to
be printed by Grindal Rawson. 12mo, 164 pages.

1691. An Almanack. By John Tully. "Cambridge. Printed
by Samuel Green and B. Green, and are to be sold by Nicholas
Buttolph at Gutteridge's Coffee House, in Boston, 1691."

1691. Nashauanittue Meninnunk wutch Mukkiesog Wassesèmumun
wutch Sogkodtunganash Naneeswe Testamentsash; wutch
Ukkesitchippooonganoo Ukketeahogkounooh. Noh asoowèsit John
Cotton. [This is John Cotton's Spiritual Milk for American Babes.
Translated by Grindal Rawson.] 12mo. 14 pages. [See old editions
of the New England Primer.] Printeuoop nashpe Samuel
Green kah Bartholomew Green.

1691. Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion; or the Character
and Happiness of a Virtuous Woman. By Cotton Mather. 12mo.
114 pages. Re-Printed by Samuel Green and Bartholomew Green
for Nicholas Buttolph, at Gutteridge's Coffee House, Boston.

1691. Things to be looked for. An Election Sermon. By
Cotton Mather. 12mo. 84 pages. Reprinted by Samuel Green and
Bartholomew Green.

1692. Tally's Almanack for 1692. Printed by Samuel Green
and Bartholomew Green for Samuel Phillips of Boston.

Mabmaduke Johnson was an Englishman, and had been
bred to the printing business in London. The corporation
in England for propagating the gospel among the
Indians engaged and sent him over to America in 1660,
to assist in printing the Bible in Indian.

In a letter dated, Cooper's Hall in London, April 28th,
1660, and directed to the commissioners of the United Colonies,
who had the whole management of Indian affairs, the
corporation writes: "Wee haue out of our desire to further
a worke of soe great consernment, [printing the
whole Bible in the Indian language] agreed with an able
printer for three yeares vpon the tearmes and conditions
enclosed. Wee desire you at the earnest request of Mr.
Johnson the printer, and for his incurragement in this
undertaking of printing the bible in the Indian language,
his name may bee mentioned with others as a printer and
person that hath bine instrumentall therin; for whose
diet lodging and washing wee desire you to take care of."

The commissioners in their answer to the corporation,
dated New Haven the 10th of September, 1660, observe:
"Such order is taken by aduice of Mr. Eliott Mr. Vsher
Mr. Green and Mr. Johnson that the Impression of the
ould and New Testament shalbee carryed on together
which they have alredy begun and Resolue to prosecute
with all diligence; a sheet of Geneses wee have seen which
wee have ordered shalbee Transmitted vnto you; the
printers doubte not but to print a sheete euery weeke and
compute the whole to amount to a hundred and fifty
sheets. Mr. Johnson wilbee gratifyed with the honour

of the Impression and acomodated in other respects wee
hope to content." The commissioners this year charged
the corporation with £1 4s. paid for "the expenses of
Johnson the printer att his first arrivall before he settled
at Cambridge."

In a letter dated, Boston Sept. 10, 1662, and addressed
to the Hon. Robert Boyle, governor of the corporation in
England, the commissioners of the United Colonies observe:

The commissioners wrote from Boston, Sept. 18th, 1663,
to the corporation, as was their annual custom, rendering
a particular account of their concerns, and of the expenditures
of the money of the corporation. Respecting Johnson
they observe: "Some time after our last letter Marmeduke
Johnson Returned to the Presse and hath carried
himselfe Indifferently well since soe farr as wee know but
the bible being finished and little other worke presenting;
wee dismised him att the end of the tearme you had contracted
with him for; but vnderstanding youer honorable
Corporation hath agreed with him for another yeare; wee
shall Indeavour to Imploy him as wee can by printing the
Psalmes and another little Treatise of Mr. Baxters which
Mr. Elliott is translateing into the Indian language which
is thought may bee vsefull and profitable to the Indians;
and yett there will not bee full Imployment for him; and
for after times our owne printer wilbee sufficiently able to
print of any other worke that wilbee necessary for theire

vse soe that att the yeares end hee may be dismised; or
sooner if hee please: and If there bee occation further to
Imploy him It were much better to contract with him heer
to print by the sheete than by allowing him standing
wages: Wee were forced vpon his earnest Request to lett
him fiue pounds in parte of his wages to supply his present
nessesitie which must bee defaulted by youer honors with
his brother: his last yeare by agreement with him begineth
the 20th of August last from the end of his former
contract till that time hee was out of this Imployment
and followed his own occacions."

The corporation in their next letter to the commissioners
write: "Concerning Marmeduke Johnson the printer
whose Demeanor hath not been suitable to what hee
promised wee shall leave him to youerselues to dismisse
him as soone as his yeare is expired if you soe think fit."

The next meeting of the Commissioners was at Hartford,
September 1, 1664; they then informed the corporation
in England, that they had "dismised Marmeduke
Johnson the Printer att the end of his tearme agreed for
hauing Improued him as well as wee could for the yeare
past by imploying him with our owne printer to print such
Indian workes as could be prepared which hee was not
able to doe alone with such other English Treatises which
did present; for which allowance hath bine made proportionable
to his laboure; some time hath bine lost for want
of imployment but for after time wee hope to haue all
books for the Indians vse printed vpon ezier tearmes by
our owne printer especially if it please youer honers to
send ouer a fonte of Pica letters Roman and Italian which
are much wanting for printeing the practice of piety and
other workes; and soe when the Presses shallbee Improued
for the vse of the English wee shalbe carefull that due
alowance be made to the Stocke for the same; It seemed
Mr. Johnson ordered all his Sallery to be receiued and

disposed of in England which hath put him to some
straightes heer which forced vs to allow him fiue pounds
formerly (as we Intimated in our last) and since bee hath
taken vp the sume of four pounds all which is to be
accoumpted as parte of his Sallery for the last yeare; the
remainder wherof wee doubt not youer honors will satisfy
there."

Before the Bible was finished, Johnson, being in great
want of money, applied to the commissioners of the United
Colonies to pay him his wages here instead of receiving
them, agreeably to contract, in England. Upon which the
commissioners "ordered in Answare to the request of
Marmeduke Johnson for payment of his wages heer in
New England; notwithstanding his couenant with the
Corporation to receiue the same in England which hee
sayeth is detained from him; which yett not appearing
to the comissioners they could not giue any order for the
payment of it heer; but vpon his earnest request that
there might bee some Impowered to relieue him in case it
could appeer before the next meeting of the Comissioners
that noe payment was made to him in England the Comissioners
of the Massachusetts Collonie is Impowered to act
therein according to theire Discretion."

The Rev. Mr. Eliot,[35] who translated the Bible into the
Indian language, appears to have been very friendly to
Johnson. After he was dismissed from employment at
the press of the corporation, Mr. Eliot proposed to the
commissioners in September, 1667, that Johnson should
have "the font of letters [types] which the Corporation
sent over for their vse by him, when he came from England,"
and which had been but little worn, at the price
they cost in England, which was £31 17s. 8d. sterling;

to which proposal the commissioners assented. These
types he received in part payment of his salary.

In 1670, April 28th, Johnson, being released by death
or divorce from his wife in England, married Ruth Cane
of Cambridge, which is recorded in the register of the
town for that year.

In September, 1672, the commissioners ordered their
agent, Hezekiah Usher, to pay Johnson £6 "for printing,
stitching and cutting of a thousand Indian Logick Primers."
This is the last business I can find performed by Johnson
for the corporation. His name appeared after Green's in
the imprint of the first edition of the Indian translation
of the Old and New Testament, and to several other books
which were not printed for the corporation for propagating
the gospel among the Indians. It is not probable that they
had any regular partnership, but printed a book in connexion
when convenient. I have seen no book with his
name in the imprint after 1674.

Johnson was constable of Cambridge in 1673, and perhaps
some years preceding. In April, 1674, the county
court allowed him "his bill of costs, amounting to three
shillings; and ten shillings and six pence for journeys
that were by law to be paid by the county treasurer." It
appears that he was poor, and rather indolent. He departed
this life in 1675, and his wife soon followed him.

The following is an extract from the Middlesex records,
vol., III p. 176. "At a County Court held at Charlestowne
June 19, 1677. Mr. John Hayward Attorney in behalfe
of the Commissioners of the United Coloneys pl'ff against
Jonathan Cane, Executor to the last will and testament of
Ruth Johnson administratrix to the estate of her husband
Marmaduke Johnson deceased, in an action of the case
for deteyning a font of Letters, bought by the said Johnson
with money yt. he received for yt. end and use of ye. Honourable Corporation in London constituted by his

Majestie for propagating of the gospell to the Indians in
New England, and also for deteyning a Printers chase,
and other implements that belong to a Printing Presse,
and is apperteyning to the said Indian Stocke according
to attachmt. dated 8, 4, 77. Both parties appeared & joyned
issue in the case. The Jury having heard their respective
pleas & evidences in the case, brought in their verdict,
finding for the pl've that the Defdt. shall deliver the wt.
of Letters expressed in the attachment, with other materials
expressed in the attachment, or the value thereof in
money, which wee find to be forty pounds, with costs of
court. The Defdt. made his appeale to the next Court of
Assistants."

Beside the books printed by Green and him, which
appear in Green's catalogue, I find the following printed
solely by Johnson, viz.

Catalogue of Books printed by Johnson.

1665. Communion of Churches; or, the Divine Management of
Gospel Churches by the Ordinance of Councils, constituted in Order,
according to the Scriptures. As also the Way of bringing all
Christian Parishes to be particular reforming Congregational
Churches: humbly proposed as a Way which hath so muche light
from the Scriptures of Truth, as that it may be lawfully submitted
unto by all; and may by the Blessing of the Lord be a means of
uniteing those two Holy and eminent Parties, the Presbyterians and
the Congregationalists—As also to prepare for the hoped-for Resurrection
of the Churches; and to propose a Way to bring all Christian
Nations unto an Unity of the Faith and Order of the Gospel.
Written by John Eliot, Teacher of Roxbury in N. E. Crown 8vo.
38 pages. The following is the Preface to the work.

"Although, a few copies of this small script are printed, yet it is
not published, only committed privately to some godly and able
hands to be viewed, corrected, amended, or rejected, as it shall be
found to hold weight in the sanctuary ballance, or not. And it is
the humble request of the Author, that whatever objections, rectifications
or emendations may occurre, they may be conveyed unto
him; who desireth nothing may be accepted in the Churches, but

what is according to the will and minde of God, and tendeth to
holiness, peace, and promotion of the holy kingdome of Jesus Christ.
The procuring of half so many copies written and corrected, would
be more difficult and chargeable than the printing of these few. I
beg the prayers as well as the pains of the precious Servants of the
Lord, that I may never have the least finger in doing any thing that
may be derogatory to the holiness and honour of Jesus Christ and
his churches. And to this I subscribe myself, one of the least of
the labourers in the Lord's vineyard. John Eliot."

1668. The Rise, Spring and Foundation of the Anabaptists: or
the Re-Baptised of our Times. 58 pages. Quarto.

1668. God's Terrible Voice in the City of London, wherein you
have the Narration of the late dreadful Judgment of Plague and
Fire; the former in the year 1665 and the latter in the year 1666.
32 pages. Quarto.

1668. The Righteous Man's Evidence of Heaven. By Timothy
Rogers. Small Quarto.

1671. Cambridge Platform of Church Discipline. Second Edition.
40 pages. Quarto.

1672. "Indian Logick Primer."

1673. Wakeman's Young Man's Legacy to the Rising Generation.
A Sermon, preached on the Death of John Tappin, of Boston.
46 pages. Quarto.

1673. Mather's [Increase] Woe to Drunkards. Two Sermons.
34 pages. Quarto. [Printed by Johnson] "and sold by Edmund
Ranger, Book Binder, in Boston."

1674. Exhortation unto Reformation. An Election Sermon.
By Samuel Torrey, of Weymouth. 50 pages. Quarto.

1674. Cry of Sodom enquired into, upon occasion of the Arraignment
and Condemnation of Benjamin Goad, for his prodigious
Villany. By S. D. Quarto. 30 pages.

Bartholomew Green, son of Samuel Green, by his
second wife, was in business a few years with his father at
Cambridge. In the year 1690 he removed to Boston, and
set up his press. The same year his printing house and
materials were destroyed by fire; and he, in consequence
of his loss, returned to Cambridge, and was again connected
with his father. The few books which I have seen
that were printed by his father and him in company, are

taken notice of with his father's. He resumed business
in Boston in 1692. [See Printers in Boston.]

BOSTON.

About forty-five years from the beginning of the settlement
of Boston a printing house was opened, and the
first book I have found printed in this town was by

John Foster. He was born in Dorchester, near Boston,
and educated at Harvard College, where he graduated in
1667. Printers at this time were considered as mere
agents to execute the typographic art; the presses were
the property of the college, but all their productions were
under the control of licensers appointed by the government
of the colony; that government had restricted printing,
and confined it solely to Cambridge, but it now
authorized Foster to set up a press in Boston. It does
not appear that he was bred to printing, or that he was
acquainted with the art; the probability is, that he was
not; but having obtained permission to print, he employed
workmen, carried on printing in his own name, and was
accountable to government for the productions of his press.

The General court, at the session in May, 1674, passed
the order following: "Whereas there is now granted that
there may be a printing Presse elsewhere than at Cambridge;
for the better regulation of the Presse it is ordered
and Enacted that the Rev. Mr. Thomas Thatcher and Rev.
Increase Mather, of Boston, be added unto the former
Licensers, and they are hereby impowered to act accord
ingly."

If Foster's printing equalled, it could not be said to
excel, that of Green or Johnson, either in neatness or
correctness. He printed a number of small tracts for
himself and others. The earliest book which I have seen

from the press under his care was published in 1676, and
the latest in 1680. He calculated and published Almanacks.
To his Almanack for 1681 he annexed an ingenious dissertation
on comets seen at Boston in November and
December, 1680.[36] He died at Dorchester, September 9,
1681, aged thirty three years. His grave stone bears the
following inscription, viz:

In English thus?

Thou, O Foster, who on earth didst study the heavenly
bodies, now ascend above the firmament and survey the
highest heaven. I do survey and inhabit this divine region.
To its possession I am admitted through the grace of
Jesus; and to pay the debt of gratitude I hold the most
sacred obligation.

Two poems on the death of Foster were printed in 1681;
one of them was written by Thomas Tilestone, of Dorchester,
and the other by Joseph Capen, afterwards minister
of Topsfield, Massachusetts. The latter concluded with
the following lines:

Whoever has read the celebrated epitaph, by Franklin,
on himself, will have some suspicion that it was taken
from this original.

Samuel Sewall. When Foster died, Boston was without
the benefit of the press; but a continuance of it in
this place being thought necessary, Samuel Sewall, not
a printer but a magistrate, &c., a man much respected, was
selected as a proper person to manage the concerns of it,
and as such was recommended to the General court. In
consequence of this recommendation, the court in October,
1681, gave him liberty to carry on the business of printing
in Boston. The license is thus recorded:[37] "Samuel
Sewall, at the Instance of some Friends, with respect to
the accommodation of the Publick, being prevailed with
to undertake the Management of the Printing Presse in
Boston, late under the command of Mr. John Foster, deceased,
liberty is accordingly granted to him for the same
by this court, and none may presume to set up any other
Presse without the like Liberty first granted."

Sewall became a bookseller. Books for himself and
others were printed at the press under his management,
as were several acts and laws, with other work for government.
Samuel Green, jun., was his printer. In 1682 an
order passed the General court for the treasurer to pay
Sewall £10 17s., for printing the election sermon delivered
that year by the Rev. Mr. Torrey. I have seen several
books printed by the assignment of Sewall.

In 1684, Sewall by some means was unable to conduct
the press, and requested permission of the General court
to be released from his engagement, which was granted.
The record of his release is in the words following:
"Samuel Sewall by the providence of God being unable

to attend the press &c., requested leave to be freed from
his obligations concerning it, which was granted."

In 1684, and for several subsequent years, the loss of
the charter occasioned great confusion and disorder in the
political concerns of the colony. Soon after Sewall resigned
his office as conductor of the press in Boston, he
went to England; whence he returned in 1692. He was,
undoubtedly, the same Samuel Sewall who, when a new
charter was granted by King William, was for many years
one of the council for the province; and who, in 1692,
was appointed one of the judges of the superior court; in
1715 judge of probate; and in 1718 chief justice of Massachusetts.
He died January 1, 1729–30, aged seventy-eight
years.[38]

James Glen. Printed for or by the assignment of Samuel
Sewall, to whom government had committed the management
of the press after the death of Foster. He printed
under Sewall less than two years. I have seen only three or
four works which bear his name in the imprint, and these
were printed for Sewall. One was entitled Covenant Keeping,
the Way to Blessedness, by Samuel Willard. 12mo. 240 pages.
"Boston: Printed by James Glen, for S. Sewall, 1682."
I do not recollect the titles of the others, which were
pamphlets. All the printing done by Glen was at Sewall's
press.

Samuel Green, Junior, was the son, by his first wife,
of Samuel Green, who at that time printed at Cambridge.
He was taught the art in the printing house of his father.
His books bear the next earliest dates to Foster's and
Glen's. In 1682, he printed at the press which, by order

of the General court, was under the management of Sewall,
and for some time by virtue of an assignment from Sewall.
He worked chiefly for booksellers. Many books printed
for them are without the name of the printer, and some
without date.[39] After Sewall ceased to conduct the press,
Green was permitted to continue printing, subject to the
control of the licensers.

John Dunton, a London bookseller, who visited Boston
while Green was in business, in 1686, and after his return
to England published the history of his own Life and
Errors, mentions Green in his publication in the following
manner: "I contracted a great friendship for this man;
to name his trade will convince the world he was a man
of good sense and understanding; he was so facetious and
obliging in his conversation that I took a great delight in
his company, and made use of his house to while away
my melancholy hours."[40] Dunton gives biographical
sketches of a number of men and women whom he visited
in Boston in 1686, and represents Green's wife as a most
excellent woman, even as a model from which to draw
the picture of the best of wives."[41]

Green printed for government, and soon after his death
the General court ordered the treasurer to pay his heirs
£22 17s. "due him for his last printing."

In 1690, Boston was visited with the small pox. Before
the practice of inoculation was introduced, this disease, at

every visitation, swept off a large number of inhabitants.
In July of that year, Green fell a victim to that loathsome
disorder; he died after an illness of three days; and his
amiable wife, within a few days after her husband,[42] was
carried off by the same epidemic.

