University of Virginia Library

Verse 8. Indulgent to his best belov'd.] The Friendship of Achilles and Patroclus is celebrated by all Antiquity: And Homer, notwithstanding the Anger of Achilles was his profess'd Subject, has found the Secret to discover, thro' that very Anger, the softer Parts of his Character. In this View we shall find him generous in his Temper, despising Gain and Booty, and as far as his Honour is not concern'd, fond of his Mistress, and easy to his Friend: Not proud, but when injur'd; and not more revengeful when ill us'd, than grateful and gentle when respectfully treated. “Patroclus (says Philostratus, who probably grounds his Assertion on some ancient Tradition) “was not so much elder than Achilles as to pretend to direct him, but of a tender, modest, and unassuming Nature; constant and diligent in his Attendance, and seeming to have no Affections but those of his Friend.” The same Author has a very pretty Passage, where Ajax is introduced enquiring of Achilles, “Which of all his warlike Actions were the most difficult and dangerous to him? He answers, Those which he undertook for the sake of his Friends. And which (continues Ajax) were the most pleasing and easy? The very same, replies Achilles. He then asks him, Which of all the Wounds he ever bore in Battel was the most painful to him? Achilles answers, That which he receiv'd from Hector. But Hector, says Ajax, never gave you a Wound. Yes, replies Achilles, a mortal one, when he slew my Friend Patroclus.”

It is said in the Life of Alexander the Great, that when that Prince visited the Monuments of the Heroes at Troy, and plac'd a Crown upon the Tomb of Achilles; his Friend Hephæstion plac'd another on that of Patroclus, as an Intimation of his being to Alexander what the other was to Achilles. On which Occasion the Saying of Alexander is recorded; That Achilles was happy indeed, for having had such a Friend to love him living, and such a Poet to celebrate him dead.

Verse 11. No Girl, no Infant, &c.] I know the obvious Translation of this Passage makes the Comparison consist only in the Tears of the Infant, apply'd to those of Patroclus. But certainly the Idea of the Simile will be much finer, if we comprehend also in it the Mother's Fondness and Concern, awaken'd by this Uneasiness of the Child, which no less aptly corresponds with the Tenderness of Achilles on the Sight of his Friend's Affliction. And there is yet a third Branch of the Comparison, in the Pursuit, and constant Application the Infant makes to the Mother, in the same manner as Patroclus follows Achilles with his Grief, till he forces him to take notice of it. I think (all these Circumstances laid together) nothing can be more affecting or exact in all its Views, than this Similitude; which without that Regard, has perhaps seem'd but low and trivial to an unreflecting Reader.

Verse 31. Let Greece at length with Pity touch thy Breast.] The Commentators labour to prove, that the Words in the Original, which begin this Speech, Μη νεμεσα, Be not angry, are not meant to desire Achilles to bear no farther Resentment against the Greeks, but only not to be displeas'd at the Tears which Patroclus sheds for their Misfortune. Patroclus (they say) was not so imprudent to begin his Intercession in that manner, when there was need of something more insinuating. I take this to be an Excess of Refinement: The Purpose of every Period in his Speech is to persuade Achilles to lay aside his Anger; why then may he not begin by desiring it? The whole Question is, whether he may speak openly in favour of the Greeks in the first half of the Verse, or in the latter? For in the same Line he represents their Distress.

'Tis plain he treats him without much Reserve, calls him implacable, inexorable, and even mischievous (for αιναρετη implies no less.) I don't see wherein the Caution of this Speech consists; it is a generous, unartful Petition, whereof Achilles's Nature would much more approve, than of all the Artifice of Ulysses (to which he express'd his Hatred in the ninth Book, V. 310.)

Verse 35.

.------]

Patroclus in mentioning the wounded Princes to Achilles, takes care not to put Agamemnon first, lest that odious Name striking his Ear on a sudden, should shut it against the rest of his Discourse: Neither does he name him last, for fear Achilles dwelling upon it should fall into Passion: But he slides it into the middle, mixing and confounding it with the rest, that it might not be taken too much notice of, and that the Names which precede and follow it may diminish the Hatred it might excite. Wherefore he does not so much as accompany it with an Epithet.

I think the foregoing Remark of Eustathius is very ingenious, and I have given into it so far, as to chuse rather to make Patroclus call him Atreus' Son than Agamemnon, which yet farther softens it, since thus it might as well be imagin'd he spoke of Menelaus, as of Agamemnon.

Verse 61. And thy mere Image chase her Foes away.] It is hard to conceive a greater Complement, or one that could more touch the warlike Ambition of Achilles, than this which Homer puts into the Mouth of Patroclus. It was also an Encomium which he could not suspect of Flattery; since the Person who made it, desires to hazard his Life upon the Security, that the Enemy could not support the Sight of the very Armour of Achilles: And indeed Achilles himself seems to entertain no less a Thought, in the Answer to this Speech, where he ascribes the Flight of Troy to the blazing of his Helmet: a Circumstance wonderfully fine, and nobly exalting the Idea of this Hero's terrible Character. Besides all this, Homer had it in his View to prepare hereby the wonderful Incident that is to ensue in the eighteenth Book, where the very Sight of Achilles from his Ship turns the Fortune of the War.

Verse 101. No longer flames the Lance of Tydeus' Son.] By what Achilles here says, joining Diomede to Agamemnon in this taunting Reflection, one may justly suspect there was some particular Disagreement and Emulation between these two Heroes. This we may suppose to be the more natural, because Diomede was of all the Greeks confessedly the nearest in Fame and Courage to Achilles, and therefore the most likely to move his Envy, as being the most likely to supply his Place. The same Sentiments are to be observ'd in Diomede with regard to Achilles; he is always confident in his own Valour, and therefore in their greatest Extremities he no where acknowledges the Necessity of appeasing Achilles, but always in Council appears most forward and resolute to carry on the War without him. For this reason he was not thought a fit Embassador to Achilles; and upon Return from the Embassy, he breaks into a severe Reflection, not only upon Achilles, but even upon Agamemnon who had sent this Embassy to him. I wish thou hadst not sent these Supplications and Gifts to Achilles; his Insolence was extreme before, but now his Arrogance will be intolerable; let us not mind whether he goes or stays, but do our Duty and prepare for the Battel. Eustathius observes, that Achilles uses this particular Expression concerning Diomede,

because it was the same boasting Expression Diomed had apply'd to himself, Il. 8. V. III. But this having been said only to Nestor in the Heat of Fight, how can we suppose Achilles had Notice of it? This Observation shews the great Diligence, if not the Judgment, of the good Archbishop.

