University of Virginia Library


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[188] CHAPTER XI.

No sooner had the adventurous advance of Col. Clarke,
and the success with which it was crowned, become known
at Detroit, than preparations were made to expel him
from Kaskaskias, or capture his little army, and thus rid
the country of this obstacle to the unmolested passage of
the savages, to the frontier of Virginia. An army of six
hundred men, principally Indians, led on by Hamilton, the
governor of Detroit—a man at once bold and active, yet
blood-thirsty and cruel, and well known as a chief instigator
of the savages to war, and as a stay and prop of tories—left
Detroit and proceeded towards the theatre of
Clarke's renown. With this force, he calculated on being
able to effect his purpose as regarded Col. Clarke and his
little band of bold and daring adventurers, and to spread
devastation and death along the frontier, from Kentucky
to Pennsylvania. Arriving at Fort St. Vincent,[1] on the
Wabash, about the middle of December, and deeming it
too late to advance towards Kaskaskias, he repaired its
battlements and converting it into a repository for warlike
implements of every description, he detached the
greater part of his force in marauding parties to operate
against the settlements on the Ohio river, reserving for
the security of his head quarters only one company of
men.

While these alarming preparations were being made,
Col. Clarke was actively engaged in acquiring an ascendency
over the neighboring tribes of Indians; and in endeavors
to attach them to the cause of the United States,
from principle or fear. The aid which had been voted
him, fell far short of [189] the contemplated assistance,
and had not yet arrived; but his genius and activity amply
compensated for the deficiency. In the heart of an


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Indian country,—remote from every succour,—and in the
vicinity of powerful and hostile tribes, he yet not only
maintained his conquest and averted injury, but carried
terror and dismay into the very strongholds of the savages.
Intelligence of the movement of Hamilton at length
reached him, and hostile parties of Indians soon hovered
around Kaskaskias. Undismayed by the tempest which
was gathering over him, he concentrated his forces, withdrawing
garrisons from the other towns to strengthen
this, and made every preparation to enable him to endure
a siege, and withstand the assault of a powerful army.
The idea of abandoning the country never occurred to
him. He did not despair of being able to maintain his
position, and he and his gallant band resolved that they
would do it, or perish in the attempt. In this fearful
juncture, all was activity and industry, when the arrival
of a Spanish merchant who had been at St. Vincents
brought information of the reduced state of Hamilton's
army.[2] Convinced that a crisis had now arrived, Clarke
resolved by one bold stroke to change the aspect of affairs,
and instead of farther preparing to resist attack, himself
to become the assailant. For this purpose, a galley,
mounting two four pounders and four swivels, and having
on board a company of men, was despatched, with orders
to the commanding officer, to ascend the Wabash and station
himself a few miles below St. Vincents, allowing no
one to pass him until the arrival of the main army. Garrisoning
Kaskaskias, with militia, and embodying the inhabitants
for the protection of the other towns, Colonel
Clarke set forward on his march across the country, on
the 7th of February, 1779, at the head of one hundred
and thirty brave and intrepid men.[3]


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Such was the inclemency of the weather, and so many
and great the obstacles which interposed, that in despite
of the ardor, perseverance and energy of the troops, they
could yet advance very slowly towards the point of destination.
They were five days in crossing the drowned
lands of the Wabash, and for five miles had to wade
through water and ice, frequently up to their breasts.
They overcame every difficulty and arrived before St. Vincents
on the evening of the twenty-third of February and
almost simultaneously with the galley.

Thus far fortune seemed to favor the expedition. The
army had not been discovered on its march, and the garrison
was totally ignorant of its approach. Much however
yet remained to be done. They had arrived within
view of the enemy, but the battle was yet to be fought.