Richard Pierce. On an examination of the books
printed in Boston before the year 1700, it appears that
Richard Pierce was the fifth person who carried on the
printing business in that place. Whether he had been
bred a printer in England, or had served an apprenticeship
with Green at our Cambridge, cannot be determined.
There was a printer in London by the name of Richard
Pierce, in 1679; and it is not improbable that he emigrated
to this country, and set up his press in Boston. I have
seen some books printed by him on his own account, and
a number for booksellers; they are mentioned in the catalogue
of books printed in America before the revolution.
I have not found any thing printed by him before 1684, or
after 1690.

Bartholomew Green has been mentioned as a printer
at Cambridge, in connection with his father. He began
business at Boston in 1690, immediately after the death of
his brother, with the best printing apparatus then in the
country. He was married the same year; and soon after
his printing house was consumed, and his press and types

entirely destroyed by a fire, which began in his neighborhood.
This misfortune obliged him to return to Cambridge;
and he continued there two years, doing business
in company with his father. Being again furnished
with a press and types, he reestablished himself in Boston,
and opened a printing house in Newbury street.
The imprint to several of the first books from his press,
is, "Boston: Printed by B. Green, at the South End of
the Town."

In April, 1704, he began the publication of a newspaper,
entitled The Boston News Letter. Published by Authority.
It was printed weekly, on Mondays, for John Campbell,
postmaster, who was the proprietor. After the Newsletter
had been printed eighteen years for Campbell,
Green published it on his own account. It was the first
newspaper printed in the British colonies of North America,
and had been published fifteen years before any other
work of the kind made its appearance. It was continued
by Green and his successors until the year 1776, when the
British troops evacuated Boston.[43]

After his father's death Bartholomew Green printed for
the college, and he was for nearly forty years printer to
the governor and council of Massachusetts; but the acts
and laws printed by him were done for a bookseller, Benjamin
Elliot, from 1703 to 1729, as appears from the imprints.
He was the most distinguished printer of that

period in this country, and did more business than any
other of the profession; yet he worked chiefly for the
booksellers. John Allen was concerned with him in
printing many books, in the imprints of which both their
names appeared; there was not, however, a regular partnership
between them.

Through the whole course of his life, Green was distinguished
for piety and benevolence; he was highly
respected; and, for many years, held the office of a deacon
in the Old South church in Boston. He died December
28, 1732. The following character of him is extracted
from The Boston News-Letter, of January 4, 1733:

"Bartholomew Green was a person generally known
and esteemed among us, as a very humble and exemplary
Christian, one who had much of that primitive Christianity
in him which has always been the distinguishing glory of
New England. We may further remember his eminency
for a strict observing the sabbath; his household piety;
his keeping close and diligent to the work of his calling;
his meek and peaceable spirit; his caution of publishing
any thing offensive, light or hurtful; and his tender sympathy
to the poor and afflicted. He always spoke of the
wonderful spirit of piety that prevailed in the land in his
youth with a singular pleasure." [See History of Newspapers
in the second volume of this work.]

John Allen. I have not seen any book with his name
in the imprint, published earlier than the year 1690. He
printed, sometimes in connection with Bartholomew Green,
and sometimes with Benjamin Harris; but was not in
regular partnership with either. There is no evidence
that he had printing materials of his own until 1707; at
this time he opened a printing house in Pudding lane, near
the post office, and did business on his own account. In
November of this year he began printing The Boston News-Letter,

for the proprietor, Mr. Campbell, postmaster.
Soon after this event he published the following advertisement,
viz:

"These are to give Notice, that there lately came from
London a Printing Press, with all sorts of good new
Letter, which is now set up in Pudding Lane near the
Post-Office in Boston for publick use: Where all persons
that have any thing to print may be served on reasonable
terms."

Allen printed The News-Letter four years; when, a fire
which consumed most of the buildings in Cornhill, and
many in King street, Queen street, and the contiguous
lanes, is supposed to have burnt his printing house. The
fire broke out on the evening of the 2d of October, 1711.
On the preceding day he had printed The News-Letter;
but on the next week that paper was again printed by
Green; or as the imprint runs, "Printed in Newbury Street,
for John Campbell, Post-Master." I have seen a
number of books printed after this time by Allen alone,
the last of which is Whittemore's Almanack, bearing the
date of 1724.

While he was connected with Green, and previous to
1708, the acts, laws, proclamations, &c., of government,
were printed by them, and Allen's name appeared with
Green's as "Printers to the Governour and Council."
Allen printed no book that I have seen on his own account;
all the business he executed in the line of his profession
was for booksellers. He was from England. There is in
an ancient library in Boston, a copy of Increase Mather's
Mystery of Israel's Salvation, printed in London, by John
Allen, in 1669. It is supposed that he came to Boston by
encouragement from the Mathers.

Benjamin Harris. His printing house was "over against
the Old Meeting House in Cornhill."[44] He removed
several times; and once printed "at the London Coffee-House,"
which I believe he kept, in King's street; at
another time in Cornhill, "over against the Blew Anchor."
The last place of his residence I find mentioned, was in
Cornhill, "at the Sign of the Bible."

He printed, principally, for booksellers; but he did
some work on his own account. He kept a shop, and
sold books. I have not met with any book of his printing
earlier than 1690, nor later than 1694. In 1692 and 1693,
he printed The Acts and Laws of Massachusetts, containing
about one hundred and thirty pages, folio, to which the
charter was prefixed. The imprint is, "Boston: Printed
by Benjamin Harris, Printer to his Excellency the Governour
and Council." His commission from Governor
Phips, to print them, is published opposite to the title
page of the volume in the words following:

In the title page of the laws, printed by him in 1693, is
a handsome cut of their majesties' arms. This was in the
reign of William and Mary.[45]

Harris was from London; he returned there about the
year 1694. Before and after Ms emigration to America
he owned a considerable bookstore in that city. John
Dunton's account of him is thus:

"He had been a brisk asserter of English Liberties, and
once printed a Book with that very title. He sold a protestant
Petition in King Charles's Reign, for which he was
fined five Pounds; and he was once set in the Pillory, but
his wife (like a kind Rib) stood by him to defend her Husband
against the Mob. After this (having a deal of Mercury
in his natural temper) he travelled to New England,
where he followed Bookselling, and then Coffee-selling,
and then Printing, but continued Ben Harris still, and is
now both Bookseller and Printer in Grace Church Street,
as we find by his London Post; so that his Conversation is
general (but never impertinent) and his Wit pliable to all
inventions. But yet his Vanity, if he has any, gives no
alloy to his Wit, and is no more than might justly spring
from conscious virtue; and I do him but justice in this
part of his Character, for in once travelling with him from

Bury-Fair, I found him to be the most ingenious and
innocent Companion, that I had ever met with."[46]

Timothy Green was the son of Samuel Green, junior,
of Boston, and grandson of Samuel Green of Cambridge.
The earliest books which I have met with of his printing,
bear date in 1700. He had a printing house at the
north part of the town, in Middle street, near Cross street.
He printed and sold some books on his own account; but,
as was customary, printed principally for booksellers.
The imprint to some of his books is, "Boston: Printed
by Timothy Green, at the North Part of the Town." I have
seen other books printed at the same time by his uncle
Bartholomew, with this imprint, "Boston: Printed by B.
Green, at the South Part of the Town." Although several
printers had succeeded each other, there had never been
more than two printing houses open at the same time in
Boston; and, at this period, it does not appear that the
number was increased. T. Green continued in business,
at Boston, until 1714. He then received encouragement
from the general assembly of Connecticut, and removed
his press to New London. [See Printers in Connecticut.]

James Printer, alias James the Printer. This man was
an Indian native; born at an Indian town called Hassanamesitt,[47]
now the town of Grafton, in the county of Worcester,
Massachusetts. His father was a deacon of the
church of Indian Christians established in that place.
James had two brothers; the one, named Anaweakin,

was their ruler; the other, named Tarkuppawillin, was
their teacher; they were all esteemed on account of their
piety, and considered as the principal persons of that Indian
village.[48] James, when a child, was taught at the Indian
charity school, at Cambridge, to read and write the English
language, where, probably, he received the Christian name
of James. In 1659, he was put apprentice to Samuel
Green, printer, in that place, which gave him the surname
of Printer. Green instructed him in the art of printing;
and employed him whilst his apprentice as a pressman,
&c., in printing the first edition of the Indian Bible.

A war taking place between James's countrymen and
the white people, James, fired with a spark of the amor
patriœ, left his master secretly, and joined his brethren in
arms. A number of skirmishes were fought, in all which
the Indians were repulsed with loss; they, in consequence,
became disheartened; and the associated tribes separated,
and retired to their respective places of residence; at
which time, 1676, the government of Massachusetts issued
a proclamation, or, as Hubbard, in his Narrative of the
Indian Wars, terms it, "Put forth a Declaration, that whatsoever
Indians should within fourteen days next ensuing,
come in to the English, might hope for mercy. Amongst
sundry who came in, there was one named James the
Printer, the superadded Title distinguishing him from others
of that name, who being a notorious Apostate, that had
learned so much of the English, as not only to read
and write, but had attained some skill in printing, and
might have attained more, had he not like a false villain
run away from, his Master before his time was out; he
having seen and read the said Declaration of the English,
did venture himself upon the Truth thereof, and came to
sue for his life; he affirmed with others that came along

with him, that more Indians had died since the War began
of diseases (such as at other times they used not to be
acquainted withal) than by the sword of the English."[49]
In this war, the Narraganset Indians lost their celebrated
chief, king Philip, of Mount Hope; after which the colony
enjoyed great tranquillity.

James, it is supposed, remained in and near Boston till
1680; and, doubtless, worked at the printing business,
either with his former master, at Cambridge, or with
Foster, who had lately set up a press, the first established
in Boston, and must have well known James, who lived
with Green when Foster was at college. In 1680, he was
engaged with Green at Cambridge in printing the second
edition of the Indian Bible. The Rev. John Eliot, in a
letter to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, dated March,
1682–3, observes respecting this second edition, "I desire
to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, that
I cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but one
man, viz., the Indian Printer, that is able to compose the
Sheets, and correct the Press with understanding." In
another letter, dated "Roxbury, April 22, 1684," to the
Hon. Mr. Boyle, from the Rev. Mr. Eliot, he mentions,
"We present your honours with one book, so far as we
have gone in the work, and humbly beseech that it may
be acceptable till the whole Bible is finished; and then
the whole impression (which is two thousand) is at your
honours command. Our slow progress needeth an apology.
We have been much hindered by the sickness
the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we
have but few hands (at printing) one Englishman, and
a boy, and one Indian,[50] and many interruptions and

diversions do befall us, and we could do but little this
very hard winter."

We hear no more of James until the year 1709, when an
edition of the Psalter, in the Indian and English languages,
made its appearance with the following imprint.—"Boston,
N. E. Printed by B. Green and J. Printer, for the
Honourable Company for the Propagation of the Gospel
in New England, &c."—In Indian thus, Upprinthomunneau
B. Green, kah J. Printer, wutche quhtiantamwe Chapanukkeg
wutche onchektouunnat wunnaunchummookaonk ut New England.
1709.[51]

Some of James's descendants were long living in
Grafton; they bore the surname of Printer.

Thomas Fleet was born in England and there bred to
the printing business. When young he took an active part
in opposition to the high church party. On some public
procession, probably that of Dr. Sacheverel, when many
of the zealous members of the high church decorated their
doors and windows with garlands, as the head of their
party passed in the streets, Fleet is said to have hung
out of his window an ensign of contempt, which inflamed
the resentment of his opponents to that degree, that he
was obliged to secrete himself from their rage, and to
embrace the first opportunity to quit his country.

He arrived at Boston about the year 1712, and soon
opened a printing house in Pudding Lane, now Devonshire
street. The earliest book I have seen of his printing
bears date 1713. He was a good workman; was a
book printer, and he and T. Crump were concerned in
printing some books together.

But the principal performances of Fleet, until he began
the publication of a newspaper, consisted of pamphlets
for booksellers, small books for children, and ballads. He
made a profit on these, which was sufficient to support
his family reputably. He owned several negroes, one of
which worked at the printing business, both at the press
and at setting types; he was an ingenious man, and cut,
on wooden blocks, all the pictures which decorated the
ballads and small books of his master. Fleet had also two
negro boys born in his house; sons, I believe, to the man
just mentioned, whom he brought up to work at press and
case; one named Pompey and the other Cesar; they were
young when their master died; but they remained in the
family, and continued to labor regularly in the printing
house with the sons of Mr. Fleet, who succeeded their
father, until the constitution of Massachusetts, adopted in
1780, made them freemen.[52]

Fleet continued printing in Pudding Lane, till early in
1731, he then hired a handsome house in Cornhill, on the
north corner of Water street, which he afterwards purchased;
and occupied it through the residue of his life.
He erected a sign of the Heart and Crown, which he never
altered; but after his death, when crowns became unpopular,
his sons changed the Crown for a Bible, and let the
Heart remain. Fleet's new house was spacious, and contained
sufficient room for the accommodation of his

family and the prosecution of his printing business, besides
a convenient shop, and a good chamber for an auction
room. He held his vendues in the evening, and sold
books, household goods, &c., as appears by the following
advertisement which he inserted in the Boston Weekly
News-Letter, March 7th, 1731.

"This is to give Notice to all Gentlemen, Merchants,
Shopkeepers and others, that Thomas Fleet of Boston,
Printer, (who formerly kept his Printing House in Pudding
Lane but is now removed into Cornhill at the sign of
the Heart & Crown, near the lower end of School Street),
is willing to undertake the Sale of Books, Household
Goods, Wearing Apparel, or any other Merchandize, by
Vendue or Auction. The said Fleet having a large &
commodious Front Chamber fit for this Business, and a
Talent well known and approved, doubts not of giving
entire Satisfaction to such as may employ him in it; he
hereby engaging to make it appear that this Service may
be performed with more Convenience and less Charge at
a private House well situated, than at a Tavern. And,
for further Encouragement, said Fleet promises to make
up Accompts with the Owners of the Goods Sold by him,
in a few Days after the sale thereof."

In September, 1731, a new periodical paper was published
in Boston, entitled, The Weekly Rehearsal; intended
principally, to contain essays, moral, political and commercial.[53]
John Draper was first employed to print the
Rehearsal for tlie editor, but soon relinquished it, and
Fleet succeeded him as the printer of it; and, in April,
1733, he published the Rehearsal on his own account. It
was then, and had been in fact, from the beginning, no
more than a weekly newspaper; but, while in the management
of Fleet, it was the best paper at that time published

in New England. In August, 1735, Fleet changed The
Weekly Rehearsal into The Boston Evening Post. The last
number of the Rehearsal was 201, and the first number of
the Evening Post, was 202, which shows that the Evening
Post was then intended to be a continuation of the Rehearsal;
but the next Boston Evening Post was numbered 2,
and it became a new hebdomadal paper, which was published
every Monday evening.

Fleet was industrious and economical; free from superstition;
and possessed a fund of wit and humor, which
were often displayed in his paragraphs and advertisements.
The members of Fleet's family, although they were very
worthy, good people, were not, all of them, remarkable for
the pleasantness of their countenances; on which account
he would, sometimes, indulge himself in jokes which were
rather coarse, at their expense. He once invited an intimate
friend to dine with him on pouts; a kind of fish
of which the gentleman was remarkably fond. When
dinner appeared, the guest remarked that the pouts were
wanting. "O no," said Fleet, "only look at my wife and
daughters."

The following is an advertisement of Fleet, for the sale
of a negro woman—it is short and pithy, viz: "To be
sold by the Printer of this paper, the very best Negro
Woman in this Town, who has had the small pox and the
measles; is as hearty as a Horse, as brisk as a Bird, and
will work like a Beaver." The Evening Post, Aug. 23,1742.

In number 50 of The Boston Evening Post, Fleet published
the following paragraph, under the Boston head:
"We have lately received from an intelligent and worthy
Friend in a neighboring Government, to the Southward of
us, the following remarkable Piece of News, which we beg
our Readers Patience to hear, viz: That the printer there
gets a great deal of Money, has Twenty Shillings for every
Advertisement published in his News-Paper, calls Us

Fools for working for nothing, and has lately purchased
an Estate of Fourteen Hundred Pounds Value.[54] We should
be heartily glad (had we Cause for it) to return our Friend
a like surprizing Account of the Printers Prosperity here.
But alas! the reverse of our Brother's Circumstances
seems hereditary to Us: It is well known we are the
most humble, self-denying Set of Mortals (we wish we
could say Men) breathing; for where there is a Penny to
be got, we readily resign it up to those who are no Ways
related to the Business, nor have any Pretence or Claim
to the Advantages of it.[55] And whoever has observ'd our
Conduct hitherto, has Reason enough to think, that we
hold it a mortal Crime to make any other Use of our
Brains and Hands, than barely to help us

"But as we propose in a short Time to publish a Dissertation
upon the mean and humble state of the Printers of this
Town, we shall say no more at present upon this important
Subject, and humbly Pardon for so large a Digression.
Only we would inform, that in this most necessary Work,
we are promised the Assistance of a worthy Friend and
able Casuist, who says he doubts not but that he shall
easily make it appear, even to the Satisfaction of the

Printers themselves, that they may be as good Christians,[57]
as useful Neighbors, and as loyal Subjects, altho' they
should sometimes feed upon Beef and Pudding, as they
have hitherto approved themselves by their most rigid
abstemious way of living."

In February, 1744, a comet made its appearance and
excited much alarm. Fleet on this occasion published the
following remarks: "The Comet now rises about five
o'Clock in the Morning, and appears very large and bright,
and of late it has been seen (with its lucid Train) in the
Day-time, notwithstanding the Luster of the Sun. This
uncommon Appearance gives much uneasiness to timorous
People, especially Women, who will needs have it,
that it portends some dreadful Judgments to this our Land:
And if, from the Apprehension of deserved Judgments,
we should be induced to abate of our present Pride and
Extravagance, &c., and should become more humble,
peaceable and charitable, honest and just, industrious and
frugal, there will be Reason to think, that the Comet is the
most profitable Itinerant Preacher[58] and friendly New Light
that has yet appeared among us."—Evening Post, No. 446.