Verse 111. Shall render back the beauteous Maid.] But this is what the Greeks have already offer'd to do, and which he has refus'd; this then is an Inequality in Achilles's Manners. Not at all: Achilles is still ambitious; when he refused these Presents, the Greeks were not low enough, he would not receive them till they were reduced to the last Extremity, and till he was sufficiently reveng'd by their Losses. Dacier.

Verse 113. But touch not Hector .] This Injunction of Achilles is highly correspondent to his ambitious Character: He is by no means willing that the Conquest of Hector should be atchiev'd by any Hand but his own: In that Point of Glory he is jealous even of his dearest Friend. This also wonderfully strengthens the Idea we have of his Implacability and Resentment; since at the same time that nothing can move him to assist the Greeks in the Battel, we see it is the utmost Force upon his Nature to abstain from it, by the fear he manifests lest any other should subdue this Hero.

The Verse I am speaking of,

is cited by Diogenes Laertius as Homer's, but not to be found in the Editions before that of Barnes. It is certainly one of the Instructions of Achilles to Patroclus, and therefore properly placed in this Speech; but I believe better after

than where he has inserted it four Lines above: For Achilles's Instructions not beginning till V. 83.

it is not so proper to divide this material one from the rest. Whereas (according to the Method I propose) the whole Context will lie in this order. Obey my Injunctions, as you consult my Interest and Honour. Make as great a Slaughter of the Trojans as you will, but abstain from Hector. And as soon as you have repuls'd them from the Ships, be satisfy'd and return: For it may be fatal to pursue the Victory to the Walls of Troy .

Verse 115. Consult my Glory, and forbear.] Achilles tells Patroclus, that if he pursues the Foe too far, whether he shall be Victor or Vanquish'd, it must prove either way prejudicial to his Glory. For by the former, the Greeks having no more need of Achilles's Aid, will not render him his Captive, nor try any more to appease him by Presents: By the latter, his Arms would be left in the Enemy's Hands, and he himself upbraided with the Death of Patroclus. Dacier.

Verse 122. Oh would to all, &c.] Achilles from his over-flowing Gall vents this Execration: The Trojans he hates as professed Enemies, and he detests the Grecians as People who had with Calmness overlook'd his Wrongs. Some of the ancient Criticks not entring into the Manners of Achilles, would have expunged this Imprecation, as uttering an universal Malevolence to Mankind. This Violence agrees perfectly with his implacable Character. But one may observe at the same time the mighty Force of Friendship, if for the sake of his dear Patroclus he will protect and secure those Greeks, whose Destruction he wishes. What a little qualities this bloody Wish, is that we may suppose it spoken with great Unreservedness, as in secret, and between Friends.

Mons. de la Motte has a lively Remark upon the Absurdity of this Wish. Upon the Supposition that Jupiter had granted it, if all the Trojans and Greeks were destroy'd, and only Achilles and Patroclus left to conquer Troy, he asks, what would be the Victory without any Enemies, and the Triumph without any Spectators? But the Answer is very obvious; Homer intends to paint a Man in Passion; the Wishes and Schemes of such an one are seldom conformable to Reason; and the Manners are preserv'd the better, the less they are represented to be so.

This brings into my Mind that Curse in Shakespear, where that admirable Master of Nature makes Northumberland, in the Rage of his Passion, wish for an universal Destruction.

Verse 130. Ajax no more, &c.] This Description of Ajax weary'd out with Battel, is a Passage of exquisite Life and Beauty: Yet what I think nobler than the Description itself, is what he says at the end of it, that his Hero even in this Excess of Fatigue and Languor, could scarce be mov'd from his Post by the Efforts of a whole Army. Virgil has copy'd the Description very exactly, Æn. 9.

The Circumstances which I have mark'd in a different Character are Improvements upon Homer, and the last Verse excellently expresses, in the short catching up of the Numbers, the quick, short Panting, represented in the Image. The Reader may add to the Comparison an Imitation of the same Place in Tasso, Canto 9. St. 97.

Verse 148.

]

In the Greek there is added an Explication of this Sign, which has no other Allusion to the Action but a very odd one in a single Phrase, or Metaphor.

Which may be translated,

Chapman endeavours to account for the Meanness of this Conceit, by the gross Wit of Ajax; who seeing the Head of his Lance cut off, took it into his Fancy that Jupiter would in the same manner cut off the Counsels and Schemes of the Greeks. For to understand this far-fetch'd Apprehension gravely, as the Commentators have done, is indeed (to use the Words of Chapman) most dull and Ajantical. I believe no Man will blame me for leaving these Lines out of the Text.

Verse 154. Achilles view'd the rising Flames.] This Event is prepar'd with a great deal of Art and Probability. That Effect which a Multitude of Speeches was not able to accomplish, one lamentable Spectacle, the Sight of the Flames, at length overcomes, and moves Achilles to Compassion. This it was (say the Ancients) that moved the Tragedians to make visible Representations of Misery; for the Spectators beholding People in unhappy Circumstances, find their Souls more deeply touch'd, than by all the Strains of Rhetorick. Eustathius.

Verse 162. He cas'd his Limbs in Brass, &c.] Homer does not amuse himself here to describe these Arms of Achilles at length, for besides that the time permits it not, he reserves this Description for the new Armour which Thetis shall bring that Hero; a Description which will be plac'd in a more quiet Moment, and which will give him all the Leisure of making it, without requiring any Force to introduce it. Eustathius.

Verse 172. Alone untouch'd Pelides' Javelin stands.] This Passage affords another Instance of the Stupidity of the Commentators, who are here most absurdly inquisitive after the Reasons why Patroclus does not take the Spear, as well as the other Arms of Achilles? He thought himself a very happy Man, who first found out, that Homer had certainly given this Spear to Patroclus, if he had not foreseen that when it should be lost in his future unfortunate Engagement, Vulcan could not furnish Achilles with another; being no Joiner, but only a Smith. Virgil, it seems, was not so precisey acquainted with Vulcan's Disability to profess the two Trades; since he has, without any scruple, employed him in making a Spear, as well as the other Arms for Æneas. Nothing is more obvious than this Thought of Homer, who intended to raise the Idea of his Hero, by giving him such a Spear as no other could wield: The Description of it in this Place is wonderfully pompous.