Sensible of the advantage to be derived from commencing
the attack, while the enemy was ignorant of his
approach, at seven o'clock he marched to the assault. The
inhabitants instead of offering opposition, received the
troops with gladness, and surrendering [190] the town, engaged
with alacrity in the siege of the fort. For eighteen
hours the garrison resisted the repeated onsets of the
assailants; but during the night succeeding the commencement
of the attack, Colonel Clarke had an entrenchment
thrown up within rifle shot of the enemy's strongest
battery, and in the morning, from this position, poured
upon it such a well-directed shower of balls, that in fifteen
minutes he silenced two pieces of cannon without sustaining
any loss whatever. The advantages thus gained, induced
Hamilton to demand a parley, intimating an intention
of surrendering. The terms were soon arranged.
The governor and garrison became prisoners of war, and
a considerable quantity of military stores fell into the
hands of the conqueror.[4]

"Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce
for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any
defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colol. Clark
shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work—

"He further proposes that whatever may pass between them two
and any persons (mutually agreed upon to be) present, shall remain secret,
till matters be finally concluded—

"As he wishes that whatever the result of their conference may be
the honor and credit of each party may be considered, so he wishes to
confer with Colol. Clark as soon as may be—

"As Colol. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the Garrison,
Lt. G. Hamilton will speak with him before the Gate—

Henry Hamilton.

Clark's gruff reply, in rugged, but not unclerical chirography, was
as follows:

"Colonel Clark's Compliments to Mr. Hamilton and begs leave to
inform him that Col. Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that
of Mr. Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at
Discretion—

"If Mr. Hamilton is Desirous of a Conferance with Col. Clark he
will meet him at the Church with Captn. Helms—

G. R. Clark."—R. G. T.

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During the continuance of the siege, Colonel Clarke
received information that a party of Indians which had
been detached by Hamilton to harrass the frontiers, was
returning and then near to St. Vincents with two prisoners.
He immediately ordered a detachment of his men to
march out and give them battle—nine Indians were taken
and the two prisoners released.

History records but few enterprises, which display as
strikingly the prominent features of military greatness,
and evince so much of the genius and daring which are
necessary to their successful termination, as this; while
the motives which led to its delineation, were such, as
must excite universal admiration. Bold and daring, yet
generous and disinterested, Colonel Clarke sought not his
individual advancement in the projection or execution of
this campaign. It was not to gratify the longings of ambition,
or an inordinate love of fame, that prompted him
to penetrate the Indian country to the Kaskaskias, nor
that tempted him forth from thence, to war with the garrison
at St. Vincent. He was not one of


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"Those worshippers of glory,
Who bathe the earth in blood,
And launch proud names for an after age,
Upon the crimson flood."

The distress and sufferings of the frontier of Virginia
required that a period should speedily be put to them,
to preserve the country from ravage and its inhabitants
from butchery. Clarke had seen and participated in that
distress and those sufferings, and put in requisition every
faculty of his mind and all the energies of his body, to alleviate
and prevent them. Providence smiled on his undertaking,
and his exertions were crowned with complete
success. The plan which had been concerted for the ensuing
campaign against the frontier of Virginia, threatening
to involve the whole country west of the Alleghany
mountains in destruction and death, was thus happily
frustrated; and he, who had been mainly instrumental in
impelling the savages to war, and in permitting, if not instigating
them to the commission of the most atrocious
barbarities, was a prisoner in the hands of the enemy. So
justly obnoxious had he [191] rendered himself by his
conduct, that a more than ordinary rigor was practised
upon him; and by the orders of the governor of Virginia,
the governor of Detroit was manacled with irons, and confined
in jail.[5]

Far different was the termination of the enterprise
entrusted to the conduct of General McIntosh. It has
been already seen that the approach of winter forced the
main army to retire to the settlements into winter quarters,
before they were able to accomplish any thing, but
the erection of Fort Laurens.[6] Colonel Gibson, the commandant
of the garrison, though a brave and enterprising
officer, was so situated, that the preservation of the fort,


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was all which he could accomplish; and this was no little
hazard of failure, from the very superior force of the
enemy, and the scarcity of provisions for the subsistance
of the garrison. So soon as the Indians became acquainted
with the existence of a fort so far in their country, they put
in practice those arts which enable them, so successfully to
annoy their enemies.