Fleet had often occasion to complain of the delinquency
of his customers in making payment for his
paper; and in reminding them of their deficiency he
sometimes indulged himself in severity of remark, that
men of great religious professions and service should
neglect to pay him his just demands. One of his dunning
advertisements is as follows:

"It will be happy for many People, if Injustice, Extortion
and Oppression are found not to be Crimes at the last;
which seems now by their Practice to be their settled

Opinion: And it would be well for the Publisher of this
Paper, if a great many of his Customers were not of the
same Sentiments. Every one, almost, thinks he has a
Right to read News; but few find themselves inclined to
pay for it. 'Tis great pity a Soil that will bear Piety so
well, should not produce a tolerable Crop of Common
Honesty."—Evening Post, No. 690, Oct., 1748.

The preceding extracts from the Evening Post, are sufficient
to enable our readers to form some acquaintance
with the publisher of that paper; and, when they consider
the time when the extracts were published, they will be
the more pleased with his independence of character.
Fleet published the Evening Post until his death; and his
sons continued it till the memorable battle at Lexington,
in 1775, the commencement of the revolutionary war,
when its publication ceased. He was printer to the house
of representatives in 1729, 1730 and 1731. He died in
July, 1758, aged seventy-three years; was possessed of a
handsome property, and left a widow, three sons, and two
daughters. One of the sons, and the two daughters, were
never married.

T. Crump.—The first book I have seen with Crump's
name in it, was printed in 1716, by T. Fleet and himself.
Fleet and Crump printed several books together, but never,
I believe, formed a regular partnership. It seems to have
been the custom with master printers in Boston, at that
time, when their business was on a very small scale,
instead of hiring those who had served a regular apprenticeship
at the trade, as journeymen, to admit them as
temporary partners in work, and to draw a proportion of
the profit. For example, two printers agreed to a joint
agency in printing a book, and their names appeared in
the imprint; if one of them was destitute of types, he
allowed the other for the use of his printing materials, the

service of apprentices, &c., and when the book came from
the press, the bookseller (most books were then printed
for booksellers), paid each of the printers the sum due for
his proportion of the work; and the connection ceased
until a contract was formed for a new job. This method
accounts for a fact of which many have taken notice, viz.,
books appear to have been printed the same year by T.
Fleet and T. Crump, and by T. Fleet separately; and so
of others. This was the case with Samuel Green and
Marmaduke Johnson, at Cambridge. Their names appear
together in the imprint of a book, and in the same year
the name of S. Green appears alone. The same thing took
place with Bartholomew Green and John Allen, and with
Benjamin Harris and John Allen. Allen's name often
appeared with Green's, and sometimes with Harris's; but
still oftener the names of Green and Harris appear alone
in the books issued from their respective printing houses.
I can recollect that, when a lad, I knew several instances
of this kind of partnership.

Crump, after his connection with Fleet, printed some
books, in which his name only appears in the imprints.
He did but little business. I have not seen any thing
printed by him after the year 1718.

Samuel Kneeland began business about the year 1718.
His printing house was in Prison lane,[59] the corner of
Dorset's alley. This building was occupied for eighty
years as a printing house by Kneeland and those who succeeded
him; Kneeland was born in Boston, and served
an apprenticeship with Bartholomew Green. He had
respectable friends, who, soon after he became of age, furnished
him with means to procure printing materials.
Kneeland was a good workman, industrious in his business,

and punctual to his engagements. Many books issued
from his press for himself and for booksellers, before and
during his partnership with Timothy Green, the second
printer of that name.

William Brooker, being appointed postmaster at Boston,
he, on Monday, December 21st, 1719, began the publication
of another newspaper in that place. This was the
second published in the British colonies, in North America,
and was entitled The Boston Gazette. James Franklin
was originally employed as the printer of this paper; but,
in two or three months after the publication commenced,
Philip Musgrave was appointed postmaster, and became
the proprietor. He took the printing of it from Franklin,
and gave it to Kneeland.

In 1727, a new postmaster became proprietor of the
Gazette, and the printer was again changed. Soon after
this event, in the same year, Kneeland commenced
the publication of a fourth newspaper,[60] entitled, The New
England Journal. This was the second newspaper in New
England published by a printer on his own account. In
four months after the establishment of this paper, Kneeland
formed a partnership with Green already mentioned,
son of that Timothy Green who, some years before,
removed to New London. The firm was Kneeland &
Green. When this partnership took place, Kneeland
opened a bookshop in King, now State street, on his own
account, and Green managed the business of the printing
house for their mutual interest. After attending to bookselling,
for four or five years, Kneeland gave up his shop,
returned to the printing house, and took an active part in
all its concerns. They continued the publication of The
New England Journal, nearly fifteen years; when, on the

decease of the proprietor of the Boston Gazette, his heirs,
for a small consideration, resigned that paper to Kneeland
and Green. They united the two papers under the title
of The Boston Gazette, and Weekly Journal.

The partnership of Kneeland and Green was continued
for twenty-five years. In 1752, in consequence of the
father of Green, in New London, having become aged and
infirm, the partnership was dissolved, and Green removed
to that place, where he assumed his father's business.[61]
The concerns of the printing house were, after Green went
to Connecticut, continued by Kneeland with his accustomed
energy. Soon after the dissolution of their partnership,
The Boston Gazette and Weekly Journal was discontinued;
and Kneeland, when a few months had elapsed, began
another paper entitled The Boston Gazette or Weekly Advertiser.[62]

The booksellers of this time were enterprising. Kneeland
and Green printed, principally for Daniel Henchman,
an edition of the Bible in small 4to. This was the first
Bible printed, in America, in the English language. It
was carried through the press as privately as possible, and
had the London imprint of the copy from which it was
reprinted, viz: "London: Printed by Mark Baskett,
Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty," in order
to prevent a prosecution from those in England and Scotland,
who published the Bible by a patent from the crown;
or, Cum privilegio, as did the English universities of Oxford
and Cambridge. When I was an apprentice, I often
heard those who had assisted at the case and press in
printing this Bible, make mention of the fact. The late

Governor Hancock was related to Henchman, and knew
the particulars of the transaction. He possessed a copy of
this impression. As it has a London imprint, at this day
it can be distinguished from an English edition, of the
same date, only by those who are acquainted with the
niceties of typography. This Bible issued from the press
about the time that the partnership of Kneeland and Green
expired. The edition was not large; I have been informed
that it did not exceed seven or eight hundred copies.[63]

An edition of the New Testament, in duodecimo, was
printed by Rogers and Fowle, not long before the time
when this impression of the Bible came from the press,
for those at whose expense it was issued. Both the
Bible and the Testament were well executed. These
were heavy undertakings for that day, but Henchman was
a man of property; and it is said that several other principal
booksellers in Boston were concerned with him in
this business. The credit of this edition of the Testament
was, for the reason I have mentioned, transferred to the
king's printer, in London, by the insertion of his imprint.

Kneeland was, for a great length of time, printer to the
governor and council, and during several years he printed
the acts, laws and journals of the house of representatives.
He was diligent, and worked at case when far advanced in
years. The books he published were chiefly on religious
subjects; he printed some political pamphlets. He was
independent in his circumstances; a member of the Old
South church; and was a pious, friendly, and benevolent
man. He left four sons, all of whom were printers; two
of them, Daniel and John, set up a press, in partnership,

before their father's death; but the other two never were
in business on their own account.

He died December 14, 1769, aged seventy-three years.
The following is extracted from the Evening Post of December
18, 1769: "Last Thursday died, after a long indisposition,
Mr. Samuel Kneeland, formerly, for many years,
an eminent Printer in this Town. He sustained the
character of an upright man and a good Christian, and as
such was universally esteemed. He continued in business
till through age and bodily Infirmities he was obliged to
quit it. His Funeral was very respectfully attended on
Saturday Evening last."

James Franklin was the brother of the celebrated Dr. Benjamin
Franklin. He was born in Boston, where his father,
who was a respectable man, carried on the business of a
tallow chandler, at the Blue Ball, corner of Union street.
With this brother Dr. Franklin lived several years, as an
apprentice, and learned the art of printing. I have been
informed that James Franklin served an apprenticeship
with a printer in England, where his father was born, and
had connections.

In March, 17 16/17,[64] J. Franklin came from London with a
press and types, and began business in Boston. At first
he printed a few pamphlets for booksellers. In 1719, a

postmaster was appointed who established a second newspaper;
for until this time The Boston News-Letter was the
only paper which had been published in British America.
The title of the new paper was The Boston Gazette, and J.
Franklin was employed to print it;[65] but, within seven
months, Philip Musgrave, being appointed to the postoffice,
became the proprietor of the Gazette, and employed
another printer; and Franklin employed his press otherwise
until August 6, 1721; when, encouraged by a number
of respectable characters, who were desirous of having
a paper of a different cast from those then published, he
began the publication, at his own risk, of a third newspaper,
entitled, The New England Courant. Franklin's
father and many of his friends were inimical to this undertaking.
They supposed that one newspaper was enough
for the whole continent; and they apprehended that
another must occasion absolute ruin to the printer.
Franklin, notwithstanding their remonstrances, continued.

This weekly publication, like the others issued in Boston,
contained only a foolscap half sheet, but occasionally was
enlarged to a whole sheet. The patrons of the paper
formed themselves into a club, and furnished it with short
original essays, generally one for each week, in imitation
of the Spectator and other periodical publications of that
class. These essays soon brought the Courant into notice;
the rigid puritans warmly opposed it; but men of different

sentiments supported it. Among others, the Rev.
Increase Mather, who was one of Franklin's first subscribers,
very soon denounced The Courant, by an advertisement
in The Boston Gazette, No. 114.[66]

The Courant contained very little news, and but few
advertisements. It took a decided part against the advocates
of inoculation for the small pox, which was then
beginning to be introduced: it was hostile to the clergy,
and to some of the most influential men in civil government;
and, it attacked some of the religious opinions of
the day; in consequence, frequent assaults were made
upon its writers; and, in their defence, they abounded
more in severe, and not always the most refined, satire,
than in argument. While, therefore, the Courant gained
a currency with one part of the community, it excited the
resentment of another, and soon attracted the notice of
government.

Franklin had not published The New England Courant
twelve months, before he was taken into custody, publicly
censured, and imprisoned four weeks, by the government,
for publishing what were called scandalous libels, &c.[67]

Being released from his confinement, he continued the
publication of the Courant until January 14, 1723, when
an order of council, in which the house of representatives
concurred, directed, "That James Franklin be strictly
forbidden by this Court to Print or Publish the New
England Courant, or any Pamphlet or Paper of the like
Nature, except it be first supervised by the Secretary of
this Province."[68] This order, this stride of despotism,
could, it seems, at that time, be carried into effect; but,
at this day, a similar attempt would excite indignation, or
a contemptuous smile.

Franklin was not inclined to subject his paper to licensers
of the press, and he was unwilling to stop the publication
of it; but, he dared not proceed in defiance of the order
of the legislature. The club wished for the continuance
of the paper; and, a consultation on the subject was
held in Franklin's printing house, the result of which
was, that to evade the order of the legislature, the New
England Courant should, in future, be published by Benjamin
Franklin, then an apprentice to James. Accordingly,
the next Courant had the following imprint: "Boston,
printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin, in Queen Street,
where advertisements are taken in." About a year afterward,
J. Franklin removed his printing house to Union
street. The Courant was published in the name of Benjamin
Franklin, for more than three years;[69] and, probably,
until its publication ceased; but it appears from Dr.
Franklin's life, that he did not remain for a long time
with his brother after the Courant began to be printed in
his name.

J. Franklin remained in Boston for several years. He
continued to publish the Courant, and printed several
small works. He had a brother, by the name of John,
who was married and settled at Newport in the business
of a tallow chandler. Not satisfied with his situation in
Boston, and receiving an invitation from his brother and
other persons in Rhode Island, he removed to Newport,
and set up the first printing press in that colony; and, in
the latter part of September, 1732, he published the first
number of The Rhode Island Gazette.—See Rhode Island.

James Franklin had learned, in England, the art of
calico printing, and did something at the business, both
in Boston and Newport. The Boston Gazette of April 25,
1720, then printed by him for the postmaster, contains

the following advertisement: "The Printer hereof prints
Linens, Calicoes, Silks, &c., in good Figures, very lively
and durable colours, and without the offensive smell which
commonly attends the Linens printed here."[70]

Benjamin Franklin. Well known and highly celebrated
in this country and in Europe, was born in Boston,
January 17th, 170 ⅚. His father was an Englishman, and
served an apprenticeship with a silk dyer in Northamptonshire.[71]
He came to Boston with his wife and three
children; and, after his arrival in America, he had four
other children by the same wife. She dying, he married
a native of New England, by whom he had ten children;
two daughters excepted, Benjamin was the youngest child
by the second wife.[72]

Franklin's father settled in Boston; but, finding the
business to which he had been bred insufficient to afford
him a maintenance, he relinquished it, and assumed that
of a soap boiler and tallow chandler, in which occupations
Benjamin was employed from the tenth to the twelfth
year of his life.

Franklin was dissatisfied with the business of his father,
and felt a strong inclination for a seafaring life. His
father was extremely averse to that plan, and through fear
that Benjamin might, in a clandestine manner, get to sea,
he concluded to bind him apprentice to his nephew, who
was settled in Boston, as a cutler; but not agreeing with
his nephew on conditions, and Benjamin expressing a
wish to be a printer, his father consented to gratify this

inclination. At this time, 1717, James Franklin returned
from England with printing materials, and commenced
business in Boston; and Benjamin, at the age of twelve
years, signed indentures, and became his apprentice.

Pleased with his new employment, Franklin soon became
useful to his brother. He borrowed books, and read
them with avidity and profit. At an early age, he wrote
stanzas on the capture of Black Beard, a noted pirate,
and on other occurrences. These verses, he observes,
"were miserable ditties," but his brother printed them, and
sent Benjamin about the town to sell them. One of these
compositions, he remarks, "had a prodigious run, because
the event was recent, and had made a great noise."

When his brother printed a newspaper, Benjamin felt
increased satisfaction with his business; and he soon
began, privately, to compose short essays, which he artfully
introduced for publication without exciting suspicion
of his being the author. These were examined and
approved by the club of writers for the Courant, to the
great gratification of the writer, who eventually made
himself known.

It has already been stated, in the account given of James
Franklin, that he was forbidden by the General court to
proceed in the publication of the Courant, except on certain
conditions. With the terms dictated James determined
that he would not comply; and, with a view to
evade the injunctions of the government, the name of his
brother Benjamin was substituted in the place of his own,
and the publication was continued. "To avoid the censure
of the General assembly, who might charge James Franklin
with still printing the paper under the name of his
apprentice, it was resolved that Benjamin's indentures
should be given up to him, with a full and entire discharge
written on the back, in order to be produced on any
emergency; but that to secure to James the service of

Benjamin, it was agreed the latter should sign a new contract,
which should be kept secret during the remainder
of the term." This, Benjamin observes, in his Life, was
a very shallow arrangement, but it was put into immediate
execution. Though the paper was still issued in Benjamin's
name, he did not remain with his brother long after this
arrangement was made. They disagreed, and in the
eighteenth year of his age he privately quitted James, and
took passage in a vessel for New York. At this time
there was but one printer in New York, and from him
Franklin could obtain no employment; but he gave our
adventurer encouragement, that his son, who printed in
Philadelphia, would furnish him with work. In pursuit of
this object, he entered a ferry boat on his way to Philadelphia;
and, after a very disagreeable passage, reached
Amboy. From that place he traveled on foot to Burlington,
where he was hospitably entertained, for several days,
by an aged woman who sold gingerbread. When an
opportunity presented to take passage in a boat, he
embraced it, and reached Philadelphia in safety.

As Franklin afterwards obtained the highest offices in
civil government, and was greatly celebrated as a statesman
and a philosopher, the particulars of this apparently
inauspicious period of his life are singularly interesting;
I will, therefore, give his own narrative of his entrance
into the capital of Pennsylvania, of which he was destined
to become the governor.

"On my arrival at Philadelphia, I was in my working
dress, my best clothes being to come by sea. I was
covered with dirt; my pockets were filled with shirts and
stockings; I was unacquainted with a single soul in the
place, and knew not where to seek for a lodging. Fatigued
with walking, rowing, and having past the night without
sleep, I was extremely hungry, and all my money consisted
of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling's worth of coppers,

which I gave to the boatmen for my passage. As I had
assisted them in rowing, they refused it at first; but I
insisted on their taking it. A man is sometimes more generous
when he has little, than when he has much money;
probably because in the first case he is desirous of concealing
his poverty. I walked towards the top of the street,
looking eagerly on both sides, till I came to Market street,
where I met a child with a loaf of bread. Often had I
made my dinner on dry bread. I enquired where he had
bought it, and went straight to the baker's shop, which
he pointed out to me. I asked for some biscuits, expecting
to find such as we had at Boston; but they made, it
seems, none of that sort in Philadelphia. I then asked
for a threepenny loaf. They made no loaves of that price.
Finding myself ignorant of the prices, as well as the different
kinds of bread, I desired him to let me have three
penny worth of bread of some kind or other. He gave
me three large rolls. I was surprized at receiving so
much; I took them, however, and having no room in my
pockets, I walked on with a roll under each arm, eating
the third. In this manner I went through Market street
to Fourth street, and passed the house of Mr. Read, the
father of my future wife. She was standing at the door,
observed me, and thought, with reason, that I made a very
singular and grotesque appearance.

"I then turned the corner, and went through Chestnut
street, eating my roll all the way; and, having made this
round, I found myself again on Market street wharf, near
the boat in which I had arrived. I stepped into it to take
a draught of the river water; and, finding myself satisfied
with my first roll, I gave the other two to a woman and
her child, who had come down the river with us in the
boat, and was waiting to continue her journey. Thus
refreshed, I regained the street, which was now full of
well dressed people, all going the same way. I joined

them, and was thus led to a large Quaker's meeting-house,
near the market place. I sat down with the rest, and
after looking round me for some time, hearing nothing
said, and being drowsy from my last night's labor and
want of rest, I fell into a sound sleep. In this state I
continued till the assembly dispersed, when one of the
congregation had the goodness to wake me. This was
consequently the first house I entered, or in which I slept,
at Philadelphia.