Verse 183. Sprung from the Wind.] It is a beautiful Invention of the Poet to represent the wonderful Swiftness of the Horses of Achilles, by saying they were begotten by the western Wind. This Fiction is truly poetical, and very proper in the way of natural Allegory. However, it is not altogether improbable our Author might have design'd it even in the literal Sense: Nor ought the Notion to be thought very extravagant in a Poet, since grave Naturalists have seriously vouched the Truth of this kind of Generation. Some of these relate as an undoubted Piece of natural History, that there was anciently a Breed of this kind of Horses in Portugal, whose Damms were impregnated by a western Wind: Varro, Collumella, and Pliny, are all of this Opinion. I shall only mention the Words of Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. 8. cap. 42. Constat in Lusitania circa Olyssiponem oppidum, & Tagum amnem, equas Favonio flante obversas animalem concipere spiritum, idque partum fieri & gigni pernicissimum. See also the same Author, l. 4. c. 22. l. 16. c. 25. Possibly Homer had this Opinion in view, which we see has Authority more than sufficient to give it place in Poetry. Virgil has given us a Description of this manner of Conception, Georgic 3.

Verse 186. Swift Pedasus was added to their side.] Here was a necessity for a spare Horse (as in another Place Nestor had occasion for the same) that if by any Misfortune one of the other Horses should fall, there might be a fresh one ready at hand to supply his Place. This is good Management in the Poet, to deprive Achilles not only of his Charioteer and his Arms, but of one of his inestimable Horses. Eustathius.

Verse 194. Grim as voracious Wolves, &c.] There is scarce any Picture in Homer so much in the savage and terrible way, as this Comparison of the Myrmidons to Wolves: It puts one in mind of the Pieces of Spagnolett, or Salvator Rosa: Each Circumstance is made up of Images very strongly colour'd, and horridly lively. The principal Design is to represent the stern Looks and fierce Appearance of the Myrmidons, a gaunt and ghastly Train of raw-bon'd bloody-minded Fellows. But besides this, the Poet seems to have some farther Views in so many different Particulars of the Comparison: Their eager desire of Fight is hinted at by the Wolves thirsting after Water: Their Strength and Vigour for the Battel is intimated by their being fill'd with Food: And as these Beasts are said to have their Thirst sharper after they are gorg'd with Prey; so the Myrmidons are strong and vigorous with Ease and Refreshment, and therefore more ardently desirous of the Combate. This Image of their Strength is inculcated by several Expressions, both in the Simile and the Application, and seems design'd in contraste to the other Greeks, who are all wasted and spent with Toil.

We have a Picture much of this kind given us by Milton, lib. 10. where Death is let loose into the new Creation, to glut his Appetite, and discharge his Rage upon all Nature.

And by Tasso, Canto 10. St. 2. of the furious Soldan cover'd with Blood, and thirsting for fresh Slaughter.

Verse 211. Deriv'd from him whose Waters, &c.] Homer seems resolv'd that every thing about Achilles shall be miraculous. We have seen his very Horses are of celestial Origine; and now his Commanders, tho' vulgarly reputed the Sons of Men, are represented as the real Offspring of some Deity. The Poet thus inhances the Admiration of his chief Hero by every Circumstance with which his Imagination could furnish him.

Verse 220. To her high Chamber.] It was the Custom of those Times to assign the uppermost Rooms to the Women, that they might be the farther remov'd from Commerce: Wherefore Penelope in the Odysseis mounts up into a Garret, and there sits to her Business. So Priam, in the 16th Book, V. 248. had Chambers for the Ladies of his Court, under the Roof of his Palace.

The Lacedæmonians call'd these high Apartments ωα, and as the word also signifies Eggs, 'tis probable it was this that gave occasion to the Fable of Helen's Birth, who is said to be born from an Egg. Eustathius.

Verse 283. And thus the God implor'd.] Tho' the Character of Achilles every where shews a Mind sway'd with unbounded Passions, and entirely regardless of all human Authority and Law; yet he preserves a constant Respect to the Gods, and appears as zealous in the Sentiments and Actions of Piety as any Hero of the Iliad; who indeed are all remarkable this way. The present Passage is an exact Description and perfect Ritual of the Ceremonies on these Occasions. Achilles, tho' an urgent Affair call'd for his Friend's Assistance, would not yet suffer him to enter the Fight, till in a most solemn manner he had recommended him to the Protection of Jupiter: And this I think a stronger Proof of his Tenderness and Affection for Patroclus, than either the Grief he express'd at his Death, or the Fury he shew'd to revenge it.

Verse 285. Dodonæan Jove.] The frequent mention of Oracles in Homer and the ancient Authors, may make it not improper to give the Reader a general Account of so considerable a part of the Grecian Superstition; which I cannot do better than in the Words of my Friend Mr. Stanyan, in his excellent and judicious Abstract of the Grecian History.