Early in January, a considerable body of savages approached
Fort Laurens unperceived and before the garrison
was apprised that an Indian knew of its erection.[7] In
the course of the night they succeeded in catching the
horses outside of the fort; and taking off their bells, carried
them into the woods, some distance off. They then
concealed themselves in the prairie grass, along a path
leading from the fort, and in the morning commenced
rattling the bells, at the farther extremity of the line of
ambushment, so as to induce the belief that the horses was
there to be found. The stratagem succeeded. Sixteen
men were sent out to bring in the horses. Allured by the
sound of the bells, they kept the path, along which the
Indians lay concealed, until they found themselves unexpectedly
in the presence of an enemy, who opened upon
them a destructive fire from front and rear. Fourteen
were killed on the spot, and the remaining two were taken
prisoners.


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On the evening of the day on which this unfortunate
surprise took place, the Indian army, consisting of eight
hundred and forty-seven warriors, painted and equipped
for war, marched in single file through a prairie near the
fort and in full view of the garrison, and encamped on an
adjacent elevation on the opposite side of the river. From
this situation, frequent conversations were held by them
with the whites, in which they deprecated the longer continuance
of hostilities, but yet protested against the encroachment
made upon their territory by the whites, the
erection of a fort and the garrisoning soldiers within their
country, not only unpermitted by them, but for some time
before they knew any thing of it. For these infringements
on their rights, they were determined on prosecuting the
war, and continued the investure of the fort, for six weeks.
In this time they became straitened for provisions, and
aware that without a fresh supply of them, they would be
forced to abandon the siege, they sent word to the commander
of the garrison, by a Delaware [192] Indian, calling
himself John Thompson, (who, though with the whites in
the fort, was permitted by both parties to go in and out, as
he choose) that they were desirous of peace, and were willing
to enter into a negotiation, if he would send them a barrel
of flour and some tobacco. Scarce as these articles had
actually become in the garrison, yet Col. Gibson complied
with their request, hoping that they might be induced to
make peace, or withdraw from the fort, and hopeless of
timely succours from the settlements. Upon the receipt of
those presents, the Indians raised the siege and marched
their army off, much to the relief of the garrison, although
they did not fulfil their promise of entering into a treaty.

During the time the Indians remained about the fort,
there was much sickness in the garrison; and when they
were believed to have retired, the commandant detached
Col. Clarke, of the Pennsylvania line,[8] with a party of
fifteen men, to escort the invalids to Fort McIntosh. They
proceeded but a small distance from the gate, where they


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were attacked by some Indians, who had been left concealed
near the fort, for the purpose of effecting farther
mischief. A skirmish ensued; but overpowered by numbers
and much galled by the first fire, Col. Clarke could
not maintain the conflict. With much difficulty, he and
three others reached the fort in safety: the rest of the
party were all killed.

Col. Gibson immediately marched out at the head of
the greater part of the garrison, but the Indians had retreated
as soon as they succeeded in cutting off the detachment
under Col. Clarke, and prudence forbade to proceed
in pursuit of them, as the main army was believed to
be yet in the neighborhood. The dead were however
brought in, and buried with the honors of war, in front of
the fort gate.

In a few days after this, Gen. McIntosh arrived with
a considerable body of troops and a supply of provisions
for the garrison. While the savages were continuing the
siege, a friendly Indian, had been despatched by Col. Gibson
to acquaint Gen. McIntosh with the situation at Fort
Laurens, and that without the speedy arrival of a reinforcement
of men and an accession to their stock of provisions,
the garrison would have to surrender; or seek a
doubtful safety, by evacuating the fort and endeavoring to
regain the Ohio river, in the presence of an overwhelming
body of the enemy. With great promptitude the settlers
flocked to the standard of Gen. McIntosh, and loading
pack horses, with abundance of provisions for the supply
of the garrison at Fort Laurens, commenced a rapid march
to their relief. Before their arrival, they had been relieved
from the most pressing danger, by the withdrawal
of the Indian army; and were only suffering from the
want of flour and meat. A manifestation of the great joy
felt upon the arrival of Gen. McIntosh, had well nigh deprived
them of the benefit to be derived from the provisions
brought for them. When the relief army approached
the fort, a salute was fired by the garrison,
which, alarming the pack horses, caused them [193] to
break loose and scatter the greater part of the flour in


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every direction through the woods, so that it was impossible
to be again collected.