"I began again to walk along the street by the river
side, and looking attentively in the face of every one I met,
I at length perceived a young quaker, whose countenance
pleased me. I accosted him, and begged him to inform
me where a stranger might find a lodging. We were
then near the sign of the Three Mariners. They receive
travellers here, said he, but it is not a house that bears a
good character; if you will go with me I will shew you a
better one. He conducted me to the Crooked Billet, in
Water street. There I ordered something for dinner, and
during my meal a number of curious questions were put
to me; my youth and appearance exciting the suspicion
that I was a runaway. After dinner my drowsiness
returned, and I threw myself on a bed without taking off
my clothes, and slept till six o'clock in the evening, when
I was called to supper. I afterward went to bed at a very
early hour, and did not awake till the next morning.

"As soon as I got up I put myself in as decent a trim
as I could, and went to the house of Andrew Bradford
the printer. I found his father in the shop, whom I had
seen at New York. Having travelled on horseback, he
had arrived at Philadelphia before me. He introduced
me to his son, who received me with civility, and gave me
some breakfast; but told me he had no occasion at present
for a journeyman, having lately procured one. He added,
that there was another printer newly settled in the town,

of the name of Keimer, who might, perhaps, employ me;
and, that in case of a refusal, I should be welcome to lodge
at his house, and he would give me a little work now and
then, till something better should offer.

"The old man offered to introduce me to the new printer.
When we were at his house, 'Neighbor,' said he, 'I bring
you a young man in the printing business; perhaps you
may have need of his services.' Keimer asked me some
questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I
could work, and then said, that at present he had nothing
for me to do, but that he should soon be able to employ
me. At the same time, taking old Bradford for an
inhabitant of the town well disposed towards him, he communicated
his project to him, and the prospect he had of
success. Bradford was careful not to betray that he was
the father of the other printer; and from what Keimer
had said, that he hoped shortly to be in possession of the
greater part of the business of the town, led him by artful
questions, and by starting some difficulties, to disclose all
his views, what his hopes were founded upon, and how
he intended to proceed. I was present, and heard it all.
I instantly saw that one of the two was a cunning old fox,
and the other a perfect novice. Bradford left me with
Keimer, who was strangely surprized when I informed
him who the old man was."

Keimer encouraged Franklin with the hope of employment
in a short time, and he returned to Bradford's. In
a few days after he began to work for Keimer, but continued
to board with Bradford. This was not agreeable
to Keimer, and he procured a lodging for him at Mr.
Read's, who has been already mentioned. "My trunk
and effects being now arrived," says Franklin, "I thought
of making, in the eyes of Miss Read, a more respectable
appearance, than when chance exhibited me to her view,
eating my rolls and wandering in the streets."

Franklin remained about seven months in Philadelphia,
worked for Keimer, and formed many acquaintances,
some of them very respectable. Accident procured him
an interview with Governor Keith, who made him great
promises of friendship and patronage; persuaded him to
visit his father, which he accordingly did, and was bearer
of a letter the governor wrote to him, mentioning the son
in the most flattering terms; and recommending his establishment
as a printer at Philadelphia, under assurances
of success. Franklin was at this time only in the nineteenth
year of his age, and his father declined to assist in
establishing him in business on account of his youth and
inexperience; but he answered Governor Keith's letter,
thanking him for the attentions and patronage he had
exercised toward his son. Franklin determined to return
to Philadelphia. At New York, on his way, he received
some attentions from the governor of that colony.[73] On
his arrival at Philadelphia he presented his father's letter
to Governor Keith. The governor disapproved of the caution
of his father; still urged the prosecution of the scheme;
promised himself to be at all the expense of procuring
printing materials; and advised Franklin to make a voyage
to England, and select the types, under his own eye,
at the foundery. To this plan Franklin agreed, and it was
settled that the design should be kept secret, until an
opportunity presented for his taking passage for London.
In the meantime he continued to work for Keimer.

When a vessel was about to sail, the governor promised
from day to day to give Franklin letters of credit upon his
correspondent in London; and, when he was called on board
ship, the governor told him that he would send his letters
to him on board. At the moment of sailing, letters were
brought from the governor and put into the ship's letter

bag; among which Franklin supposed were those that
had been promised him. But when he reached his port,
he found, on investigation, that he had neither letters of
credit nor introduction. The governor had deceived him,
and he landed a stranger in a strange country.

Destitute and friendless, Franklin's only means of support
consisted in his capacity to labor. He immediately
applied to a printer for employment as a journeyman, and
obtained it. In this situation he continued for eighteen
months, and gained much knowledge in the art of printing.
He then formed a connection with a mercantile
friend, whom he assisted as a clerk; and, with him, he
returned to Philadelphia. This friend soon died, and
Franklin relinquished the plan of mercantile pursuits.
He returned to the business of a printer as a journeyman;
but, soon after, opened a printing house of his own in
Philadelphia.   [See Philadelphia Printers.]

Timothy Green, Jun. He was the son of Timothy
Green, who removed from Boston to New London in 1714;
and great grandson of Samuel Green, of Cambridge. I
have seen no printing with his name before 1726. One or
two pamphlets were then printed by S. Kneeland and T.
Green. Several small publications appeared afterwards
with Kneeland's name only. In 1727, a regular partnership
took place between them, under the firm of S. Kneeland
& T. Green. This partnership, as has been mentioned,
continued till 1752, when he removed to New London,
and succeeded his father. [See Kneeland and Green, and
printers in Connecticut.]

Bartholomew Green, Jun., was the son of Bartholomew
Green, printer of The Boston News-Letter, grandson to
Samuel Green, who printed at Cambridge, and served an
apprenticeship with his father. The earliest works I have

seen printed by Bartholomew Green, Jun., are, a small
book published in 1726, and the Boston Gazette, for the
postmaster, Henry Marshall, in 1727.

He made use of his press and types in the printing house
of his father, till 1734; and was, occasionally, connected
with John Draper, his brother-in-law, in printing pamphlets,
etc. Draper succeeded to the business of B. Green
the elder in 1732, in the same house. On the night of the
30th of January, 1734, this house, with the greatest part
of its contents, was destroyed by fire. After this misfortune,
B. Green, Jr., formed a copartnership with John
Bushell and Bezoune Allen.[74] The firm of this company
was Green, Bushell & Allen. They printed a number
of small books for the trade, which were very well executed.
They used handsome types, and printed on good paper.
How long this partnership continued, I cannot say; it was
dissolved before 1751.

In September, 1751, Green with his printing materials
removed to Halifax, Nova Scotia, intending to establish a
press in that place; but he died in about five weeks after
his arrival there, at the age of fifty-two years. On his
decease, his late partner Bushell went to Halifax, and
commenced business with Green's press.

Green left several children, and two of his sons were
printers. Bartholomew, the eldest of them, never had a
press of his own. The following peculiarity in his character
introduced him to a particular intercourse with the
merchants of the town; he made himself so well acquainted
with every vessel which sailed out of the port of Boston,

as to know each at sight. Perpetually on the watch, as
soon as a vessel could be discovered with a spyglass in
the harbor, he knew it, and gave immediate information
to the owner; and, by the small fees for this kind of
information, he principally maintained himself for several
years. Afterwards he had some office in the custom house.
John, another son, will be mentioned hereafter. One of
the daughters of Green was the mother of Mr. Joseph
Dennie, formerly editor of The Farmer's Museum, at Walpole,
New Hampshire, and also of The Port Folio, published
at Philadelphia. Mr. Dennie was reckoned among
the first scholars in the belles-lettres, which our country
has produced.

Gamaliel Rogers served his apprenticeship with Bartholomew
Green the elder. About the year 1729, he
began business in a printing house near the Mill Bridge.
He printed for the booksellers. In 1742, he commenced
a partnership with Daniel Fowle, under the firm of Rogers
& Fowle. They opened a printing house in Prison lane,
for some time called Queen street, and now named Court
street. For those times they entered largely into business,
and the books they printed, in magnitude and variety,
exceeded the usual works of the country. A number of
octavo and duodecimo volumes issued from their house; and
their printing was executed with accuracy and neatness.
Several of these books were printed on their own account.

In 1743, they issued The American Magazine. It was
published in numbers, monthly, printed in a handsome
manner, and in its execution was deemed equal to any work
of the kind then published in London. Several respectable
booksellers were interested in this magazine. It was
continued for three years.

In the beginning of the year 1748, they commenced the
publication of a newspaper entitled The Independent Advertiser.

A number of able writers supported and enlivened
this publication. Its prominent features were political.
In 1750, they closed the business of the firm, and the
Independent Advertiser was then discontinued.

During the partnership of Rogers and Fowle, they
printed an edition of about two thousand copies of the
New Testament, 12mo, for D. Henchman and two or
three other principal booksellers, as has been already
observed. This impression of the Testament, the first in
the English language printed in this country, was, as I
have been informed, completed at the press before Kneeland
and Green began the edition of the Bible which has
been mentioned. Zechariah Fowle, with whom I served
my apprenticeship, as well as several others, repeatedly
mentioned to me this edition of the Testament. He was,
at the time, a journeyman with Rogers and Fowle, and
worked at the press. He informed me that, on account
of the weakness of his constitution, he greatly injured his
health by the performance. Privacy in the business was
necessary; and as few hands were intrusted with the
secret, the press work was, as he thought, very laborious.
I mention these minute circumstances in proof that an
edition of the Testament did issue from the office of Rogers
and Fowle, because I have heard that the fact has been
disputed.

Rogers and Fowle were correct printers. They used
good types, paper, and excellent ink of their own manufacture.
They were the only printers, I believe, who at
that time could make good ink. The printing ink used
in this country, until later, was chiefly imported from
Europe. In the first stages of printing, printers made
their own ink and types; but the manufacture of types
and ink soon became separate branches of business. Most
of the bad printing in the United States, particularly in
New England, during the revolutionary war, was occasioned

by the wretched ink, and more wretched paper,
which printers were then under the necessity of using.

After the dissolution of the partnership of Rogers and
Fowle, Rogers removed to the west part of the town, then
called New Boston; and there opened a printing house.
For two or three years he did a little business in this place,
when his printing house was, unfortunately, burnt down.
By this accident he was deprived of his press, and the
principal part of his types. Having lost most of his property,
he did no more business as a printer. His spirits
were broken, and he appeared dejected. At an advanced
period of life he opened a small shop opposite to the Old
South church, where he supported his family by retailing
ardent spirits in small quantities, trifling articles of grocery,
and by vending a few pamphlets, the remnant of his stock.
I went myself frequently to his shop, when a minor. He
knew that I lived with a printer, and for this, or some
other reason, was very kind to me; he gave me some
books of his printing, and, what was of more value to me,
good advice. He admonished me diligently to attend to
my business, that I might become a reputable printer. I
held him in high veneration, and often recollected his
instructions, which, on many occasions, proved beneficial
to me.

Rogers was industrious, and an excellent workman; an
amiable, sensible man, and a good Christian. In 1775,
soon after the battle at Bunker's hill, when Boston was
wholly in possession of the British troops, and besieged by
the provincials, Rogers was among a number of the infirm
and invalid inhabitants of that town who obtained permission
from the British general to leave it. He sought an
asylum at Ipswich; removed there, and died at that place
in the autumn of that year, aged 70. He left several
daughters but no sons; two of his daughters married
clergymen; one of them was the wife of the Rev. Elijah

Parsons of East Haddam, in Connecticut, and the other the
second wife of the Reverend Mr. Dana of Ipswich.

John Draper, was the son of Richard Draper, a trader
in Boston. He served his apprenticeship with Bartholomew
Green, Sen., whose daughter he married; and, at the
decease of his father-in-law, occupied his printing house in
Newbury street.

In September, 1731, Draper commenced the publication
of a political paper, entitled The Weekly Rehearsal. It was
printed, according to the custom of those times, on a half
sheet of small paper; and was carried on at the expense
of some gentlemen who formed themselves into a political
or literary club, and wrote for it. At the head of this club
was the late celebrated Jeremy Gridley, Esq.,[75] who was
the real editor of the paper. The receipts for the Rehearsal
never amounted to more than enough to defray the expense
of publication. Draper printed this paper only about a
year and a half, and at the expiration of about four years
it was discontinued.

On the 28th of December, 1732, Bartholomew Green
died, and Draper succeeded him in his business; particularly
as publisher of The Boston Weekly News-Letter. In
1734, he printed the laws of the province. He was afterward
appointed printer to the governor and council, and
was honored with that mark of confidence and favor as
long as he lived.

Draper not only succeeded Bartholomew Green in his
business, but he was heir to his calamities also. On the
night of the 30th of January, 1734, the flames were seen
to burst from his printing house, but too late for any

effectual assistance to be afforded. The fire had kindled
in the interior part of the building, which was burnt to
the ground, and nearly the whole of the printing materials
were destroyed. This loss was in some measure
repaired by the friendship of his brethren of the type, who
loaned to him a press, and several founts of letters, till he
could replace those articles by a new printing apparatus
from England.

He printed a number of books for the trade; but published
only a few small pamphlets for his own sales. He
annually printed Ames's famous Almanac, for himself
and for booksellers; of which about sixty thousand copies
were annually sold in the New England colonies.

Draper owned the house in which he resided. It was
in Cornhill, the east corner of the short alley leading to
the church in Brattle street. He was an industrious and
useful member of society, and was held in estimation by
his friends and acquaintances. He died November 29th,
1762, and was succeeded in business by his son.

The following character of Draper is extracted from the
Boston Evening Post of December 6, 1762:

"On Monday Evening last departed this Life after a
slow and hectic Disorder, having just entered the 61st
Year of his Age, Mr. John Draper, Printer, who for a long
Time has been the Publisher of a News-Paper in this
Town; and by his Industry, Fidelity and Prudence in his
Business, rendered himself very agreeable to the Public.
His Charity and Benevolence; his pleasant and sociable
Turn of Mind; his tender Affection as a Husband and
Parent; his Piety and Devotion to his Maker, has made
his Death as sensibly felt by his Friends and Relations, as
his Life is worthy Imitation."[76]

John Bushell was born in Boston, where he served an
apprenticeship. He began business about the year 1734;
and, as I have been informed, printed The Boston Weekly
Post Boy, during a short period, for Ellis Huske, postmaster.
He was afterward of the firm of Green, Bushell &
Allen. They did but little business while together, and
the connection was dissolved about 1750. Upon the termination
of the partnership, Green, as has been mentioned,
removed to Halifax, Nova Scotia; and, as he died a few
weeks after his arrival, Bushell went to Halifax, and with
Green's apparatus established a press in that place. He
was the first who printed in that province. [See Nova
Scotia.]

Bezoune Allen was, probably, the son of John Allen.
He entered on business, according to report, about the
year 1734; and was, for several years, of the firm of Green,
Bushell and Allen. This copartnership was formed, I
believe, in 1736. I have seen books printed by them as
late as 1745; but I have not discovered that any thing
was printed by Allen separately. They never were in
extensive business; and what they did consisted, principally,
of small works for the booksellers.

Jonas Green was the son of the elder Timothy Green,
who removed from Boston and settled at New London in
1714, and great-grandson of Samuel Green, printer at
Cambridge. He was born at Boston, and served his
apprenticeship with his father in New London. When of
age, he came to Boston, and was several years in the printing
house of his brother, who was then the partner of S.
Kneeland.

I have seen but one book printed by Jonas Green in
Boston, viz.: A Grammar of the Hebrew Tongue, by Judah
Monis, professor of the Hebrew language, at Harvard College,

in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Good judges pronounced
this work to be correctly printed. I have seen a
copy of it in the theological library in Boston, where the
original manuscript is preserved. The Hebrew types
were a cast belonging to the college, which have since
been used in printing Professor Sewall's Hebrew Grammar,
and I suppose are now in the museum of the University.

Green resided several years in Philadelphia; and during
that time was employed in the printing houses of
Bradford and Franklin.

In 1739, as there was not a printer in Maryland, the
legislature of that province employed an agent to procure
one. Green, being well recommended by his employers,
made application to the agent, and obtained the place of
printer to that government. In consequence of the liberal
encouragement he received, he opened a printing house at
Annapolis in 1740. [See printers in Maryland.]

Ebenezer Love. I have not been able to obtain much
information respecting Love. He was born in, or near
Boston, and served his apprenticeship in that town. I
have seen nothing of his printing; but he was known in
Boston as a printer; indeed, I recollect, myself, that, when
a lad, I heard mention made of him; but I cannot ascertain
that he was at any time actively engaged in the printing
business.

In The Boston Evening Post of May 14th, 1770, under the
Boston head, is the following parapraph, viz.: "We hear
from New Providence, that on the 23d of January last,
died there after a few days illness of a Bilious Cholic,
Ebenezer Love, Esq., formerly of this town, Printer. For
a number of years past he had resided at that Island, and
carried on Merchandize; was well esteemed by the Gentlemen
there, and elected a member of their House of
Assembly."

Daniel Fowle was born in Charlestown, near Boston,
and served his apprenticeship with Samuel Kneeland. He
began printing, on his own account, in 1740, "north side
of King street, opposite the town house." In 1742, he,
and Gamaliel Rogers, formed a partnership in business,
under the firm of Rogers & Fowle.[77] A brother of Fowle,
named John, was a silent partner in this firm. They
opened a printing house in Prison lane, the house next but
one to the old stone jail, where the court house now (in
1815) stands. In the account given of Rogers, I have mentioned
the works done by this company; and, particularly,
the New Testament, the American Magazine, and the
newspaper, entitled The Independent Advertiser. In taking
notice of Fowle, therefore, I shall begin with the period
at which the partnership was dissolved, that is, in 1750.
Soon after that event, Fowle opened a printing house on
the south side of Anne street, not far from the Flat conduit,
so called, which at that time stood in Union street.
At the same place he also opened a shop, and kept a small
collection of books for sale. Here he printed a number of
works, chiefly pamphlets, most of which were for his own
sales.

In October, 1754, Fowle, while at dinner, was arrested,
by virtue of an order of the house of representatives,
signed by Thomas Hubbard, their speaker, and taken
before that house, on suspicion of having printed a pamphlet
which reflected upon some of the members. It was
entitled, The Monster of Monsters, by Tom Thumb, Esq.
After an hour's confinement in the lobby, he was brought
before the house. The speaker, holding a copy of the
pamphlet in his hand, asked him, "Do you know any
thing of the printing of this Book?" Fowle requested to
see it; and it was given him. After examination, he

said that it was not of his printing; and that he had not
such types in his printing house. The speaker then asked,
"Do you know any thing relating to the said Book?"
Fowle requested the decision of the house, whether he
was bound to answer the question. No vote was taken,
but a few members answered, "Yes!" He then observed,
that he had "bought some copies, and had sold them at
his shop." This observation occasioned the following
questions and answers, viz:[78]

Question. [By the speaker.] Who did you buy them
of?