“The Oracles were rank'd among the noblest and most religious kinds of Divination; the Design of them being to settle such an immediate way of Converse with their Gods, as to be able by them not only to explain things intricate and obscure, but also to anticipate the Knowledge of future Events; and that with far greater Certainty than they could hope for from Men, who out of Ignorance and Prejudice must sometimes either conceal or betray the Truth. So that this became the only safe way of deliberating upon Affairs of any Consequence, either publick or private. Whether to proclaim War, or conclude a Peace, to institute a new Form of Government, or enact new Laws, all was to be done with the Advice and Approbation of the Oracle, whose Determinations were always held sacred and inviolable. As to the Causes of Oracles, Jupiter was look'd upon as the first Cause of this, and all other sorts of Divination; he had the Book of Fate before him, and out of that reveal'd either more or less, as he pleas'd, to inferior Dæmons. But to argue more rationally, this way of Access to the Gods has been branded as one of the earliest and grossest Pieces of Priestcraft, that obtain'd in the World. For the Priests, whose Dependance was on the Oracles, when they found the Cheat had got sufficient footing, allow'd no Man to consult the Gods without costly Sacrifices and rich Presents to themselves: And as few could bear this Expence, it serv'd to raise their Credit among the common People, by keeping them at an awful distance. And to heighten their Esteem with the better and wealthier sort, even they were only admitted upon a few stated Days: By which the thing appear'd still more mysterious, and for want of this good Management, must quickly have been seen through, and fell to the Ground. But whatever juggling there was as to the religious Part, Oracles had certainly a good Effect as to the Publick; being admirably suited to the Genius of a People, who would join in the most desperate Expedition, and admit of any Change of Government, when they understood by the Oracle it was the irresistible Will of the Gods. This was the Method Minos, Lycurgus, and all the famous Lawgivers took; and indeed they found the People so entirely devoted to this Part of Religion, that it was generally the easiest, and sometimes the only way of winning them into a Compliance. And then they took care to have them deliver'd in such ambiguous Terms, as to admit of different Constructions according to the Exigency of the Times; so that they were generally interpreted to the Advantage of the State, unless sometimes there happen'd to be Bribery, or Flattery in the Case; as when Demosthenes complain'd that the Pythia spoke as Philip would have her. The most numerous, and of greatest Repute were the Oracles of Apollo, who in Subordination to Jupiter, was appointed to preside over, and inspire all sorts of Prophets and Diviners. And amongst these, the Delphian challeng'd the first Place, not so much in respect of its Antiquity, as its Perspicuity and Certainty; insomuch that the Answers of the Tripos came to be used proverbially for clear and infallible Truths. Here we must not omit the first Pythia or Priestess of this famous Oracle in heroic Verse. They found a secret Charm in Numbers, which made every thing look pompous and weighty. And hence it became the general Practice of Legislators, and Philosophers, to deliver their Laws and Maxims in that Dress: And scarce any thing in those Ages was writ of Excellence or Moment but in Verse. This was the Dawn of Poetry, which soon grew into Repute; and so long as it serv'd to such noble Purposes as Religion and Government, Poets were highly honour'd, and admitted into a Share of the Administration. But by that time it arriv'd to any Perfection, they pursu'd more mean and servile Ends; and as they prostituted their Muse, and debased the Subject, they sunk proportionably in their Esteem and Dignity. As to the History of Oracles, we find them mention'd in the very Infancy of Greece; and it is as uncertain when they were finally extinct, as when they began. For they often lost their prophetick Faculty for some time, and recover'd it again. I know 'tis a common Opinion, that they were universally silenc'd upon our Saviour's Appearance in the World: And if the Devil had been permitted for so many Ages to delude Mankind, it might probably have been so. But we are assur'd from History, that several of them continu'd till the Reign of Julian the Apostate, and were consulted by him: And therefore I look upon the whole Business as of human Contrivance; an egregious Imposture founded upon Superstition, and carry'd on by Policy and Interest, till the brighter Oracles of the holy Scriptures dispell'd these Mists of Error and Enthusiasm.”

Verse 285. Pelasgic, Dodonæan Jove.] Achilles invokes Jupiter with these particular Appellations, and represents to him the Services perform'd by these Priests and Prophets, making these Honours paid in his own Country, his Claim for the Protection of the Deity. Jupiter was look'd upon as the first Cause of all Divination and Oracles, from whence he had the Appellation of πανομφαιος, Il. 8. V. 250. The first Oracle of Dodona was founded by the Pelasgi, the most ancient of all the Inhabitants of Greece, which is confirm'd by this Verse of Hesiod, preserv'd by the Scholiast on Sophocles Trachin.

The Oaks of this Place were said to be endu'd with Voice, and prophetic Spirit; the Priests who gave Answers concealing themselves in these Trees; a Practice which the pious Frauds of succeeding Ages have render'd not improbable.

Verse 288. Whose Groves the Selli, Race austere! &c.] Homer seems to me to say clearly enough, that these Priests lay on the Ground and forbore the Bath, to honour by these Austerities the God they serv'd; for he says, σοι ναιουσι ανιττοποδες: and this σοι can in my Opinion only signify for you, that is to say, to please you, and for your Honour. This Example is remarkable, but I do not think it singular; and the earliest Antiquity may furnish us with the like of Pagans, who by an austere Life try'd to please their Gods. Nevertheless I am obliged to say, that Strabo, who speaks very much at length of these Selli in his 7th Book, has not taken this Austerity of Life for an Effect of their Devotion, but for a Remain of the Grossness of their Ancestors; who being Barbarians, and straying from Country to Country, had no Bed but the Earth, and never used a Bath. But it is no way unlikely that what was in the first Pelasgians (who founded this Oracle) only Custom and Use, might be continu'd by these Priests thro' Devotion. How many things do we at this Day see, which were in their Original only ancient Manner, and which are continu'd thro' Zeal and a Spirit of Religion? It is very probable that these Priests by this hard living had a mind to attract the Admiration and Confidence of a People who lov'd Luxury and Delicacy so much. I was willing to search into Antiquity for the Original of these Selli, Priests of Jupiter, but found nothing so ancient as Homer: Herodotus writes in his second Book, that the Oracle of Dodona was the ancientest in Greece, and that it was a long time the only one; but what he adds, that it was founded by an Egyptian Woman, who was the Priestess of it, is contradicted by this Passage of Homer, who shews, that in the time of the Trojan War this Temple was serv'd by Men call'd Selli, and not by Women. Strabo informs us of a curious ancient Tradition, importing, that this Temple was at first built in Thessaly, that from thence it was carry'd into Dodona, that several Women who had plac'd their Devotion there follow'd it, and that in Process of Time the Priestesses used to be chosen from among the Descendents of those Women. To return to these Selli; Sophocles, who of all the Greek Poets is he who has most imitated Homer, speaks in like manner of these Priests in one of his Plays, where Hercules says to his Son Hillus; “I will declare to thee a new Oracle, which perfectly agrees with this ancient one; I my self having enter'd into the sacred Wood inhabited by the austere Selli, who lie on the Ground, writ this Answer of the Oak, which is consecrated to my Father Jupiter, and which renders his Oracles in all Languages.” Dacier.