The remains of those, who had unfortunately fallen
into the ambuscade in January, and which had lain out
until then, were gathered together and buried;[9] and a
fresh detachment, under Major Vernon, being left to garrison
the fort, in the room of that which had been stationed
there during winter, Gen. McIntosh, withdrew from
the country and returned to Fort McIntosh. In the ensuing
fall, Fort Laurens was entirely evacuated; the garrison
having been almost reduced to starvation, and it being
found very difficult to supply them with provisions at so
great a distance from the settlements and in the heart of
the Indian country.

During the year 1778, Kentucky was the theatre of
many outrages. In January, a party of thirty men, among
whom was Daniel Boone, repaired to the "Lower Blue
Licks" for the purpose of making salt; and on the 7th of
February, while Boone was alone in the woods, on a hunt
to supply the salt makers with meat, he was encountered
by a party of one hundred and two Indians and two Canadians,
and made prisoner. The savages advanced to the
Licks, and made prisoners of twenty-seven of those engaged
in making salt.[10] Their object in this incursion, was


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the destruction of Boonesborough; and had they continued
their march thither, there is no doubt but that
place, weakened as it was by the loss of so many of its
men and not expecting an attack at that inclement season,
would have fallen into their hands; but elated with their
success, the Indians marched directly back with their
prisoners to Chillicothe. The extreme suffering of the

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prisoners, during this march, inspired the savages with
pity, and induced them to exercise an unusual lenity
towards their captives. In March, Boone was carried to
Detroit, where the Indians refused to liberate him, though
an hundred pounds were offered for his ransom, and from
which place he accompanied them back to Chillicothe in
the latter part of April. In the first of June, he went with
them to the Scioto salt springs, and on his return found
one hundred and fifty choice warriors of the Shawanee
nation, painting, arming, and otherwise equipping themselves
to proceed again to the attack of Boonesborough.

[194] Hitherto Boone had enjoyed as much satisfaction,
as was consistent with his situation, and more than
would have been experienced by the most of men, in
captivity to the Indians; but when he found such great
preparations making for an attack on the place which
contained all that he held most dear, his love of family,
his attachment to the village reared under his superintending
hand, and to its inhabitants protected by his fostering
care, determined him to attempt an immediate
escape. Early on the morning of the 16th of June, he
went forth as usual to hunt. He had secreted as much
food as would serve him for one meal, and with this
scanty supply, he resolved on finding his way home. On
the 20th, having travelled a distance of one hundred and
sixty miles, crossed the Ohio and other rivers, and with
no sustenance, save what he had taken with him from
Chillicothe, he arrived at Boonesborough. The fort was
quickly repaired, and every preparation made to enable it
to withstand a siege.

In a few days after, another, of those who had been
taken prisoners at the Blue Licks, escaped, and brought
intelligence that in consequence of the flight of Boone,
the Indians had agreed to postpone their meditated irruption,
for three weeks.[11] This intelligence determined Boone


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to invade the Indian country, and at the head of only ten
men he went forth on an expedition against Paint creek
town. Near to this place, he met with a party of Indians
going to join the main army, then on its march to Boonesborough,
whom he attacked and dispersed without sustaining
any loss on his part. The enemy had one killed
and two severely wounded in this skirmish; and lost their
horses and baggage. On their return, they passed the Indian
army on the 6th of August, and on the next day
entered Boonesborough.[12]

On the 8th of August, the Indian army, consisting of
four hundred and fifty men, and commanded by Capt. Du
Quesne, eleven other Frenchmen, and their own chiefs,
appeared before the Fort and demanded its surrender.[13]
In order to gain time, Boone requested two days' consideration,
and at the expiration of that period, returned for
answer, that the garrison had resolved on defending it,
while one individual remained alive within its walls.