Answer. They were, I believe, sent by a young man,
but I cannot tell his name.

Q. Who did he live with?

[Fowle again desired the decision of the house, whether
he was obliged to give the required information, and a
number of individual members again replied, "Yes!"
Upon which Fowle answered]

The young man, I believe, lives with Royall Tyler.

Q. Did you have any conversation with him [Tyler]
about them?

A. I believe I might, in the same manner I had with
many others; not that I thought him the author. It was
never offered me to print.

Q. Did any of your hands assist in doing it?

A. I believe my negro might, as he sometimes worked
for my brother.[79]

Q. Has your brother any help?

A. No.

Q. Did you see any of it whilst printing?

A. Yes.

Q. Whose house was it in?

A. I think it was my brother's.

Q. Where does he live?

A. Down by Cross street.

Q. What is his name?

A. Zechariah.

One of the members then said to Fowle, You do not know
when you lie! Fowle replied, "Begging your pardon, sir,
I know when I lie, and what a lie is as well as yourself."

After this examination, Fowle was again confined for
several hours in the lobby; and from thence, about ten
o'clock at night, was, by order of the house, taken to the
"common gaol," and there closely confined" among thieves
and murderers."[80] He was denied the sight of his wife,
although she, with tears, petitioned to see him; no friend
was permitted to speak to him; and he was debarred the
use of pen, ink and paper.

Royall Tyler, Esq., was arrested, and carried before the
house. When interrogated, he claimed the right of silence,
"Nemo lenetur seipsum accusare," was the only answer he
made. He was committed for contempt; but was soon
released, on a promise that he would be forthcoming
when required.

The house ordered their messenger to take Fowle's brother
Zechariah into custody, with some others; but his
physician gave a certificate of his indisposition, and by
this means he escaped imprisonment.

After two days close confinement. Fowle was taken
to the keeper's house, and told that "He might go!" but
he refused; observing, that as he was confined at midnight
uncondemned by the law, he desired that the authority
which confined, should liberate him, and not thrust him out
privily. He remained with the jailer three days longer;
when learning from a respectable physician, that his wife
was seriously indisposed, that her life was endangered by
her anxiety on account of his confinement, and his friends
joining their persuasion to this call upon his tenderness,
Fowle was induced to ask for his liberation. He was accordingly
dismissed; and here the prosecution ended. He
endeavored to obtain some satisfaction for the deprivation
of his liberty, but he did not succeed in the attempt.

Disgusted with the government of Massachusetts by this
treatment, and being invited by a number of respectable
gentlemen in New Hampshire to remove into that colony,
he accepted their invitation; and, at the close of the following
year, established his press at Portsmouth. He was
the first printer who settled in that province; and, in 1756,
he began the publication of The New Hampshire Gazette.[81]

Fowle was, I believe, the third person whom the
legislature of Massachusetts imprisoned for printing what
was deemed a libel on that body, or on some of its members,
or for publishing heretical opinions, &c.

Living in the family of Daniel Fowle's brother, I early
became minutely acquainted with the whole transaction,
and deep impressions were then made upon my mind in
favor of the liberty of the press. For this liberty I am now
an advocate, but I still, as I ever did, hold the opinion,
that a line should be drawn between the liberty and the
licentiousness of the press. [See New Hampshire.]

Zechariah Fowle. He was born at Charlestown, near
Boston, of very respectable parents, and served his apprenticeship
with his brother Daniel, who was at that period
in partnership with Gamaliel Rogers. The first book
which bears the name of Z. Fowle as printer, was begun
by Rogers and Fowle, viz., Pomfret's Poems, on a new
small pica. On the dissolution of that firm, they assigned
this book over to Z. Fowle, who completed it, and sold
the greater part of the copies, in sheets, to booksellers.
He soon after opened a printing house, and a small shop,
in Middle street, near Cross street, where he printed and
sold ballads and small pamphlets.

Not being much known as a printer, and living in a
street where but little business was transacted, he was
selected by a number of gentlemen, who were in opposition
to the measures of the general court, and particularly
to an excise act, to print a pamphlet entitled, The Monster
of Monsters, satirizing this act, and bearing with some
severity upon individual members of the court. Daniel
was prevailed upon to assist his brother in carrying this
work through the press. Joseph Russell, his apprentice,
then nearly of age, worked at the case, and a negro man
at the press. The pamphlet was small, and appeared without
the name of the printer. It was the custom of that
day to hawk about the streets every new publication.
Select hawkers were engaged to sell this work; and were
directed what answers to give to enquiries into its origin,
who printed it, &c. The general court was at the time in
session. The hawkers appeared on the Exchange with
the pamphlet, bawling out, "The Monster of Monsters!"
Curiosity was roused, and the book sold. The purchasers
inquired of the hawkers, where the Monster came from?
all the reply was, "It dropped from the moon!" Several
members of the general court bought the pamphlet. Its
contents soon excited the attention of the house. Daniel

Fowle, who was suspected to be the printer, was brought
before the house of representatives and examined, as has
been observed.[82] Z. Fowle was then ordered into custody,
and Russell who assisted him. Russell was brought before
the house, examined and released. Z. Fowle hearing
that his brother and Russell were arrested, and that the
officer was in search of him, was instantly seized with a
violent fit of the cholic. His illness was not feigned; he
possessed a slender constitution, was often subject to this
complaint; and, at this time, it was brought on by the fear
of an arrest. When the officer appeared, the attending
physician certified that he was dangerously ill. With this
certificate the officer departed, and Fowle escaped punishment,
the punishment which his brother unjustly experienced.

When Daniel Fowle removed to Portsmouth, Zechariah
took the printing house which he had occupied, in Anne
street. Until the year 1757, Z. Fowle printed little else than
ballads; he then began an edition of the Psalter for the booksellers.
In this work he was aided by two young printers
just freed from their indentures, and to whom Fowle
allowed a proportionate part of the profits of the impression.
One of these, Samuel Draper, a very worthy young man,
became a partner with Fowle after the Psalter was printed.
The firm was Fowle & Draper. They took a house in
Marlborough street, opposite the Founder's Arms; here
they printed, and opened a shop. They kept a great supply
of ballads, and small pamphlets for book pedlers, of
whom there were many at that time. They printed several
works of higher consequence, viz.: an edition consisting
of twenty thousand copies of The Youth's Instructor in
the English Tongue, commonly called the New England
Spelling Book. This school book was in great repute, and

in general use for many years. Janeway's Heaven upon
Earth, octavo, Watts's Psalms, and several smaller duodecimo
volumes, all for the trade. They printed, also, many
pamphlets of various sizes on their own account; and had
full employment for themselves and two lads. Draper was
a diligent man, and gave unremitted attendance in the
printing house. Fowle was bred to the business, but he
was an indifferent hand at the press, and much worse at
the case. He was never in the printing house when he
could find a pretence for being absent.

After the death of John Draper, Richard, his son, took
his kinsman Samuel as a partner, and Fowle again printed
by himself. The business in his printing house was then
principally managed by a young lad, his only apprentice.
Soon after he separated from Draper, he removed to Back
street, where he continued printing and vending ballads
and small books until 1770; at which time Isaiah Thomas
became his partner. This connection was dissolved in
less than three months, and Thomas purchased his press
and types.

Fowle having on hand a considerable stock of the small
articles he usually sold, continued his shop till 1775.
Boston being then a garrison town in the possession of
the British troops, he obtained a permit to leave it, and
removed to Portsmouth, New Hampshire. While in this
place he resided with his brother, and died in his house in
1776.

Fowle was a singular man, very irritable and effeminate,
and better skilled in the domestic work of females, than
in the business of a printing house. His first wife dying in
1759, he married a second; but had no children by either.
Fowle could not be called an industrious man; yet, in
justice to his character, it ought to be mentioned, that he
did business enough to give himself and family a decent
maintenance. Although he did not acquire property, he

took care not to be involved in debt. He was honest in
his dealings, and punctual to his engagements.

Benjamin Edes was born in Charlestown, Oct. 14, 1732.
He began business with John Gill, in the year 1755, under
the firm of Edes & Gill. They continued in partnership
until the commencement of the revolutionary war. Their
printing house, for a time, was in King street, now State
street; they afterward occupied the printing house formerly
kept by Rogers and Fowle, then the second house
west of the Court House in Court street. After the
death of Samuel Kneeland, they removed to the printing
house which he, for about forty years, occupied, and there
they remained until hostilities commenced between the
parent state and the colonies.

Two newspapers had been published, entitled The Boston
Gazette, and were, in succession, discontinued. Edes and
Gill began a new paper under the title of The Boston Gazette,
and Country Journal, which soon gained an establishment,
and became distinguished for the spirited political essays
which appeared in it. They published many political
pamphlets, and for a number of years were appointed
printers to the general court. They did some business
for booksellers. A small number of octavo and duodecimo
volumes were occasionally issued from their press;
but their principal business consisted in the publication or
the Gazette. When the dispute between Great Britain and
her colonies assumed a serious aspect, this paper arrested
the public attention, from the part its able writers took in
the cause of liberty and their country; and it gained a
very extensive circulation. Edes was a warm and a firm
patriot, and Gill was an honest whig[83] .

Soon after the revolutionary war began, the British
troops closed the avenues between Boston and the country;
but Edes fortunately made his escape by night, in a boat,
with a press and a few types.

He opened a printing house in Watertown, where he
continued the Gazette, and printed for the provincial congress
of Massachusetts. Here he found full employment,
and his zeal in the cause of his country animated him to
redoubled diligence.

The printing he executed at Watertown, did not, indeed,
do much credit to the art; but the work, at this time,
done at other presses, was not greatly superior. The war
broke out suddenly, and few of any profession were prepared
for the event. All kinds of printing materials
had usually been imported from England; even ink for
printers had not, in any great quantity, been made in
America. This resource was, by the war, cut off; and a
great scarcity of these articles soon ensued. At that time,
there were but three small paper mills in Massachusetts;
in New Hampshire there were none; and Rhode Island
contained only one, which was out of repair. The paper
which these mills could make fell far short of the necessary
supply. Paper, of course, was extremely scarce, and
what could be procured was badly manufactured, not having
more than half the requisite labor bestowed upon it.
It was often taken from the mill wet, and unsized. People
had not been in the habit of saving rags, and stock for the
manufacture of paper was obtained with great difficulty.
Every thing like rags was ground up together to make a
substitute for paper. This, with wretched ink, and worn
out types, produced miserable printing.

In 1776, Edes returned to Boston, on the evacuation of
the town by the British army. Gill had remained recluse
in Boston during the siege. They now dissolved their

connection, and divided their printing materials. Edes
continued to print for the state several years. In 1779, he
took his two sons Benjamin and Peter into partnership;
their firm was Benjamin Edes & Sons. About three years
after this event Peter began business for himself in Boston,
but was not successful. Benjamin continued with
his father some time longer, and then set up a press and
printed a newspaper in Haverhill, Massachusetts; but he
was not more fortunate than his brother. The father continued
the business alone, and labored along with The Boston
Gazette. This paper had had its day, and it now
languished for want of that support it derived from the
splendid talents of its former writers, some of whom were
dead, some were gone abroad, and others were employed
in affairs of state. It was further depressed and paralyzed
by the establishment of other newspapers, and by the
exertions of another class of writers, who enlivened the
columns of the new journals with their literary productions.

Edes was a man of great industry. At the beginning
of the revolutionary war he had accumulated a very decent
property, which was not lessened when he returned to
Boston, in 1776. At that time he took a good house in
Cornhill, part of which formed the alley leading to Brattle
street; it was next to that formerly owned by John Draper;
but, some years before his death, he moved into a
house which he then owned in Temple street, and hired
a chamber over the shop of a tin plate worker in Kilby
street, where he erected his press.

The rapid depreciation of paper money proved fatal to
the property of Edes, as well as to that of many others.
He had a large family to support; and he continued to
work, as had been his custom, at case and press, until the
infirmities of age compelled him to cease from labor. In
the advanced period of his life competence and ease forsook
him, and he was oppressed by poverty and sickness.

His important services were too soon forgotten by his
prosperous, independent countrymen.

He died December 11, 1803, at the age of seventy-one
years. His second son, Peter Edes, printed at Augusta,
in the district of Maine.[84]

Edes began the Boston Gazette and Country Journal, and
with him it ended. No publisher of a newspaper felt a
greater interest in the establishment of the independence
of the United States than Benjamin Edes; and no newspaper
was more instrumental in bringing forward this
important event than The Boston Gazette. [See Newspapers.]

John Gill, the partner of Benjamin Edes, and the
junior publisher of The Boston Gazette and Country Journal,
was born in Charlestown, Massachusetts. He served his
apprenticeship with Samuel Kueeland, and married one of
his daughters. Gill was a sound whig, but did not possess
the political energy of his partner. He was industrious,
constantly in the printing house, and there worked at
case or press as occasion required. His partnership with
Edes continued for twenty years. They separated at the
commencement of hostilities by the British, in 1775. Gill
remained in Boston during the siege; he did no business,
and thought it prudent to confine himself to his own
house. He had, fortunately, acquired a competency for
the support of his family under that trial.

After the evacuation of Boston, his connection with
Edes ended. They divided their stock, and settled their
concerns. While Edes continued the publication of the
Gazette, Gill issued another paper, entitled The Continental

Journal. Having published this paper several years, he
sold the right of it, in 1785, with his printing materials, to
James D. Griffith.

Gill was brother to the Hon. Moses Gill, who, subsequently
to the revolution, was for several years lieutenant-governor
of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. He
died August 25, 1785, and left several children. The Continental
Journal, which announced to the public the death
of Gill, contains the following observations respecting
him, viz.:

"Capt. John Gill, for disseminating principles destructive
of tyranny, suffered during the siege of this town in
1775, what many other printers were threatened with, a
cruel imprisonment. He, however, was so fortunate as to
survive the conflict; but had the mortification, lately, of
seeing the press ready to be shackled by a stamp act
fabricated in his native state; he, therefore, resigned his
business, not choosing to submit to a measure which
Britain artfully adopted as the foundation of her intended
tyranny in America. His remains were very respectfully
entombed last Monday afternoon." [See Edes.—Boston
Gazette.]

John Green was the son of Bartholomew Green, Jr.,
who died at Halifax, and the great grandson of Samuel
Green of Cambridge. He was born in Boston, served an
apprenticeship with John Draper, whose daughter he
married, and in the year 1755 began business with Joseph
Russell. The firm was Green & Russell. Their press
was established in Tremont street, in a house which was
taken down to make room for Scollay's Buildings. In
August, 1757, they issued from their press a newspaper,
entitled The Boston Weekly Advertiser. They repeatedly
altered the title of this paper, but continued its publication
until 1773, when they sold their right in it, to Mills

and Hicks.[85] In 1758 they removed, and opened a printing
house in Queen street, in the brick building which made
the east corner of Dorset's alley, and nearly opposite to
the Court House. They printed for some time the journals
of the house of representatives, and the laws of the
government. They also did the printing of the custom
house, and published a number of pamphlets; but they
never engaged largely in book work.

A few years after this partnership was formed, Russell
opened an auction office, the profits of which were shared
by the firm. Green managed the printing house, and
Russell the auction room. They continued together until
1775, and by their attention to business acquired a handsome
property.

Green remained in Boston during the siege, and when
the British troops left the town he became interested in
the Independent Chronicle, then published by Powars and
Willis, but his name did not appear. He was a man of
steady habits, true to his engagements, and well respected.
He died November, 1787, aged sixty years. He had no
children. He was, I believe, the last of the descendants
of Samuel Green of Cambridge who printed in this state.

Joseph Russell was born in Boston, served an apprenticeship
with Daniel Fowle, and in 1755, entered into partnership
with John Green.[86] Russell was a good workman
in the printing business; but his talents were more particularly
adapted to the duties of an auctioneer. When
Green and Russell united auctioneering with printing,
Russell took the sole management of the vendue room;
he soon arrived at celebrity in this line, and had more
employment in it than any other person in Boston. When

his partnership with Green was dissolved, he formed a
connection with Samuel Clap; and this company, under
the firm of Russell & Clap, continued the business of
auctioneers till the death of Russell.

Russell was full of life, very facetious, but attentive to
his concerns. Few men had more friends, or were more
esteemed. In all companies he rendered himself agreeable.
He acquired considerable property, but did not
hoard up his wealth, for benevolence was one of his
virtues. He was a worthy citizen, and a friend to his
country. He died at the end of November, 1795, aged
sixty-one years.

Benjamin Mecom was a native of Boston. His mother
was sister of James Franklin and of the celebrated
Benjamin Franklin. Mecom served his apprenticeship
with his uncle Benjamin Franklin at Philadelphia. When
of age, having received some assistance from his uncle,
he went to Antigua, and there printed a newspaper; but
in 1756, he quitted that island, and returned to Boston.
In 1757, he opened a printing house in Cornhill, nearly
opposite to the old brick church. At the same place he
kept a shop and sold books. His first work was a large
edition, thirty thousand copies, of The Psalter, for the
booksellers. He printed these on terms so low, that his
profits did not amount to journeymen's wages. This
edition was two years worrying through his press. After
the Psalter Mecom began to print and publish, on his own
account, a periodical work, which he intended should
appear monthly. It was entitled, The New England Magazine
of Knowledge and Pleasure. It contained about fifty
pages 12mo, but he published only three or four numbers.
These were issued in 1758; but no date either of month
or year appeared in the title page, or in the imprint. In
this magazine were inserted several articles under the

head of Queer Notions. Each number, when published,
was sent about town for sale by hawkers; but few copies
were vended, and the work, of course, was discontinued.

His business was not extensive; he printed several pamphlets
for his own sale, and a few for that of others. He
remained in Boston for a number of years; but when
James Parker & Co., who printed at New Haven, removed
to New York, Mecom succeeded them. Soon afterwards
Dr. Franklin procured Mecom the office of postmaster for
New Haven.

He married in New Jersey, before he set up his press
in Boston. He possessed good printing materials, but
there was something singular in his work, as well as in
himself. He was in Boston several months before the
arrival of his press and types from Antigua, and had much
leisure. During this interval he frequently came to the
house where I was an apprentice. He was handsomely
dressed, wore a powdered bob wig, ruffles and gloves;
gentleman like appendages which the printers of that day
did not assume, and thus apparelled, would often assist,
for an hour, at the press.