Verse 288.] Homer in this Verse uses a word which I think singular and remarkable, υποφηται: I cannot believe that it was put simply for προφηται, but am persuaded that this Term includes some particular Sense, and shews some Custom but little known, which I would willingly discover. In the Scholia of Didymus there is this Remark: “They call'd those who serv'd in the Temple, and who explain'd the Oracles render'd by the Priests, Hypothets, or Under-Prophets.” It is certain that there were in the Temples Servitors, or Subaltern Ministers, who for the sake of Gain, undertook to explain the Oracles which were obscure. This Custom seems very well establish'd in the Ion of Euripides; where that young Child (after having said that the Priestess is seated on the Tripod, and renders the Oracles which Apollo dictates to her) addresses himself to those who serve in the Temple, and bids them go and wash in the Castalian Fountain, to come again into the Temple and explain the Oracles to those who should demand the Explication of them. Homer therefore means to shew, that these Selli were, in the Temple of Dodona, those Subaltern Ministers that interpreted the Oracles. But this, after all, does not appear to agree with the present Passage: For, besides that the Custom was not establish'd in Homer's Time, and that there is no Footstep of it founded in that early Age; these Selli (of whom Homer speaks) are not here Ministers subordinate to others, they are plainly the chief Priests. The Explication of this word therefore must be elsewhere sought, and I shall offer my Conjecture, which I ground upon the very Nature of this Oracle of Dodona, which was very different from all the other Oracles: In all other Temples the Priests deliver'd the Oracle which they had receiv'd from their Gods, immediately: But in the Temple of Dodona, Jupiter did not utter his Oracles to his Priests, but to his Selli; he render'd them to the Oaks, and the wonderful Oaks render'd them to the Priests, who declared them to those who consulted them: So these Priests were not properly προφηται, Prophets, since they did not receive those Answers from the Mouth of their God immediately; but they were υποφηται, Under-Prophets, because they receiv'd them from the Mouth of the Oaks, if I may say so. The Oaks, properly speaking, were the Prophets, the first Interpreters of Jupiter's Oracles; and the Selli were υποφηται, Under-Prophets, because they pronounc'd what the Oaks had said. Thus Homer in one single word includes a very curious Piece of Antiquity. Dacier.

Verse 306. Great Jove agrees to half.] Virgil has finely imitated this in his 11th Æneid.

Verse 314. As Wasps, provok'd, &c.] One may observe, that tho' Homer sometimes takes his Similitudes from the meanest and smallest things in Nature, yet he orders it so as by their Appearance to signalize and give Lustre to his greatest Heroes. Here he likens a Body of Myrmidons to a Nest of Wasps, not on account of their Strength and Bravery, but of their Heart and Resentment. Virgil has imitated these humble Comparisons, as when he compares the Builders of Carthage to Bees. Homer has carry'd it a little farther in another Place, where he compares the Soldiers to Flies, for their busy Industry and Perseverance about a dead Body; not diminishing his Heroes by the Size of these small Animals, but raising his Comparisons from certain Properties inherent in them, which deserve our Observation. Eustathius.

This brings into my Mind a pretty rural Simile in Spencer, which is very much in the Simplicity of the old Father of Poetry.

Verse 354. So when thick Clouds, &c.] All the Commentators take this Comparison in a Sense different from that in which it is here translated. They suppose Jupiter is here described cleaving the Air with a Flash of Lightning, and spreading a Gleam of Light over a high Mountain, which a black Cloud held bury'd in Darkness. The Application is made to Patroclus falling on the Trojans, and giving Respite to the Greeks, who were plung'd in Obscurity. Eustathius gives this Interpretation, but at the same time acknowledges it improper in this Comparison to represent the Extinction of the Flames by the darting of Lightning. This Explanation is founded solely on the Expression στεροπηγερετα Ζευς, fulgurator Jupiter, which Epithet is often applied when no such Action is supposed. The most obvious Signification of the Words in this Passage, gives a more natural and agreeable Image, and admits of a juster Application. The Simile therefore seems to be of Jupiter dispersing a black Cloud which had cover'd a high Mountain, whereby a beautiful Prospect, which was before hid in Darkness, suddenly appears. This is applicable to the present State of the Greeks, after Patroclus had extinguish'd the Flames, which began to spread. Clouds of Smoak over the Fleet. It is Homer's Design in his Comparisons to apply them to the most obvious and sensible Image of the thing to be illustrated; which his Commentators too frequently endeavour to hide by moral and allegorical Refinements; and thus injure the Poet more, by attributing to him what does not belong to him, than by refusing him what is really his own.

It is much the same Image with that of Milton in his second Book, tho' apply'd in a very different way.

Verse 390. Amisodarus, who, &c.] Amisodarus was King of Caria; Bellerophon marry'd his Daughter. The Ancients guess'd from this Passage that the Chimæra was not a Fiction, since Homer marks the Time wherein she liv'd, and the Prince with whom she liv'd; they thought it was some Beast of that Prince's Herds, who being grown furious and mad, had done a great deal of Mischief, like the Calydonian Boar. Eustathius.

Verse 433. Yet stops, and turns, and saves his lov'd Allies.] Homer represents Hector, as he retires, making a stand from time to time, to save his Troops: And he expresses it by this single word ανεμιμνε; for αναμιμνειν does not only signify to stay, but likewise in retiring to stop from time to time; for this is the Power of the Preposition ανα, as in the word αναμαχεσθαι, which signifies to fight by fits and starts; αναπαλαιειν, to wrestle several times, and in many others. Eustathius.

Verse 459. From Bank to Bank th'immortal Coursers flew, &c.] Homer has made of Hector's Horses all that Poetry could make of common and mortal Horses; they stand on the Bank of the Ditch foaming and neighing for Madness that they cannot leap it. But the immortal Horses of Achilles find no Obstacle; they leap the Ditch, and fly into the Plain. Eustathius.

Verse 466.

—

, &c.]

The Poet in this Image of an Inundation, takes occasion to mention a Sentiment of great Piety, that such Calamities were the Effects of divine Justice punishing the Sins of Mankind. This might probably refer to the Tradition of an universal Deluge, which was very common among the ancient heathen Writers; most of them ascribing the Cause of this Deluge to the Wrath of Heaven provoked by the Wickedness of Men. Diodorus Siculus, l. 15. c. 5. speaking of an Earthquake and Inundation, which destroyed a great part of Greece in the 101st Olympiad, has these Words. There was a great Dispute concerning the Cause of this Calamity: The Natural Philosophers generally ascribed such Events to necessary Causes, not to any divine Hand: But they who had more devout Sentiments gave a more probable Account hereof; asserting, that it was the divine Vengeance alone that brought this Destruction upon Men who had offended the Gods with their Impiety. And then proceeds to give an Account of those Crimes which drew down this Punishment upon them.

This is one, among a thousand Instances, of Homer's indirect and oblique manner of introducing moral Sentences and Instructions. These agreeably break in upon his Reader even in Descriptions and poetical Parts, where one naturally expects only Painting and Amusement. We have Virtue put upon us by Surprize, and are pleas'd to find a thing where we should never have look'd to meet with it. I must do a noble English Poet the justice to observe, that it is this particular Art that is the very distinguishing Excellence of Cooper's-Hill; throughout which, the Descriptions of Places, and Images rais'd by the Poet, are still tending to some Hint, or leading into some Reflection, upon moral Life or political Institution: Much in the same manner as the real Sight of such Scenes and Prospects is apt to give the Mind a compos'd Turn, and incline it to Thoughts and Contemplations that have a Relation to the Object.