Capt. Du Quesne then made known, that he was
charged by Gov. Hamilton, to make prisoners of the garrison,


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but not to treat them harshly; and that if nine of
their principal men would come out, and negotiate a
treaty, based on a renunciation of allegiance to the United
States, and on a renewal of their fealty to the king, the
Indian army should be instantly withdrawn. Boone did
not confide in the sincerity of the Frenchman, but he determined
to gain the advantage of farther preparation for
resistance, by delaying the attack. He consented to negotiate
on the terms proposed; but suspecting treachery, insisted
that the conference should be held near the fort
walls. The garrison were on the alert, while the negotiation
continued, and did not fail to remark that many of
the Indians, not [195] concerned in making the treaty,
were stalking about, under very suspicious circumstances.
The terms on which the savage army was to retire were at
length agreed upon, and the articles signed, when the
whites were told that it was an Indian custom, in ratification
of compacts, that two of their chiefs should shake
hands with one white man. Boone and his associates,
consenting to conform to this custom, not without suspicion
of a sinister design, were endeavored to be dragged
off as prisoners by the savages; but strong and active,
they bounded from their grasp, and entered the gate, amid
a heavy shower of balls—one only of the nine, was slightly
wounded. The Indians then commenced a furious assault
on the fort, but were repulsed with some loss on their
part; and every renewed attempt to carry it by storm,
was in like manner, frustrated by the intrepidity and gallantry
of its inmates.[14]

Disappointed in their expectation of succeeding in
this way, the savages next attempted to undermine the
fort, commencing at the water mark of the Kentucky
river, only sixty yards from the walls. This course was
no doubt dictated to them by their French commanders,
as they are ignorant of the practice of war, farther than


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depends on the use of the gun, and tomahawk, and the
exercise of stratagem and cunning. The vigilance of the
besieged however, soon led to a discovery of the attempt—
the water below, was colored by the clay thrown out
from the excavation, while above it retained its usual
transparency; and here again they were foiled by the active
exertion of the garrison. A countermine was begun
by them, the earth from which being thrown over the
wall, manifested the nature of their operations, and led
the enemy to raise the siege, and retire from the country.[15]

In the various assaults made on the fort by this savage
army, two only, of the garrison, were killed, and four
wounded. The loss of the enemy, as usual, could not be
properly ascertained: thirty-seven were left dead on the
field, and many, were no doubt wounded.[16]

So signally was the savage army repulsed, in their repeated
attacks on Boonesborough, that they never afterwards
made any great effort to effect its reduction. The
heroism and intrepidity of Boone and his assistants rendered
it impregnable to their combined exertions to demolish
it; while the vigilance and caution of the inhabitants,
convinced them, that it would be fruitless and unavailing
to devise plans for gaining admission into the fort,
by stratagem or wile. Still however, they kept up a war of
ravage and murder, against such as were unfortunately
found defenceless and unprotected; and levelled combined
operations against other and weaker positions.

[196] The success of the expedition under Col. Clarke,
though productive of many and great advantages to the


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frontier inhabitants, did not achieve for them, an unmolested
security. Their property was still liable to plunder,
and families newly arrived among them, to be murdered
or taken prisoners. Combined efforts were required, to
put a period to savage aggression; and a meeting of the
settlers was held at Harrodsburg, to concert measures to
effect that object. Their consultation resulted in a determination,
to carry the war into the enemy's country; and
as the Shawanees had been most efficient in waging hostilities,
it was resolved to commence operations, against
their most considerable town. Two hundred volunteers
were accordingly raised, and when rendezvoused at Harrodsburg,
were placed under the command of Col. Bowman,
and proceeded against Chillicothe.[17]

The expedition thus fitted out, arrived, by forced
marches, near to Chillicothe in the evening towards the
latter end of July, 1779; and on deliberation, it was agreed
to defer the attack 'till next morning. Before dawn the
army was drawn up and arranged in order of battle. The
right wing led on by Col. Bowman, was to assume a position


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on one side of the town, and the left, under Capt.
Logan, was to occupy the ground on the opposite side;
and at a given signal, both were to develope to the right
and left, so as to encircle and attack it in concert.[18] The
party, led on by Logan, repaired to the point assigned, and
was waiting in anxious, but vain expectation for the signal
of attack to be given, when the attention of the Indians
was directed towards him by the barking of their dogs.
At this instant a gun was discharged by one of Bowman's
men, and the whole village alarmed. The squaws and
children were hurried into the woods, along a path not
yet occupied by the assailants, and the warriors collected
in a strong cabin.[19] Logan, being near enough to perceive
every movement of the enemy, ordered his men quietly to
occupy the deserted huts, as a momentary shelter from the
Indian fires, until Col. Bowman should march forward.
It was now light; and the savages began a regular discharge
of shot at his men, as they advanced to the deserted
cabins. This determined him to move directly to the attack
of the cabin, in which the warriors were assembled;
and ordering his men to tear off the doors and hold them
in front, as a shield, while advancing to the assault, he was
already marching on the foe, when he was overtaken by an
order from Col. Bowman, to retreat.