An edition of The New England Primer being wanted by
the booksellers, Z. Fowle consulted with Mecom on the
subject, who consented to assist in the impression, on condition
that he might print a certain number for himself.
To this proposal Fowle consented, and made his contract
with the booksellers. Fowle had no help but myself, then
a lad in my eighth year. The impression consisted of ten
thousand copies. The form was a small sixteens, on
foolscap paper. The first form of the Primer being set
up, while it was worked at the press I was put to case to
set the types for the second. Having completed this, and
set up the whole cast of types employed in the work, and
the first form being still at press I was employed as a
fly; that is, to take off the sheets from the tympan as they

were printed, and pile them in a heap; this expedited the
work. While I was engaged in this business, I viewed
Mecom at the press with admiration. He indeed put on
an apron to save his clothes from blacking, and guarded
his ruffles; but he wore his coat, his wig, his hat and his
gloves, whilst working at press; and at case, laid aside
his apron. When he published his magazine with Queer
Notions, this singularity, and some addenda, known to
the trade, induced them to give him the appellation of
Queer Notions. Mecom was, however, a gentleman in his
appearance and manners, had been well educated to his
business, and if queer, was honest and sensible, and called
a correct and good printer. [See New Haven, Philadelphia,
Antigua.]

Thomas Fleet, Jr., & John Fleet. They were brothers,
and having learned from their father the art of printing,
succeeded him in business at his house in Cornhill, in
1758. I mention them together, because they commenced
printing in partnership, and continued in connection until
separated by death. They carried on the publication of
The Boston Evening Post until the commencement of the
revolutionary war; when they suspended the publication
of that newspaper, and it was never after resumed. The
impartiality with which the paper was conducted, in those
most critical times, the authenticity of its news, and the
judicious selections of its publishers, gained them great
and deserved reputation.

Both brothers were born in Boston. Their father gave
them a good school education; they were correct printers,
very attentive to their concerns, punctual in their dealings,
good citizens, and much respected. They printed several
works in octavo, and some volumes in duodecimo, on
their own account; and some in connection with other
printers. Their shop was always supplied with smaller

articles for the benefit of their sisters, who were never
married.

They remained in Boston during the siege; and, afterward,
revived the publication of the Massachusetts Register,
which originated with Mein and Fleming some years
before, and had been continued by Mills and Hicks.
Thomas died a bachelor, March 2, 1797, aged sixty-five
years. John was married; he died March 18,1806, aged
seventy-one, and left several children; one of whom, by the
name of Thomas, was a printer in Boston at the same house
in which his grandfather began the The Boston Evening Post.[87]

Richard Draper. He was the son of John Draper, the
successor of Bartholomew Green, proprietor and printer
of The Boston News Letter. He was brought up a printer
by his father, continued with him after he became of age,
and, for some years before his father's death, was a silent
partner with him. On the death of his father, Richard
continued the News Letter. He was early appointed to
the office of printer to the governor and council, which he
retained during life. His paper was devoted to the government;

and, in the controversy between Great Britain
and the American colonies, strongly supported the royal
cause. He added the little of The Massachusetts Gazette, to
The Boston News Letter, and decorated it with the king's
arms.[88] Many able advocates for the government filled the
columns of the News Letter, but the opposition papers
were supported by writers at least equally powerful, and
more numerous.

The constitution of Richard Draper was very feeble, and
he was often confined by sickness. Soon after his father's
death, he took his kinsman, Samuel Draper, who was
connected with Z. Fowle, into partnership, under the firm
of R. & S. Draper. Samuel was not permitted to share
in the honor of printing for the governor and council.
In all the work done for them, Richard's name alone
appeared as printer. Samuel Draper died a few years
after this connection was formed.

Richard Draper, having been successful in his business,
erected a handsome brick house, on a convenient spot in
front of the old printing house in Newbury street, in which
he resided. He was attentive to his affairs, and was
esteemed the best compiler of news of his day. He died
June 6, 1774, aged forty-seven years. He left no children,
and was succeeded by his widow.

Draper, alone, did very little book printing; but he was
concerned with Edes & Gill, and the Fleets, in publishing
several volumes of sermons, etc. One month preceding
his death, he commenced a limited copartnership with
John Boyle. Boyle's name appeared in the Gazette with
Draper's, whose ill health rendering him unable to attent
closely to business, Boyle undertook the chief care and

management of it. The following sketch of the character
of Richard Draper is taken from the Everting Post of June
13, 1774.

"He was a man remarkable for the amiable delicacy of
his mind, and gentleness of his manners. A habit enfeebled
and emaciated by remorseless disease, and. unremitted
distress, could never banish the smile from his
countenance. A well founded confidence in the mercies
of his God, and the happy consciousness of a life well
spent, smoothed the pillow of anguish, and irradiated the
gloom of death with the promise of succeeding joy; in
every relation he sustained in life, his endearing manners
and inflexible integrity rendered him truly exemplary."

Samuel Draper was the nephew and apprentice of John
Draper. He was born at Martha's Vineyard. In 1758,
soon after he became of age, he went into trade with
Zechariah Fowle, who stood in much need of a partner
like Draper. Their connection was mutually advantageous.
Fowle had been in business seven years; but had
made no progress in the advancement of his fortune.
Draper was more enterprising, but had no capital to establish
himself as a printer. He was a young man of correct
habits and handsome abilities. He was industrious,
and, for those times, a good workman. Draper was an
important acquisition to his partner, although Fowle did
not appear to be highly sensible of it. The connection
continued five years; during which time they printed, as
has been remarked, three or four volumes of some magnitude,
a large edition of the Youth's Instructor in the English
Tongue, another of the Psalter; also, a variety of pamphlets,
chapmen's small books, and ballads. They so far succeeded
in trade as to keep free of debt, to obtain a good
livelihood, and increase their stock. Their printing house
was in Marlborough street; it was taken down in

later years, and a new house built on its site, at the
south corner of Franklin street, at the entrance from Marlborough
street.

The articles of copartnership contemplated a continuance
of the connection of Fowle and Draper for seven
years; but, on the death of John Draper, Richard, his
son, succeeded to his business. Richard was often confined
to his house by ill health, and wanted an assistant;
he therefore made liberal proposals to Samuel, which
were accepted; and they entered into partnership. In
pursuance of this new arrangement, the connection between
Fowle and Draper was dissolved; and Draper recommenced
business with a more active and enterprising partner.
S. Draper continued with his kinsman until his
death, which happened March 15, 1767, at the age of
thirty years. While he was in partnership with Fowle, he
married an agreeable young lady, of a respectable family,
by whom he had two daughters. His widow died in 1812.
He had two brothers who were printers, the eldest of
whom, named Richard, died before 1810; the other whose
name was Edward, with a partner, published, for some
time during the war, a newspaper in Boston.

Daniel Kneeland was the son of Samuel Kneeland, and
served his apprenticeship with his father. He began trade
as a bookbinder, in plain work, having been bred to binding
as well as printing. A dispute had arisen between
the printers and booksellers respecting Ames's Almanack,
the particulars of which I do not fully recollect; but, in
substance, it was as follows. John Draper, and his predecessor
Bartholomew Green, had always purchased the
copy of that Almanac, and printed it on their own
account; but they had supplied the booksellers, in sheets,
by the hundred, the thousand, or any quantity wanted.
About the year 1759, this Almanac was enlarged from

sixteen pages on a foolscap sheet to three half sheets.
Draper formed a connection with Green & Russel and T.
& J. Fleet, in its publication. A half sheet was printed at
each of their printing houses; and they were not disposed
to supply booksellers as formerly. The booksellers, immediately
on the publication of the Almanack, had it reprinted;
and soon after a number of the principal of them set up a
printing house for themselves and engaged Daniel
Kneeland, and John his brother, to conduct it for them,
under the firm of D. & J. Kneeland. The Kneelands continued
to print for these booksellers several years, in part
of the building occupied by their father as a printing
house; after which some difficulty arising, the booksellers
put a stop to their press, and divided among them the
printing materials. Daniel Kneeland then dissolved his
connection with his brother John; and, being furnished
with the press, and a part of the types, which had been
owned by the booksellers, he engaged in printing on his
own account, but worked chiefly for the trade.

About the year 1772, Daniel took, as a partner, a young
man by the name of Nathaniel Davis. The firm was
Kneeland & Davis. This company was, in the course of
two or three years, dissolved by the death of Davis.

Kneeland's business before the revolutionary war was
inconsiderable, and it afterward became still more contracted.
He died in May, 1789, aged sixty-eight years.

John Kneeland was another son of Samuel Kneeland,
and he was taught the art by his father. He began printing,
in connection with his brother Daniel, for the booksellers;
for whom they worked during their partnership,
as has been related. When the connection between the
brothers was dissolved, John entered into partnership
with Scth Adams, under the firm of Kneeland & Adams.

They opened a printing house in Milk street, at the corner
of the alley leading to Trinity church.

The principal work of Kneeland & Adams was psalters,
spelling books, and psalm books, for booksellers. Their
partnership continued only a few years. Adams quitted
printing, and became a postrider. J. Kneeland did little,
if any, business, after the commencement of the revolutionary
war. He died in March, 1795, aged sixty-two
years.

William Macalpine was a native of Scotland, where
he was bred to bookbinding. He came to Boston early in
life, and set up the trade of a binder; and, afterward,
opened a shop, for the sale of a few common books, in
Marlborough street, opposite to the Old South church.
His business was soon enlarged by supplies of books from
Glasgow. He removed several times to houses in the
same street. A disagreement taking place between the
booksellers and the printers of Ames's Almanack, the principal
booksellers, who set up a press for themselves, and reprinted
this Almanac,[89] refused to furnish Macalpine
with copies either of their Almanac, or of any books
printed at their press. Macalpine, being thus denied a
supply of Ames's Almanack, both by the original printers
of it and by the booksellers who reprinted it, sent to
Edinburgh for a press and types, and for a foreman to
superintend a printing house. In 1762, he commenced
printing; and, annually, furnished himself with Ames's
Almanack, and other books for his own sales.

John Fleming, previous to his connection with John
Mein, was one or two years concerned with Macalpine in
printing.

Macalpine continued in business until the commencement
of the revolutionary war; he was a royalist, and
remained in Boston during the siege; but he quitted the
town with the British army. He died at Glasgow, Scotland,
in 1788.

John Fleming was from Scotland, where he was brought
up to printing. He came to Boston in 1764; and was,
for a short time, connected with his countryman William
Macalpine. Mein, a bookseller, from Edinburgh, having
opened a very large collection of books for sale, Fleming
separated from Macalpine, and formed a partnership with
Mein. Fleming made a voyage to Scotland, there purchased
printing materials for the firm, hired three or four
journeymen printers, and accompanied by them returned
to Boston. The company then opened a printing
house in Wing's lane, since Elm street, and began printing
under the firm of Mein & Fleming. Fleming was not
concerned with Mein in bookselling. Several books were
printed at their house for Mein, it being an object with
him to supply his own sales; none of them, however, were
of great magnitude. Some of these books had a false
imprint, and were palmed upon the public for London
editions, because Mein apprehended that books printed in
London, however executed, sold better than those which
were printed in America; and, at that time, many purchasers
sanctioned his opinion.

In less than two years after the establishment of this
company they removed their printing materials to Newbury
street. In December, 1767, they began the publication
of a weekly newspaper, entitled, The Boston Chronicle.
This paper was printed on demy, in quarto, imitating, in
its form, The London Chronicle.

The Boston Chronicle obtained reputation; but Mein,
who edited the paper, soon devoted it zealously to the

support of the measures of the British administration
against the colonies; and, in consequence, the publishers,
and particularly Mein, incurred the displeasure and the
resentment of the whigs, who were warm advocates for
American liberty. The publishers were threatened with
the effects of popular resentment. Mein, according to
his deserts, experienced some specimens of it. The
Chronicle was discontinued in May, 1770, and Mein returned
to Europe.

Fleming was less obnoxious. He remained in Boston;
and as the Chronicle had been discontinued, the popular
resentment soon subsided. He married a young lady of
a respectable family in Boston; and soon after his late
partner went to Europe he opened a printing house in
King street, and printed books on his own account. He
issued proposals for publishing Clark's Family Bible in
folio, but did not meet with encouragement.

Fleming continued in Boston until 1773, when he sold
his printing materials to Mills and Hicks, and went to
England with his family. He more than once visited this
country after 1790, as an agent for a commercial house in
Europe; and subsequently resided some time in France,
where he died.

John Mein, of the firm of Mein & Fleming, was born in
Scotland, and there bred to the business of a bookseller.
He had received a good education, was enterprising, and
possessed handsome literary talents. He arrived at Boston,
from Glasgow, in November, 1764, in company with
Mr. Robert Sandeman,[90] a kinsman of Mr. Sandeman of
the same Christian name who for a short time was the

partner of Mein, and a number of other Scotchmen, on a
visit to this country with a view of settling here. Mein
brought with him a good assortment of books, a quantity
of Irish linens and other goods, and opened a shop in
Marlborough street in connection with Sandeman.[91] Their
shop was an old wooden building at the north corner of
the entrance to what is now called Franklin street. Their
firm was Mein & Sandeman.

They continued in company only a few months; and,
when they separated, Mein took a house in King street, at
the corner of the alley leading to the market, and there
opened a large bookstore and circulating library. He
was connected with a bookseller in Scotland, who was
extensively in trade; and, by this means, he was supplied,
as he wanted, with both Scotch and English editions of
the most saleable books. He soon found that a concern
in printing would be convenient and profitable. His
countryman, John Fleming, who was a good printer, was
then in Boston; and with him he formed a connection in
a printing establishment. Fleming went to Scotland, and
procured printing materials, workmen, etc. On his return
they, in 1766, opened a printing house, and printed a
number of books for Mein's sales, and published The Boston
Chronicle, as has been already mentioned.

The Chronicle was printed on a larger sheet than other
Boston newspapers of that day, but did not exceed them
in price. For a time it was well filled with news, entertaining
and useful extracts from the best European publications,
and some interesting original essays. Mein was
doing business to great advantage, but he soon took a

decided part in favor of the obnoxious measures of the
British administration against the colonies, and the
Chronicle became a vehicle for the most bitter pieces,
calumniating and vilifying some of those characters in
whom the people of Massachusetts placed high confidence;
and, in consequence, it lost its credit as rapidly as it had
gained it. Mein, its editor, became extremely odious,
and to avoid the effects of popular resentment, he secreted
himself until an opportunity was presented for a passage
to England. Mein had unquestionably been encouraged,
in Boston, as a partisan and an advocate for the measures
of government. In London, he engaged himself under the
pay of the ministry, as a writer against the colonies; but
after the war commenced he sought other employment.

Seth Adams served his apprenticeship with Samuel
Kneeland. He began printing in Queen street, with John
Kneeland; they afterwards occupied a printing house in
Milk street, at the corner of Boarded alley, since known by
the name of Hawley street. They were three or four
years in business, and printed chiefly for the booksellers.
Adams's father-in-law was the first postrider between Boston
and Hartford. When he died, Adams quitted printing
and continued the occupation of his father-in-law.
He died a few years after.

Ezekiel Russell was born in Boston, and served an
apprenticeship with his brother, Joseph Russell, the partner
of John Green. In 1765, he began printing with
Thomas Furber, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, under
the firm of Furber & Russell. Not succeeding in business,
they dissolved their partnership, and Russell returned to
Boston. He worked with various printers until 1769,
when he procured a press and a few types. With these
he printed on his own account, in a house near Concert

Hall. He afterward removed to Union street, where to the
business of printing he added that of an auctioneer, which
he soon quitted, and adhered to printing. Excepting an
edition of Watts's Psalms, he published nothing of more
consequence than pamphlets, most of which were small.
In November, 1771, he began a political publication entitled
The Censor. This paper was supported, during the
short period of its existence, by those who were in the
interest of the British government.

Russell afterward removed to Salem, and attempted the
publication of a newspaper, but did not succeed. He
again removed, and went to Danvers, and printed in a
house known by the name of the Bell tavern. In a few
years he returned once more to Boston; and, finally, took
his stand in Essex street, near the spot on which grew the
great elms, one of which was then standing, and was called
Liberty tree. Here he printed and sold ballads, and published
whole and half sheet pamphlets for peddlers. In
these small articles his trade principally consisted, and
afforded him a very decent support.

The wife of Russell was indeed an "help meet for him."
She was a very industrious, active woman; and assisted
her husband in the printing house. A young woman who
lived in Russell's family sometimes invoked the muse,
and wrote ballads on recent tragical events, which being
immediately printed, and set off with wooden cuts of
coffins, etc., had frequently "a considerable run."

Russell died in September, 1796, aged fifty-two years.
His wife continued the business.

Isaiah Thomas descended from a respectable family
which had settled near Boston not many years after that
town was founded. His grandfather carried on mercantile
business in that place, in a store which he owned, on
the town dock; and died in the year 1746, leaving four

sons and two daughters, who were all arrived at the age
of maturity. His second son, Moses, lived some time on
Long Island, where he married and had two children;
after which he returned to Boston, and had three more
children; the youngest of whom is the subject of this
memoir.[92]

Moses Thomas having expended nearly all his patrimony,
went away, and died in North Carolina; leaving his
widow in narrow circumstances with five dependent children.
Her friends on Long Island took the charge of providing
for the two who were born there, and had been
left in their care; the others she supported by the profits
of a small shop she kept in Boston. Her diligence and
prudent management ensured success; insomuch that
besides making provision for her family, she was enabled
to purchase a small estate in Cambridge. This place she
afterward unfortunately lost; for being fully possessed
with the idea that the continental paper money, issued
during the revolutionary war, would ultimately be paid
in specie, and having what she thought a very advantageous
offer for her house and land in that kind of currency,
she sold the same, and became one among the number of
unfortunate people who lost nearly the whole of their property
from a misplaced confidence in the paper currency
of the day.

When her son, Isaiah, born at Boston, January 19,
1749, O. S., was six years of age, he was apprenticed by
his mother to Zechariah Fowle; who, as has been already
stated, principally made use of his press in printing

ballads, and by whom he was soon employed to set types;
for which purpose he was mounted on a bench eighteen
inches high, and the whole length of a double frame which
contained cases of both roman and italic. His first essay
with the composing stick, was on a ballad entitled The
Lawyer's Pedigree; which was set in types of the size of
double pica.