Verse 480.

] It looks at first Sight as if Patroclus was very punctual in obeying the Orders of Achilles, when he hinders the Trojans from ascending to their Town, and holds an Engagement with 'em between the Ships, the River, and the Wall. But he seems afterwards from very haste to have slipt his Commands, for his Orders were that he should drive 'em from the Ships, and then presently return; but he proceeds farther, and his Death is the Consequence. Eustathius.

Verse 512. When now Sarpedon , &c.] The Poet preparing to recount the Death of Sarpedon, it will not be improper to give a Sketch of some Particulars which constitute a Character the most faultless and amiable in the whole Iliad. This Hero is by Birth superior to all the Chiefs of either side, being the only Son of Jupiter engaged in this War. His Qualities are no way unworthy his Descent, since he every where appears equal in Valour, Prudence, and Eloquence, to the most admired Heroes: Nor are these Excellences blemish'd with any of those Defects with which the most distinguishing Characters of the Poem are stain'd. So that the nicest Criticks cannot find any thing to offend their Delicacy, but must be obliged to own the Manners of this Hero perfect. His Valour is neither rash nor boisterous; his Prudence neither timorous nor tricking; and his Eloquence neither talkative nor boasting. He never reproaches the living, or insults the dead: but appears uniform thro' his Conduct in the War, acted with the same generous Sentiments that engaged him in it, having no Interest in the Quarrel but to succour his Allies in Distress. This noble Life is ended with a Death as glorious; for in his last Moments he has no other Concern, but for the Honour of his Friends, and the Event of the Day.

Homer justly represents such a Character to be attended with universal Esteem: As he was greatly honour'd when living, he is as much lamented when dead, as the chief Prop of Troy. The Poet by his Death, even before that of Hector, prepares us to expect the Destruction of that Town, when its two great Defenders are no more: and in order to make it the more signal and remarkable, it is the only Death in the Iliad attended with Prodigies: Even his Funeral is perform'd by divine Assistance, he being the only Hero whose Body is carried back to be interr'd in his native Country, and honour'd with Monuments erected to his Fame. These peculiar and distinguishing Honours seem appropriated by our Author to him alone, as the Reward of a Merit superior to all his other less perfect Heroes.

Verse 522. As when two Vulturs.] Homer compares Patroclus and Sarpedon to two Vulturs, because they appear'd to be of equal Strength and Abilities, when they had dismounted from their Chariots. For this reason he has chosen to compare them to Birds of the same kind; as on another occasion, to image the like Equality of Strength, he resembles both Hector and Patroclus to Lions: But a little after this Place, diminishing the Force of Sarpedon, he compares him to a Bull, and Patroclus to a Lion. He has placed these Vulturs upon a high Rock, because it is their Nature to perch there, rather than in the Boughs of Trees. Their crooked Talons make them unfit to walk on the Ground, they could not fight steadily in the Air, and therefore their fittest Place is the Rock. Eustathius.

Verse 535. Say, shall I snatch him from impending Fate.] It appears by this Passage, that Homer was of Opinion, that the Power of God could over-rule Fate or Destiny. It has puzzled many to distinguish exactly the Notion of the Heathens as to this Point. Mr. Dryden contends that Jupiter was limited by the Destinies, or (to use his Expression) was no better than Book-Keeper to them. He grounds it upon a Passage in the tenth Book of Virgil, where Jupiter mentions this Instance of Sarpedon as a Proof of his yielding to the Fates. But both that and his Citation from Ovid, amounts to no more than that Jupiter gave way to Destiny, not that he could not prevent it; the contrary to which is plain from his Doubt and Deliberation in this Place. And indeed whatever may be inferr'd of other Poets, Homer's Opinion at least, as to the Dispensations of God to Man, has ever seem'd to me very clear, and distinctly agreeable to Truth. We shall find, if we examine his whole Works with an Eye to this Doctrine, that he assigns three Causes of all the Good and Evil that happens in this World, which he takes a particular Care to distinguish. First the Will of God, superior to all.

Secondly, Destiny or Fate, meaning the Laws and Order of Nature affecting the Constitutions of Men, and disposing them to Good or Evil, Prosperity or Misfortune; which the supreme Being, if it be his Pleasure, may over-rule (as he is inclin'd to do in this Place) but which he generally suffers to take effect. Thirdly, our own Free-will, which either by Prudence overcomes those natural Influences and Passions, or by Folly suffers us to fall under them. Odyss. 1. V. 32.

Verse 551.

] The History or Fable received in Homer's Time imported, that Sarpedon was interr'd in Lycia, but it said nothing of his Death. This gave the Poet the Liberty of making him die at Troy, provided that after his Death he was carry'd into Lycia, to preserve the Fable. The Expedient propos'd by Juno solves all; Sarpedon dies at Troy, and is interr'd at Lycia; and what renders this probable, is, that in those Times, as at this Day, Princes and Persons of Quality who dy'd in foreign Parts, were carry'd into their own Country to be laid in the Tombs of their Fathers. The Antiquity of this Custom cannot be doubted, since it was practis'd in the Patriarch's Times: Jacob dying in Egypt, orders his Children to carry him into the Land of Canaan, where he desir'd to be bury'd. Gen. 49. 29. Dacier.

Verse 560. A Show'r of Blood.] As to Showers of a bloody Colour, many both ancient and modern Naturalists agree in asserting the Reality of such Appearances, tho' they account for 'em differently. You may see a very odd Solution of 'em in Eustathius, Note 7 on the 11th Iliad. What seems the most probable, is that of Fromondus in his Meteorology, who observ'd, that a Shower of this kind, which gave great Cause of Wonder, was nothing but a Quantity of very small red Insects, beat down to the Earth by a heavy Shower, whereby the Ground was spotted in several Places, as with Drops of Blood.

Verse 572.

] For the other two Horses of Achilles, Xanthus and Balius, were immortal, as we have already seen in this Book. 'Tis a merry Conceit of Eustathius, that Pedasus is only said to be mortal, because of the three Horses he only was a Gelding. 'Tis pity poor Pedasus had not a better Fate, to have recompensed the Loss of his Immortality.