Confounded by this command, Capt. Logan was for a
time reluctant to obey it; a retreat was however, directed;
and each individual, sensible of his great exposure while
retiring from the towns, sought to escape from danger, in
the manner directed by his own judgment; and fled to the
woods at his utmost speed. There they rallied, and resumed


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more of order, though still too much terrified to stand a
contest, when the Indians sallied out to give battle. Intimidated
by the apprehension of danger, which they had
not seen, [197] but supposed to be great from the retreating
order of Col. Bowman, they continued to fly before
the savages, led on by their chief, the Black Fish. At
length they were brought to a halt, and opened a brisk,
though inefficient fire, upon their pursuers. Protected by
bushes, the Indians maintained their ground, 'till Capts.
Logan and Harrod, with some of the men under their
immediate command, mounted on pack horses, charged
them with great spirit, and dislodged them from their
covert. Exposed in turn to the fire of the whites, and seeing
their chief fall, the savages took to flight, and Col.
Bowman continued his retreat homeward, free from farther
interruption.[20]

In this illy conducted expedition, Col. Bowman had
nine of his men killed and one wounded. The Indian loss
was no doubt less: only two or three were known to be
killed. Had the commanding officer, instead of ordering
a retreat when Logan's men were rushing bravely to the
conflict, marched with the right wing of the army to their
aid, far different would have been the result. The enemy,
only thirty strong, could not long have held out, against


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the bravery and impetuosity of two hundred backwoodsmen,
stimulated to exertion by repeated suffering, and
nerved by the reflection, that they were requiting it upon
its principal authors. Col. Bowman doubtless believed
that he was pursuing a proper course. The gallantry and
intrepidity, displayed by him on many occasions, forbid
the supposition that he was under the influence of any unmilitary
feeling, and prompted to that course by a disposition
to shrink from ordinary dangers. His motives were
certainly pure, and his subsequent exertions to rally his
men and bring them to face the foe, were as great as could
have been made by any one; but disheartened by the fear
of unreal danger, and in the trepidation of a flight, deemed
to be absolutely necessary for their safety, they could not
be readily brought to bear the brunt of battle. The efforts
of a few cool and collected individuals, drove back the
pursuers, and thus prevented an harrassed retreat.

Notwithstanding the frequent irruptions of the Indians,
and the constant exposure of the settlers to suffering
and danger, Kentucky increased rapidly in population.
From the influx of emigrants during the fall and winter
months, the number of its inhabitants were annually
doubled for some years; and new establishments were
made in various parts of the country. In April 1779, a
block house was erected on the present site of Lexington,[21]
and several stations were selected in its vicinity, and in the
neighborhood of the present town of Danville. Settlements
were also made, in that year, on the waters of Bear
Grass, Green and Licking rivers, and parts of the country
began to be distinguished by their interior and frontier
situation.

 
[1]

Called by the English, Fort Sackville.—R. G. T.

[2]

From Clark's Journal: "January 29—M. Vigo, a Spanish subject
who had been at Post St. Vincents on his lawful business, arrived
and gave us intelligence that Governor Hamilton, with thirty regulars
and fifty volunteers and about 400 Indians, had arrived in November
and taken that post with Capt Helms and such other Americans who
were there with arms, and disarmed the settlers and inhabitants"—
R. G. T.

[3]

Forty-six men, under Lieut John Rogers, went with the artillery
and stores, in a large galley or batteau, called the "Willing." The distance
to Vincennes by land, was a hundred and fifty miles.—R. G. T.

[4]

The originals of the correspondence between Clark and Hamilton
are, with much other MS. material relative to the movements of Clark,
in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society. Hamilton's letter, in
a neat, scholarly hand, ran:

[5]

Hamilton, in a letter of July 6, 1781, contained in the Haldimand
Papers, in the British Museum, gives what he calls "a brief account" of
his ill-starred expedition. See Roosevelt's Winning of the West, passim.
R. G. T.