He remained eleven years with Fowle; after which
period they separated, in consequence of a disagreement.
On quitting Fowle, in 1765, he went to Nova Scotia, with a
view to go from thence to England, in order to acquire a
more perfect knowledge of his business. He found typography
in a miserable state in that province; and, so far
was he from obtaining the means of going to England,
that he soon discovered that the only printer in Halifax
could hardly procure, by his business, a decent livelihood.
However, he remained there seven months; 'during which
time the memorable British stamp act took effect in Nova
Scotia, which, in the other colonies, met with a spirited
and successful opposition.

The Halifax Gazette was printed by a Dutchman, whose
name was Henry. He was a good natured, pleasant man,
who in common concerns did not want for ingenuity and
capacity; but he might, with propriety, be called a very
unskilful printer. To his want of knowledge or abilities
in his profession, he added indolence; and, as is too often
the case, left his business to be transacted by boys or
journeymen, instead of attending to it himself. His printing
affairs were on a very contracted scale; and he made
no efforts to render them more extensive. As he had two
apprentices, he was not in want of assistance in his printing
house; but Thomas accepted an offer of board for his
services; and the sole management of the Gazette was immediately
left to him. He new modelled the Gazette
according to the best of his judgment, and as far as

the worn out printing materials would admit. It was soon
after printed on stamped paper, made for the purpose in
England. To the use of this paper, "the young New
Englandman," as he was called, was opposed; and, to the
stamp act he was extremely hostile.

A paragraph appeared in the Gazette, purporting that
the people of Nova Scotia were, generally, disgusted with
the stamp act. This paragraph gave great offence to the
officers of government, who called Henry to account for
publishing what they termed sedition. Henry had not
so much as seen the Gazette in which the offensive article
had appeared; consequently he pleaded ignorance; and,
in answer to their interrogatories, informed them that the
paper was, in his absence, conducted by his journeyman.
He was reprimanded, and admonished that he would be
deprived of the work of government, should he, in future,
suffer any thing of the kind to appear in the Gazette. It
was not long before Henry was again sent for, on account
of another offence of a similar nature; however, he escaped
the consequences he might have apprehended, by assuring
the officers of government that he had been confined by
sickness; and he apologized in a satisfactory manner for
the appearance of the obnoxious publication. But his
journeyman was summoned to appear before the secretary
of the province; to whose office he accordingly went. He
was, probably, not known to Mr. Secretary, who sternly
demanded of him, what he wanted?

A. Nothing, sir.

Q. Why came you here?

A. Because I was sent for.

Q. What is your name?

A. Isaiah Thomas.

Q. Are you the young New Englandman who prints for
Henry?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. How dare you publish in the Gazette that the people
of Nova Scotia are displeased with the stamp act?

A. I thought it was true.

Sec. You had no right to think so. If you publish any
thing more of such stuff, you shall be punished. You may
go; but, remember you are not in New England.

A. I will, sir.

Not long after this adventure occurred, a vessel arrived
at Halifax from Philadelphia, and brought some of the
newspapers published in that city.

The Pennsylvania Journal, published the day preceding
that on which the stamp act was to take effect, was in full
mourning. Thick black lines surrounded the pages, and
were placed between the columns; a death's head and
cross bones were surmounted over the title; and at the
bottom of the last page was a large figure of a coffin,
beneath which was printed the age of the paper, and an
account of its having died of a disorder called the stamp
act. A death's head, &c., as a substitute for a stamp, was
placed at the end of the last column on the first page.
Thomas had a strong desire to decorate The Halifax Gazette
in the same manner; but he dared not do it, on account
of his apprehension of the displeasure of the officers of
government. However, an expedient was thought of
to obviate that difficulty, which was to insert in the
Gazette an article of the following import: "We are
desired by a number of our readers, to give a description
of the extraordinary appearance of the Pennsylvania Journal
of the 30th of October last, 1765. We can in no better
way comply with this request, than by the exemplification
we have given of that journal in this day's Gazette." As
near as possible, a representation was made of the several
figures, emblems of mortality, and mourning columns;
all which, accompanied by the qualifying paragraph,

appeared, together in The Halifax Gazette, and made no
trifling bustle in the place.

Soon after this event, the effigy of the stampmaster was
hung on the gallows near the citadel; and other tokens of
hostility to the stamp act were exhibited. These disloyal
actions were done silently and secretly; but they created
some alarm; and a captain's guard was continually stationed
at the house of the stampmaster, to protect him
from those injuries which were expected to befal him. It
is supposed the apprehensions entertained on his account
were entirely groundless. The officers of government had
prided themselves on the loyalty of the people of that
province in not having shown any opposition to the stamp
act. "These things were against them; "and a facetious
officer was heard to repeat to some of his friends, the old
English proverb: "We have not saved our bacon."

An opinion prevailed, that Thomas not only knew the
parties concerned in these transactions but had a hand in
them himself; on which account, a few days after the
exhibition of the stampmaster's effigy, a sheriff went to
the printing house, and informed Thomas that he had a
precept against him, and intended to take him to prison,
unless he would give information respecting the persons
concerned in making and exposing the effigy of the stampmaster.
He mentioned, that some circumstances had produced
a conviction in his mind that Thomas was one of
those who had been engaged in these seditious proceedings.
The sheriff receiving no satisfactory answer to his
inquiries, ordered Thomas to go with him before a magistrate;
and he, having no person to consult, or to give him.
advice, in the honest simplicity of his heart was about to
obey the orders of this terrible alguazil; but being
suddenly struck with the idea that this proceeding might
be intended merely to alarm him into an acknowledgment
of his privity to the transactions in question, he told

the sheriff he did not know him and demanded information
respecting the authority by which he acted. The
sheriff answered, that he had sufficient authority; but on
being requested to exhibit it, the officer was evidently
disconcerted, and showed some symptoms of his not acting
under "the king's authority." However, he answered that
he would show his authority when it was necessary; and
again ordered this "printer of sedition" to go with him.
Thomas answered, he would not obey him unless he
produced a precept, or proper authority for taking him
prisoner. After further parley the sheriff left him, with
an assurance that he would soon return; but Thomas saw
him no more; and he afterward learned that this was a
plan concerted for the purpose of surprising him into a
confession.

A short time before the exhibition of the effigy of the
stampmaster, Henry had received from the stamp-office
the whole stock of paper that was sent ready stamped
from England for the use of the Gazette. The quantity
did not exceed six or eight reams; but as only three
quires were wanted weekly for the newspaper, it would
have sufficed for the purpose intended twelve months.
It was not many weeks after the sheriff, already mentioned,
made his exit from the printing house, when
it was discovered that this paper was divested of the
stamps; not one remained; they had been cut off and
destroyed. On this occasion, an article appeared in the
Gazette, announcing that "all the stamped paper for the
Gazette was used, and as no more could be had, it would
in future he published without stamps."

In March, 1767, Thomas quitted Halifax, and went to
New Hampshire; where he worked, for some time, in the
printing houses of Daniel Fowle, and Furber & Russell,
In July following he returned to Boston. There he remained

several months, in the employ of his old master,
Z. Fowle.

Receiving an invitation from the captain of a vessel to go
to "Wilmington, in North Carolina, where he was assured a
printer was wanted, he arranged his affairs with Fowle,
again left him, by agreement, and went to Newport. There
he waited on Martin Howard, Esq., chief justice of North
Carolina, who was then at that place, and was about departing
for Wilmington. To this gentleman he made
known his intention of going to North Carolina, and received
encouragement from the judge, who gave him
assurances of his influence in procuring business for him
at Cape Fear; for which place they sailed in the same
vessel.

A gentleman at Newport also favored him with a letter
of recommendation to Robert "Wells, printer, in Charleston,
South Carolina.

When he arrived at Wilmington, he, in pursuance of
advice from Judge Howard, and several other gentlemen,
waited on Governor Tryon, then at that place. The
governor encouraged him to settle there, and flattered him
that he would be favored with a part of the printing for
government. But as a printer he labored under no inconsiderable
difficulty, that is, he had neither press, nor types,
nor money to purchase them.

It happened that Andrew Steuart, a printer, was then
at "Wilmington, who had a press with two or three very
small founts of letters for sale. He had printed a newspaper,
and as some work was given him by the government,
he called himself king's printer; but at this period he was
without business, having given great offence to the governor
and the principal gentlemen at Cape Fear. For this
reason he was desirous to sell the materials he had then
in that place, and to return to Philadelphia, where he had
another small printing establishment.

Pursuant to the advice of several gentlemen, Thomas
applied to Steuart, to purchase the press, etc.; but Steuart,
knowing he could not easily be accommodated with these
articles elsewhere, took advantage of his situation, and
demanded about three times as much for them as they
cost when new. After some debate, Steuart lowered his
price to about double the value. Several gentlemen of
Wilmington offered to advance money, on a generous
credit, to enable Thomas to make the purchase. When
Steuart found the money could be raised, he refused to
let the types go without an appendage of a negro woman
and her child, whom he wished to sell before he quitted
the place. An argument ensued; but Steuart persisted
in his refusal to part with the printing materials, unless
the negroes were included in the sale. Thomas, after
advising with friends, agreed to take them, finding he
could dispose of them for nearly the price he was to give
for them. He then thought the bargain was concluded;
but Steuart threw a new difficulty in the way. He had a
quantity of common household furniture, not the better
for wear, which he also wanted to dispose of; and would
not part with the other articles unless the purchaser would
take these also. The furniture was entirely out of Thomas's
line of business, and he had no use for it. He, therefore,
declared himself off the bargain; and afterward, when
Steuart retracted respecting the sale of furniture, Thomas
began to be discouraged by the prospects the place afforded;
he was not pleased with the appearance of the country;
his money was all gone; and his inclination to visit England
was renewed. For these reasons he renounced all
thoughts of settling at Cape Fear at that time; although
a merchant there offered to send to England by the first
opportunity for a printing apparatus, which he would engage
Thomas should have on a long credit.

With a view to go to England, he entered himself as
steward on board a ship bound to the West Indies;
expecting when he arrived there he should easily find an
opportunity to go to London. He did duty on board the
vessel ten days; but imbibing a dislike to the captain, who
was often intoxicated, and attempted to reduce him into a
mere cabin boy, and to employ him about the most servile
and menial offices, he revolted at these indignities, and
procured his discharge. On this occasion he remembered
the recommendation he had received at Newport to a
printer at Charleston; and, finding a packet bound there,
he quitted a very kind friend he had gained at Wilmington,
and after a long passage, in which he met with many
adventures, besides that lamentable one of spending his
last shilling, he arrived at Charleston.

When he presented the letter of recommendation to
Wells, the printer, he had the mortification to learn he
was not in want of a journeyman. However, Wells civilly
employed him at low wages, and soon put him into full
pay. He continued at Charleston two years; and had
nearly completed a contract to go and settle in the West
Indies; but his health declining, he returned to Boston in
1770, after having visited several of the southern colonies.

He now formed a connection with Zechariah Fowle, and
began business by publishing The Massachusetts Spy, a
small newspaper printed three times in a week.

Thomas's partnership with his former master, Fowle,
continued but three months. He then purchased the
printing materials which Fowle had in his possession, and
gave his security to Fowle's creditor for the payment.
Fowle had, during nineteen years, been in possession of
his press and types, and had not paid for them. The
creditor was a near relation by marriage, and had exacted
only the payment of the annual interest of the debt.
Thomas continued the Spy, but altered the publication of

it from three times to twice a week. Each publication contained
a half sheet. After having published it three
months in the new form, he discontinued it in December,
1770. On the 5th of March, 1771, he began another paper
with the same title, which was published weekly, on a large
sheet folio.

It was at first the determination of Thomas that his paper
should be free to both parties which then agitated the
country, and, impartially, lay before the public their
respective communications; but he soon found that this
ground could not be maintained. The dispute between
Britain and her American colonies became more and more
serious, and deeply interested every class of men in the
community. The parties in the dispute took the names of
Whigs and Tories; the tories were the warm supporters of
the measures of the British cabinet, and the whigs the
animated advocates for American liberty. The tories soon
discontinued their subscriptions for the Spy; and the
publisher was convinced that to produce an abiding and
salutary effect his paper must have a fixed character. He
was in principle attached to the party which opposed the
measures of the British ministry; and he therefore announced
that the. Spy would be devoted to the support
of the whig interest.

Some overtures had been previously made by the friends
of the British government to induce him to have the Spy
conducted wholly on their side of the question; and, these
having been rejected, an attempt was made to force a
compliance, or to deprive him of his press and types. It
was known that he was in debt for these articles, and that
his creditor was an officer of government, appointed by
the crown. This officer, notwithstanding he was a very
worthy man, was pushed on to make a demand of payment,
contrary to his verbal agreement, under the apprehension
that the monev could not be raised. When

Thomas assumed the debt of Fowle, he gave his bond,
payable in one year, under an assurance that the capital
might lay as it had done, if the interest annually due should
be punctually paid; and when contrary to stipulation the
capital was demanded, he borrowed money, and paid one
debt by contracting another.

An essay published in the Spy, November, 1771, under
the signature of Mucius Scævola, attracted the attention
of the executive of the province. Governor Hutchinson
assembled his council on the occasion; and, after consultation,
the board determined that the printer should be
ordered before them. In pursuance of this resolution, their
messenger was sent to inform Thomas that his attendance
was required in the council chamber. To this message he
replied, "that he was busily employed in his office, and
could not wait upon his excellency and their honors."
The messenger returned to the council with this answer,
and, in an hour after, again came into Thomas's printing
house and informed him that the governor and council
waited for his attendance; and, by their direction, inquired,
whether he was ready to appear before them. Thomas
answered, that he was not. The messenger went to make
his report to the council, and Thomas to ask advice of a
distinguished law character. He was instructed to persist
in his refusal to appear before the council, as they had no
legal right to summon him before them; but, should a warrant
issue from the proper authority, he must then submit
to the sheriff who should serve such a process upon him.
This was a critical moment; the affair had taken air, and the
public took an interest in the event. The council proceeded
with caution, for the principle was at issue, whether
they possessed authority arbitrarily to summon whom they
pleased before their board, to answer to them for their conduct.
The messenger was, however, the third time sent to
Thomas, and brought him this verbal order.

Mess. The governor and council order your immediate
attendance before them in the council chamber.

T. I will not go.

Mess. You do not give this answer with an intention
that I should report it to the governor and council?

T. Have you any thing written, by which to show the
authority under which you act?

Mess. I have delivered to you the order of the governor
and council, as it was given to me.

T. If I understand you, the governor and council order
my immediate attendance before them?

Mess. They do.

T. Have you the order in writing?

Mess. No.

T. Then, sir, with all due respect to the governor and
council, I am engaged in my own concerns, and shall not
attend.

Mess. Will you commit your answer to writing?

T. No, sir.

Mess. You had better go; you may repent your refusal
to comply with the order of the council.

T. I must abide by the result.[93]

The messenger carried the refusal to the council. The
board for several hours debated the question, whether they
should commit Thomas for contempt; but it was suggested
by some member that he could not legally be committed
unless he had appeared before them; in that case his answers
might have been construed into a contempt of their
body, and been made the ground of commitment. It was
also suggested that they had not authority to compel his
appearance before them to answer for any supposed crime
or misdemeanor punishable by law, as particular tribunals
had the exclusive cognizance of such offences. The supposed

want of authority was, indeed, the reason why a
compulsory process had not been adopted in the first
instance. There were not now, as formerly, licensers of
the press.

The council, being defeated in the design to get the
printer before them, ordered the attorney general to prosecute
him at common law. A prosecution was accordingly
soon attempted, and great effort made to effect his conviction.
The chief justice, at the following term of the
supreme court in Boston, in his charge to the grand jury,
dwelt largely on the doctrine of libels; on the present
licentiousness of the press; and on the necessity of restraining
it. The attorney general presented a bill of indictment
to the grand inquest against Isaiah Thomas for
publishing an obnoxious libel. The Court House was
crowded from day to day to learn the issue. The grand
jury returned this bill, Ignoramus. Foiled by the grand
jury in this mode of prosecution, the attorney general was
directed to adopt a different process; and to file an information
against Thomas. This direction of the court
was soon known to the writers in the opposition, who
attacked it with so much warmth and animation, and
offered such cogent arguments to prove that it infringed
the rights and liberties of the subject, that the court thought
proper to drop the measure. Unable to convict the printer
either by indictment or information in Suffolk, a proposal
was made to prosecute him in some other county, under
the following pretext. The printers of newspapers circulate
them through the province, and of course publish them
as extensively as they are circulated. Thomas, for instance,
circulates the Spy in the county of Essex, and as
truly publishes the libel in that county as in Suffolk where
the paper is printed. The fallacy of this argument was
made apparent; the measure was not adopted, and government
for that time gave over the prosecution; but, on a

subsequent occasion, some attempts of that kind were
renewed.[94]

It became at length, apparent to all reflecting men that
hostilities must soon take place between Great Britain and
her American colonies. Thomas had rendered himself
very obnoxious to the friends of the British administration;
and, in consequence, the tories, and some of the
British soldiery in the town, openly threatened him with
the effects of their resentment. For these and other
reasons, he was induced to pack up, privately, a press and
types, and to send them in the night over Charles river
to Charlestown, whence they were conveyed to Worcester.
This was only a few days before the affair at Lexington.
The press and types constituted the whole of the property
he saved from the proceeds of five years labor. The
remainder was destroyed or carried off by the followers
and adherents of the royal army when it quitted Boston.

On the night of April 18, 1775, it was discovered that a
considerable number of British troops were embarking in
boats on the river near the common, with the manifest
design to destroy the stores collected by the provincials
at Concord, eighteen miles from Boston; and he was
concerned, with others, in giving the alarm. At day
break, the next morning, he crossed from Boston over to
Charlestown in a boat with Dr. Joseph Warren,[95] went to
Lexington, and joined the provincial militia in opposing the
king's troops. On the 20th, he went to Worcester, opened
a printing house, and soon after recommenced the publication
of his newspaper.[96]

The provincial congress, assembled at Watertown, proposed
that Thomas's press should be removed to that
place; but, as all concerns of a public nature were then in
a state of derangement, it was finally determined that his
press should remain at Worcester, and that postriders
should be established to facilitate an intercourse between
that place, Watertown and Cambridge; and at Worcester
he continued to print for congress until a press was
established at Cambridge and at Watertown.