Verse 605. Glaucus, be bold, &c.] This dying Speech of Sarpedon deserves particular Notice, being made up of noble Sentiments, and fully answering the Character of this brave and generous Prince, which he preserves in his last Moments. Being sensible of approaching Death, without any Transports of Rage, or Desire of Revenge, he calls to his Friend to take care to preserve his Body and Arms from becoming a Prey to the Enemy: And this he says without any regard to himself, but out of the most tender Concern for his Friend's Reputation, who must for ever become infamous if he fails in this Point of Honour and Duty. If we conceive this said by the expiring Hero, his dying Looks fix'd on his wounded disconsolate Friend, the Spear remaining in his Body, and the Victor standing by in a kind of Extasy surveying his Conquest; these Circumstances will form a very moving Picture. Patroclus all this time, either out of Humanity or Surprize, omits to pull out the Spear, which however he does not long forbear, but with it drawing forth his Vitals, puts a Period to this gallant Life.

Verse 637.

]

There seems to be an Oversight in this Place. Glaucus in the twelfth Book had been wounded with an Arrow by Teucer at the Attack of the Wall; and here so long after, we find him still on the Field, in the sharpest Anguish of his Wound, the Blood not being yet stanch'd, &c. In the Speech that next follows to Hector, there is also something liable to Censure, when he imputes to the Negligence of the Trojans the Death of Sarpedon, of which they knew nothing till that very Speech inform'd 'em. I beg leave to pass over these things without exposing or defending them, tho' such as these may be sufficient Grounds for a most inveterate War among the Criticks.

Verse 696. Great Jove—O'er the fierce Armies pours pernicious Night.] Homer calls here by the Name of Night, the Whirlwinds of thick Dust which rise from beneath the Feet of the Combatants, and which hinders them from knowing one another. Thus Poetry knows how to convert the most natural things into Miracles; these two Armies are bury'd in Dust round Sarpedon's Body, 'tis Jupiter who pours upon them an obscure Night, to make the Battel bloodier, and to honour the Funeral of his Son by a greater Number of Victims. Eustathius.

Verse 746. And skill'd in Dancing.] This Stroke of Raillery upon Meriones is founded on the Custom of his Country. For the Cretans were peculiarly addicted to this Exercise, and in particular are said to have invented the Pyrrhic Dance, which was perform'd in compleat Armour. See the forty sixth Note on the thirteenth Book.

Verse 831. Then Sleep and Death, &c.] It is the Notion of Eustathius, that by this Interment of Sarpedon, where Sleep and Death are concern'd, Homer seems to intimate, that there was nothing else but an empty Monument of that Hero in Lycia, for he delivers him not to any real or solid Persons, but to certain unsubstantial Phantoms to conduct his Body thither. He was forced (continues my Author) to make use of these Machines, since there were no other Deities he could with any likelihood employ about this Work; for the Ancients (as appears from Euripides, Hippolyto) had a Superstition that all dead Bodies were offensive to the Gods, they being of a Nature celestial and uncorruptible. But this last Remark is impertinent, since we see in this very Place Apollo is employ'd in adorning and embalming the Body of Sarpedon.

What I think better accounts for the Passage, is what Philostratus in Heroicis affirms, that this alludes to a Piece of Antiquity. “The Lycians shew'd the Body of Sarpedon, strew'd over with Aromatical Spices, in such a graceful Composure, that he seem'd to be only asleep: And it was this that gave Rise to the Fiction of Homer, that his Rites were perform'd by Sleep and Death.”

But after all these refin'd Observations, it is probable the Poet intended only to represent the Death of this favourite Son of Jupiter, and one of his most amiable Characters, in a gentle and agreeable View, without any Circumstances of Dread or Horror; intimating by this Fiction, that he was delivered out of all the Tumults and Miseries of Life by two imaginary Deities, Sleep and Death, who alone can give Mankind Ease and Exemption from their Misfortunes.

Verse 847. Who first, brave Hero! &c.] The Poet in a very moving and solemn way turns his Discourse to Patroclus. He does not accost his Muse, as it is usual with him to do, but enquires of the Hero himself who was the first, and who the last, who fell by his Hand? This Address distinguishes and signalizes Patroclus, (to whom Homer uses it more frequently, than I remember on any other occasion) as if he was some Genius or divine Being, and at the same time it is very pathetical and apt to move our Compassion. The same kind of Apostrophe is used by Virgil to Camilla.

Verse 904. What skilful Divers, &c.] The Original is literally thus. 'Tis pity he is not nearer the Sea, he would furnish good Quantities of excellent Oisters, and the Storms would not frighten him; see how he exercises and plunges from the Top of his Chariot into the Plain! Who would think that there were such good Divers at Troy? This seems to be a little too long; and if this Passage be really Homer's, I could almost swear that he intended to let us know, that a good Soldier may be an indifferent Jester. But I very much doubt whether this Passage be his: It is very likely these five last Verses were added by some of the ancient Criticks, whose Caprices Homer has frequently undergone; or perhaps some of the Rhapsodists, who in reciting his Verses, made Additions of their own to please their Auditors. And what persuades me of its being so, is, that 'tis by no means probable that Patroclus who had lately blam'd Meriones for his little Raillery against Æneas, and told him; “that 'twas not by Raillery or Invective that they were to repel the Trojans, but by Dint of Blows; that Council requir'd Words, but War Deeds:” It is by no means probable, I say, that the same Patroclus should forget that excellent Precept, and amuse himself with Raillery, especially in the Sight of Hector. I am therefore of Opinion that Patroclus said no more than this Verse, Ω ποποι, &c. Good Gods! what an active Trojan it is, and how cleverly he dives, and that the five following are Strangers, tho' very ancient. Dacier.

I must just take notice, that however mean or ill placed these Railleries may appear, there have not been wanting such fond Lovers of Homer as have admir'd and imitated 'em. Milton himself is of this Number, as may be seen from those very low Jests, which he has put into the Mouth of Satan and his Angels in the 6th Book. What Æneas says to Meriones upon his Dancing is nothing so trivial as those Lines, where after the Displosion of their Diabolical Enginry, Angel rowling on Archangel, they are thus derided.

Verse 952. Apollo, dreadful, &c.] If Homer is resolv'd to do any thing extraordinary, or arbitrary, which his Readers may not very well relish, he takes care however to prepare them by degrees for receiving such Innovations. He had before given us a Sketch of this Trick of the Gods in the 13th Book, where Neptune serves Alcathous much in the same manner. Apollo here carries it a little farther; and both these are Specimens of what we are to expect from Minerva at the Death of Hector in Il. 22.