During the time he had been in business at Boston he
had published a number of pamphlets, but not many books
of more consequence. Having made an addition to his
printing materials, in 1773, he sent a press and types to
Newburyport,[97] and committed the management of the
same to a young printer whom he soon after took into
partnership in his concerns in that place; and in December
of the same year, he began the publication of a newspaper
in that town. His partner managed their affairs imprudently,
and involved the company in debt; in consequence
of which Thomas sold out at considerable loss. In January,
1774, he began in Boston the publication of The Royal
American Magazine; but the general distress and commotion
in the town, occasioned by the operation of the act of the
British parliament to blockade the port of Boston, obliged
him to discontinue it before the expiration of the year,
much to the injury of his pecuniary interests. [See Worcester
—Newspapers, &c.]

John Boyle served an apprenticeship with Green &
Russell. He purchased the types of Fletcher of Halifax,
and began business as a printer and bookseller in Marlborough
street in 1771, and printed a few books on his
own account. In May, 1774, Boyle formed a partnership
with Richard Draper, publisher of The Massachusetts

Gazette, or Boston News Letter. Draper died the following
month, but his widow continued the newspaper, &c.
Boyle was in partnership with the widow until August
following; they then dissolved their connection, and Boyle
returned to his former stand.

In 1775, Boyle sold his printing materials, but retained
his bookstore, which he continued to keep in the same
place.[98]

Nathaniel Davis served his apprenticeship with Daniel
Kneeland, and during the year 1772 and 1773 was in
partnership with him; soon after which he died. They
had a small printing house, where Scollay's Buildings now
stand, at the head of Court street.[99] They published a
number of pamphlets, and did some work for booksellers.
[See Daniel Kneeland.]

Nathaniel Mills was born within a few miles of Boston,
and served his apprenticeship with John Fleming.

Mills had just completed his time of service when
Fleming quitted business. John Hicks and Mills were
nearly of an age, and they formed a copartnership under
the firm of Mills & Hicks. The controversy between
Britain and her American colonies at this period assumed
a very serious aspect, and government was disposed to enlist
the press in support of the measures of the British ministry.
Mills & Hicks were urged by the partisans of government
to purchase Fleming's printing materials, and the right
which Green & Russell had in the newspaper entitled
The Massachusetts Gazette, and Boston Post Boy, &c. They
pursued the advice given them; and being by this purchase

furnished with types and with a newspaper, they opened
a printing house in April, 1773, in School street, nearly
opposite to the small church erected for the use of the
French Protestants.[100]

The British party handsomely supported the paper of
Mills & Hicks, and afforded pecuniary aid to the printers.
Several able writers defended the British administration
from the attack of their American opponents; and the
selection of articles in support of government for this
paper as well as its foreign and domestic intelligence displayed
the discernment and assiduity of the compilers.

Mills was a sensible, genteel young man, and a good
printer, and had the principal management of the printing
house. The newspaper was their chief concern; besides
which they printed during the two years they were in Boston
only a few political pamphlets and the Massachusetts Register.
The commencement of hostilities, in April, 1775, put an
end to the publication of their Gazette. Soon after the
war began, Mills came out of Boston, and resided a few
weeks at Cambridge; but returned to Boston, where
he and his partner remained until the town was evacuated
by the British troops. They, with others who had been
in opposition to the country went with the British army
to Halifax, and from thence to Great Britain. After two
years residence in England they came to New York, then
in possession of the British troops.

In New York they opened a stationery store, and did
some printing for the royal army and navy. They afterwards
formed a partnership with Alexander and James
Robertson, who published the Royal American Gazette in
that city. The firm was Robertsons, Mills & Hicks, and
so continued until peace took place in 1783. Mills and
Hicks then returned to Halifax, Nova Scotia; but their

partnership was soon after dissolved, and Mills went and
resided at Shelburne, in that province.

John Hicks was born in Cambridge, near Boston, and
served an apprenticeship with Green & Russell. He was
the partner of Nathaniel Mills. [For particulars respecting
this company see Nathaniel Mills.]

Hicks, previous to his entering into partnership with
Mills, was supposed to be a zealous young whig. He was
reputed to have been one of the young men who had the
affray with some British soldiers which led to the memorable
massacre in King street, Boston, on the 5th of
March, 1770.

Interest too often biasses the human mind. The officers
and friends of government at that time, unquestionably
gave encouragement to the few printers who enlisted
themselves for the support of the British parliament.
Draper's Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News
Letter was the only paper in Boston, when, and for some
time before, Mills & Hicks began printing, which discovered
the least appearance of zeal in supporting the
measures of the British administration against the colonies
—and Draper was the printer to the governor and
council.

The Massachusetts Gazette and Post Boy, &c., printed by
Green & Russell, was a rather dull recorder of common
occurrences. Its publishers, although instigated by printing
for the custom house, and by other profitable work
for government, did not appear to take an active part in
its favor. The dispute with the parent country daily became
more and more important; and it evidently appeared
that the administration deemed it necessary that there
should be a greater number of newspapers zealously devoted
to the support of the cause of Great Britain. It was
therefore decided that Green & Russell should resign the

printing of their Gazette to Mills & Hicks; and these were
animated by extraordinary encouragement to carry it on
with spirit and energy in support of the royal cause. A
number of writers, some of them said to be officers of the
British army, were engaged to give new life and spirit to
this Gazette. Mills & Hicks managed the paper to the
satisfaction of their employers until the commencement
of the revolutionary war, which took place in two years
after they began printing.

The father of Hicks was one of the first who fell in this
war. When a detachment of the British troops marched
to Concord to destroy the public stores collected there by
order of the provincial congress, Hicks's father was among
the most forward to fly to arms, in order to attack this
detachment on its return to Boston, after it had killed a
number of Americans at Lexington, and partially executed
the design of the expedition to Concord; and in the
defence of his country he lost his life.

Notwithstanding this sacrifice of his father on the altar
of liberty, Hicks still adhered to the British, and remained
with the royal army, supporting, as a printer, their cause,
until a peace was concluded by the acknowledgment of
the independence of the United States. When the British
army quitted New York, Hicks, with many other American
loyalists, went with them to Halifax. After remaining
there a few years, he returned to Boston. Having acquired
a very considerable property by his business during the
war, he purchased a handsome estate at Newton, on which
he resided until his death.

Joseph Greenleaf was a justice of the peace for the
county of Plymouth, and lived at Abington, Massachusetts.
He possessed some talents as a popular writer, and in
consequence was advised, in 1771, to remove into Boston,

and write occasionally on the side of the patriots. He furnished
a number of pieces for the Massachusetts Spy.
These displayed an ardent zeal in the cause of American
liberty, and in the then state of the popular mind, amidst
many pungent, and some more elegantly written communications,
they produced a salutary effect.

Not long after he came to Boston, a piece under the
signature of Mucius Scævola, as has been already mentioned,
appeared in the Massachusetts Spy, which attracted
the attention of the governor and council of Massachusetts.
They sent for Thomas, the printer, but he did not appear
before them. Greenleaf who was suspected of being concerned
in the publication of that paper, was also required to
attend in the council chamber; but he did not make his
appearance before that board. The council then advised
the governor to take from Greenleaf his commission as a
justice of the peace, as he "was generally reputed to be
concerned with Isaiah Thomas in printing and publishing
a newspaper called the Massachusetts Spy." Greenleaf was
accordingly dismissed as a magistrate.

In 1773, Greenleaf purchased a press and types, and
opened a printing house in Hanover street, near Concert
Hall. He printed several pamphlets, and An Abridgment of
Burn's Justice of the Peace.

In August, 1774, he continued the publication of The
Royal American Magazine begun by Thomas. The revolutionary
war closed his printing business. Greenleaf was
not bred a printer; but having little property, he set up
a press at an advanced period of his life, as the means of
procuring a livelihood. A son of his, nearly of age, had
learned printing of Thomas,[101] and managed his father's printing
house during the short time he carried on business.

Margaret Draper was the widow of Richard Draper.
She published the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News
Letter after his death. Boyle, who had been connected
with her husband a short time before he died, continued
the management of her printing house for about four
months; and, during that time, his name appeared after
Margaret Draper's in the imprint of the Gazette. At the
expiration of this period their partnership was dissolved.
Margaret Draper conducted the concerns of the printing
house for several months, and then formed a connection
with John Howe, who managed the business of the company,
agreeably to the advice of her friends, whilst she
remained in Boston. She printed for the governor and
council; but the newspaper was the principal work done
in her printing house.

A few weeks after the revolutionary war commenced,
and Boston was besieged, all the newspapers, excepting
her's, ceased to be published; and but one of them, The
Boston Gazette, was revived after the British evacuated the
town. It is noteworthy that The News Letter was the first
and the last newspaper which was published in Boston
prior to the declaration of independence.

Margaret Draper left Boston with the British army, and
went to Halifax: from thence she soon took passage, with
a number of her friends, for England. She received a
pension from the British government, and remained in
England until her death.

John Howe was born in Boston, and there served a
regular apprenticeship at the printing business. His father
was a reputable tradesman in Marshall's lane. In the
account given of Margaret Draper, mention is made
that Howe became connected with her in publishing her
Gazette, etc. He had recently become of age, and was
a sober, discreet young man; Mrs. Draper, therefore, was

induced, a short time before the commencement of the
war, to take him into partnership; but his name did not
appear in the imprint of the Massachusetts Gazette till Boston
was besieged by the continental army. Howe remained
with his partner until they were obliged to leave Boston,
in consequence of the evacuation of the town by the British
troops in March, 1776. He then went to Halifax, where
he published a newspaper, and printed for the government
of Nova Scotia.[102]

Salem

Was the third place in the province of Massachusetts
in which a press was established. The first printing house
was opened in 1768, by Samuel Hall. He was born in
Medford, Massachusetts, served an apprenticeship with his
uncle, Daniel Fowle, of Portsmouth, and first began business
in Newport, in 1763, in company with Anne Franklin,
whose daughter he married.

He left Newport in March, 1768, opened a printing house
in Salem in April following, and began the publication of
The Essex Gazette in August of that year. In three or
four years after he settled in this town, he admitted his
brother, Ebenezer Hall, as a partner. Their firm was
Samuel & Ebenezer Hall. They remained in Salem
until 1775. Soon after the commencement of the war, to
accommodate the state convention and the army, they
removed to Cambridge, and printed in Stoughton Hall,
one of the buildings belonging to Harvard University.

In February, 1776, Ebenezer Hall died, aged twenty-seven

years. He was an amiable young man, and a good
printer. He was born in Medford, and was taught the art
of printing by his brother.

In 1776, on the evacuation of Boston by the British
troops, Samuel Hall removed into that town, and remained
there until 1781, when he returned to Salem. He continued
in Salem until November, 1785; at which time he
again went to Boston, and opened a printing house, and a
book and stationery store, in Cornhill.

In April, 1789, he began printing, in the French
language, a newspaper, entitled Courier de Boston. This
was a weekly paper, printed on a sheet of crown in quarto,
for J. Nancrede, a Frenchman, who then taught the
language of his nation at the university, and was afterward
a bookseller in Boston; but his name did not appear
in the imprint of the paper. Courier de Boston was published
only six months.

After Hall relinquished the publication of a newspaper,
he printed a few octavo and duodecimo volumes, a variety of
small books with cuts, for children, and many pamphlets,
particularly sermons. He was a correct printer, and
judicious editor; industrious, faithful to his engagements,
a respectable citizen, and a firm friend to his country. He
died October 30, 1807, aged sixty-seven years.

Ezekiel Russell has been already mentioned. He
removed from Boston to Salem in 1774, and opened, in
Ruck street, the second printing house established in that
place. In the same year he began the publication of a
newspaper, but did not meet with success. He printed
ballads and small books. Having remained about two
years in Salem, he removed to Danvers, and opened a printing
house; from thence, about the year 1778, he returned
with his press to Boston. [See Boston—Portsmouth, & c.]

John Rogers was born in Boston and served an apprenticeship
there, with William Macalpine. He began the
publication of a newspaper in Salem, at the printing house
of Russell, who was interested in the paper; but it was
printed only a few weeks. After this failure in the attempt
to establish a paper, I do not recollect to have seen Rogers's
name to any publication. He did not own either press
or types.

Mary Crouch was the widow of Charles Crouch, of
Charleston, South Carolina. She left Charleston in 1780, a
short time before that city was surrendered to the British
troops, and brought with her the press and types of her
late husband. She opened a printing house in Salem, near
the east church, where she published a newspaper for a
short time. When she sold her press, &c., she removed to
Providence, Rhode Island, the place of her nativity, and
there resided.

Newburyport.

At the request of several gentlemen, particularly the
late Rev. Jonathan Parsons, a press was first established
in that town, in 1773, by Isaiah Thomas. He opened a
printing house in King street, Newburyport, opposite to
the Presbyterian church. The town was settled at an
early period. In point of magnitude it held the third
rank, and it was the fourth where the press was
established, in the colony. Thomas took as a partner
Henry Walter Tinges. The firm was Thomas & Tinges.
Thomas continued his business in Boston, and Tinges had
the principal management of the concerns at Newburyport.
They there printed a newspaper, and in that work the
press was principally employed. Before the close of a
year, Thomas sold the printing materials to Ezra Lunt, the
proprietor of a stage, who was unacquainted with printing;

but he took Tinges as a partner, and the firm of this company
was Lunt & Tinges. They continued their connection
until the country became involved in the revolutionary
war; soon after which Lunt transferred the press and his
concern in printing to John Mycall. Tinges now became
the partner of Mycall.

The partnership of Mycall & Tinges ended in six
months. The business was then conducted by Mycall,
who soon became so well acquainted with it, as to carry it
on, and continue it on a respectable footing, for about
twenty years; when he quitted printing, and retired to a
farm at Harvard, in the county of Worcester, from whence
he removed to Cambridgeport.[103]

Tinges was born in Boston, was of Dutch parentage,
and served part of his apprenticeship with Fleming, and
the residue with Thomas. He went from Newburyport
to Baltimore, and from thence to sea, but never returned.

Lunt joined the American army, and finally removed to
Marietta. He was a native of Newburyport.

Mycall was not brought up to printing, but he was a
man of great ingenuity. He was born at Worcester, in
England; and was a schoolmaster at Amesbury at the
time he purchased of Lunt. Some years after he began
printing his printing house and all his printing materials
were consumed by fire. Those materials were soon
replaced by a very valuable printing apparatus.

Worcester.

This was the fifth town in Massachusetts in which the
press was established. In 1774, a number of gentlemen
in the county of Worcester, zealously engaged in the cause
of the country, were, from the then appearance of public
affairs, desirous to have a press established in Worcester,

the shire town of the county. In December of that year,
they applied to a printer in Boston, who engaged to open
a printing house, and to publish a newspaper there, in the
course of the ensuing spring.

Isaiah Thomas, in consequence of an agreement with
the gentlemen as above related, to send a press, with a
suitable person to manage the concerns of it, to this town,
in February, 1775, issued a proposal for publishing a
newspaper, to be entitled The Worcester Gazette; or, American
Oracle of Liberty. The war commencing sooner than
was expected, he was obliged to leave Boston, and came himself
to Worcester, opened a printing house, and on the 3d
of May, 1775, executed the first printing done in the town.

Thomas remained at Worcester until 1776, when he let
a part of his printing apparatus, and his newspaper, to
two gentlemen of the bar, William Stearns and Daniel
Bigelow, and with the other part removed to Salem, with
an intention to commence business in that place; but
many obstructions to the plan arising in consequence of
the war, he sold the printing materials which he carried
to that town, and, in 1778, returned to Worcester, took
into possession the press which he had left there, and
resumed the publication of the Spy.

He received his types worn down, and found paper,
wretchedly as it was then manufactured, difficult to be
obtained; but, in a few months, he was fortunate enough
to purchase some new types which were taken in a vessel
from London. After some time he also procured paper
which was superior in quality to what was generally
manufactured at that period; and thus he was enabled to
keep his printing business alive whilst the war continued.

During two or three years he was concerned with Joseph
Trumbull in a medicinal store. On the establishment of
peace, an intercourse was opened with Europe, and he

procured a liberal supply of new printing materials, engaged
in book printing, opened a bookstore, and united the two
branches of printing and bookselling.

In September, 1788, he recommenced printing in Boston,
and at the same time opened a bookstore there. At
first, the business was managed by three partners, under
the firm of I. Thomas & Co.; but one of the partners leaving
the company, Thomas formed a copartnership with
the other, Ebenezer T. Andrews, who had served his
apprenticeship with him, and the house took the firm of
Thomas & Andrews.

In 1793, he set up a press and opened a bookstore at
Walpole, New Hampshire, where he began the publication
of a newspaper entitled The Farmer's Museum.[104]

In 1794, he opened another printing house and a bookstore
at Brookfield, Massachusetts. All these concerns
were managed by partners, and distinct from his business
in Worcester; where he continued to reside, and to carry
on printing and bookselling on his sole account. At
Worcester, he also erected a paper mill, and set up a
bindery; and was thus enabled to go through the whole
process of manufacturing books.

In 1794, he and his partner at Boston extended a branch
of their bookselling business to Baltimore. The house
there established was known as the firm of Thomas,
Andrews & Butler; and, in 1796, they established
another branch of their business at Albany, under the firm
of Thomas, Andrews & Penniman, and there opened a
printing house and bookstore.

The books printed by him at Worcester, and by him
and his partners in other places, form a very considerable
catalogue. At one time they had sixteen presses in use;

seven of them at his printing house in Worcester, and five
at the company's printing house in Boston. They printed
three newspapers in the country, and a magazine in
Boston; and they had five bookstores in Massachusetts,
one in New Hampshire, one at Albany, and one at Baltimore.

Among the books which issued from Thomas's press at
Worcester, were, in 1791, an edition of the Bible, in folio,
with copperplates, and, an edition, in royal quarto, with
a concordance; in 1793, a large edition of the Bible in
octavo; and, in 1797, the Bible in duodecimo. Of this last
size, several editions were printed, as the types, complete
for the work, were kept standing. In 1802, he printed a
second edition of the octavo Bible.

Among the books printed by the company in Boston,
were, The Massachusetts Magazine, published monthly, in
numbers, for five years, constituting five octavo volumes;
five editions of The Universal Geography, in two volumes
octavo, and several other heavy works; also, the Bible in
12mo, numerous editions; the types for which were removed
from Worcester to Boston.

In 1802, Thomas resigned the printing at Worcester to
his son Isaiah Thomas, jun., and soon after, transferred to
him the management of the Massachusetts Spy. His son
continued the publication of that paper, and carried on
printing and bookselling.

[See Boston—Newburyport—Hist. of Newspapers, in
vol. ii.]