Verse 955. The Death of Patroclus .] I sometimes think I am in respect to Homer much like Sancho Panca with regard to Don Quixote. I believe upon the whole that no Mortal ever came near him for Wisdom, Learning, and all good Qualities. But sometimes there are certain Starts which I cannot tell what to make of, and am forced to own that my Master is a little out of the way, if not quite besides himself. The present Passage of the Death of Patroclus, attended with so many odd Circumstances to overthrow this Hero (who might, for all I can see, as decently have fallen by the Force of Hector) are what I am at a loss to excuse, and must indeed (in my own Opinion) give them up to the Criticks. I really think almost all those Parts which have been objected against with most Clamour and Fury, are honestly defensible, and none of 'em (to confess my private Sentiment) seem to me to be Faults of any Consideration, except this Conduct in the Death of Patroclus; the Length of Nestor's Discourse in Lib. 11. the Speech of Achilles's Horse in the 19th. the Conversation of that Hero with Æneas in Lib. 20. the manner of Hector's Flight round the Walls of Troy, and his Death, in Lib. 22. I hope, after so free a Confession, no reasonable Modern will think me touch'd with the Ομηρομανια of Madam Dacier and others. I am sensible of the Extremes which Mankind run into, in extolling and depreciating Authors: We are not more violent and unreasonable in attacking those who are not yet establish'd into Fame, than in defending those who are, even in every minute Trifle. Fame is a Debt, which when we have kept from People as long as we can, we pay with a prodigious Interest, which amounts to twice the Value of the Principal. Thus 'tis with ancient Works as with ancient Coins, they pass for a vast deal more than they were worth at first; and the very Obscurities and Deformities which Time has thrown upon them, are the sacred Rust, which enhances their Value with all true Lovers of Antiquity.

But as I have own'd what seem my Author's Faults, and subscrib'd to the Opinion of Horace, that Homer sometimes nods; I think I ought to add that of Longinus as to such Negligences. I can no way so well conclude the Notes to this Book as with the Translation of it.

“It may not be improper to discuss the Question in general, which of the two is the more estimable, a faulty Sublime, or a faultless Mediocrity? And consequently, if of two Works, one has the greater Number of Beauties, and the other attains directly to the Sublime, which of these shall in Equity carry the Prize? I am really persuaded that the true Sublime is incapable of that Purity which we find in Compositions of a lower Strain, and in effect that too much Accuracy sinks the Spirit of an Author; whereas the Case is generally the same with the Favourites of Nature, and those of Fortune, who with the best Oeconomy cannot, in the great Abundance they are blest with, attend to the minuter Articles of their Expence. Writers of a cool Imagination are cautious in their Management, and venture nothing, merely to gain the Character of being correct; but the Sublime is bold and enterprizing, notwithstanding that on every Advance the Danger encreaseth. Here probably some will say that Men take a malicious Satisfaction in exposing the Blemishes of an Author; that his Errors are never forgot, while the most exquisite Beauties leave but very imperfect Traces on the Memory. To obviate this Objection I will solemnly declare, that in my Criticisms on Homer and other Authors, who are universally allow'd to be authentic Standards of the Sublime, tho' I have censur'd their Failings with as much Freedom as any one, yet I have not presum'd to accuse them of voluntary Faults, but have gently remark'd some little Defects and Negligences, which the Mind being intent on nobler Ideas did not condescend to regard. And on these Principles I will venture to lay it down for a Maxim, that the Sublime (purely on account of its Grandeur) is preferable to all other kinds of Style, however it may fall into some Inequalities. The Argonauticks of Apollonius are faultless in their kind; and Theocritus hath shewn the happiest Vein imaginable for Pastorals, excepting those in which he has deviated from the Country: And yet if it were put to your Choice, would you have your Name descend to Posterity with the Reputation of either of those Poets, rather than with that of Homer? Nothing can be more correct than the Erigone of Eratosthenes; but is he therefore a greater Poet than Archilochus, in whose Composures Perspicuity and Order are often wanting; the divine Fury of his Genius being too impatient for Restraint, and superior to Law? Again, do you prefer the Odes of Bacchilides to Pindar's, or the Scenes of Ion of Chios to those of Sophocles? Their Writings are allow'd to be correct, polite, and delicate; whereas, on the other Hand, Pindar and Sophocles sometimes hurry on with the greatest Impetuosity, and like a devouring Flame seize and set on Fire whatever comes in their way; but on a sudden the Conflagration is extinguish'd, and they most miserably flag when no body expects it. Yet none have so little Discernment as not to prefer the single Oedipus of Sophocles to all the Tragedies that Ion ever brought on the Stage.

“In our Decisions therefore on the Characters of these great Men, who have illustrated what is useful and necessary with all the Graces and Elevation of Style; we must impartially confess that, with all their Errors, they have more Perfections than the Nature of Man can almost be conceiv'd capable of attaining: For 'tis merely human to excell in other kinds of Writing, but the Sublime ennobleth our Nature, and makes near Approaches to Divinity: He who commits no Faults, is barely read without Censure; but a Genius truly great excites Admiration. In short, the Magnificence of a single Period in one of these admirable Authors is sufficient to attone for all their Defects: Nay farther, if any one should collect from Homer, Demosthenes, Plato, and other celebrated Heroes of Antiquity, the little Errors that have escap'd them; they would not bear the least Proportion to the infinite Beauties to be met with in every Page of their Writings. 'Tis on this account that Envy, thro' so many Ages, hath never been able to wrest from them the Prize of Eloquence which their Merits have so justly acquir'd: An Acquisition which they still are, and will, in all Probability continue possess'd of,

Verse 1003. Lie there, Patroclus ! &c.] There is much Spirit in this Sarcasm of Hector upon Patroclus: Nor is Achilles exempt from the Severity of the Reflection, who (as he imagines) had persuaded his dearest Friend to attempt Exploits that were impracticable. He touches him also, for staying at home in Security himself, and encouraging Patroclus to undertake this perillous Adventure, and to seek after Spoils which he was never like to enjoy. Eustathius.

Verse 1027.

]

It is an Opinion of great Antiquity, that when the Soul is on the point of being delivered from the Body, and makes a nearer Approach to the divine Nature, at such a time its Views are stronger and clearer, and the Mind endow'd with a Spirit of true Prediction. So Artemon of Miletum says in his Book of Dreams, that when the Soul hath collected all its Powers from every Limb and Part of the Body, and is just ready to be severed from it, at that time it becomes Prophetical. Socrates also in his Defence to the Athenians, “I am now arrived at the Verge of Life, wherein it is familiar with People to foretell what will come to pass.” Eustathius.

This Opinion seems alluded to in those admirable Lines of Waller.