[6]

On the Tuscarawas River, about ten miles north of the present
New Philadelphia, O., and a mile south of what is now Bolivar, Tuscarawas
County. At the time Withers alludes to, it was garrisoned by
150 men under Col. John Gibson.—R. G. T.

[7]

Simon Girty and seventeen Indians, mostly Mingoes. Withers
confounds this raid with the more formidable siege in February and
March. In the January assault, Girty's band ambushed Capt. John
Clark, a sergeant, and fourteen men, returning to Fort Pitt from convoying
provisions to Fort Laurens. Two whites were killed, four
wounded, and one taken prisoner. In February, came an attacking
party of a hundred and twenty Indians (mostly Wyandots and Mingoes),
led by Capt. Henry Bird, of the Eighth (or King's) Regiment;
with him were Simon Girty and ten soldiers. The enemy arrived February
22, but remained in hiding. The next day Gibson sent out a
guard of eighteen men, despite warnings of the enemy's presence, to
assist the wagoner in collecting the horses of the fort. All the party
were killed and scalped, within sight of the fort, save two, who were
made prisoners. The fort was then openly invested until March 20,
when the besiegers withdrew, torn with dissensions and short of supplies.
See Butterfield's Washington-Irvine Correspondence for further details.—R.
G. T.

[8]

Not to be confounded with George Rogers Clark, of Kentucky.—
R. G. T.

[9]

[193] The bodies of these men were found to have been much devoured
by the wolves, and bearing the appearance of having been
recently torn by them. With a view of taking revenge on these animals
for devouring their companions, the fatigue party sent to bury their remains,
after digging a grave sufficiently capacious to contain all, and
having deposited them in it, they covered the pit with slender sticks,
bark and rotten wood, too weak to bear the weight of a wolf, and placed
a piece of meat on the top and near the center of this covering, as a bait.
In the morning seven wolves were found in the pit, and killed and the
grave then filled up.

[10]

Boone had left Boonesborough January 8, in charge of thirty men,
to make salt at the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking River. They carried
with them, on horses, several large boiling pans, given to the settlement
by the government of Virginia. So weak was the water there, that 840
gallons were necessary to make a bushel of salt, against ninety at the
Kanawha salines, and forty at Onondaga. While the salt-makers were
at work, two or three others of the party served as scouts and hunters;
generally, Boone was one of these. This day (Saturday, February 7)
Boone started out alone with his pack-horse for a supply of game, which
usually was plenty in the neighborhood of the salt licks; Thomas
Brooks and Flanders Callaway, his fellow scouts, were taking another
circuit. Having killed a buffalo, Boone was on his way home in the
afternoon, with the choicest of the meat packed upon his horse. Snow
was falling fast, and he was ten miles from camp, when discovered by
four Indians, outlying members of a large party of Shawnees under
Munseka and Black Fish, who had taken the war-path to avenge the murder
of Cornstalk (see p. 172, note. 2). Benumbed by cold, and unable
easily to untie or cut the frozen thongs which bound on the pack, Boone
could not unload and mount the horse, and after a sharp skirmish
was captured, and led to the main Indian encampment, a few miles
away. Boone induced his fellow salt-makers to surrender peaceably the
following day (February 8); the number of prisoners was, including
Boone, twenty-seven—two scouts and two salt-packers being absent.
After a ten days' "uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather,"
says Boone, in which they "received as good treatment as prisoners
could expect from savages," the party arrived at Little Chillicothe, on
Little Miami—so called in contradistinction to Old Chillicothe, on the
Scioto. Boone's strong, compact build caused the Indians to call him
Big Turtle, and under that name he was adopted as the son of Black
Fish, who took a fancy to him; sixteen of his companions were also
adopted by other warriors. The ten who were not adopted were, with
Boone, taken on a trip to Detroit (starting March 10), guarded by forty
Indians under Black Fish. The ten were sold to Lieut. Governor Hamilton
and citizens of Detroit, for £20 each, the usual price for American
prisoners. Boone remained in Detroit until April 10, during which he
was treated with great courtesy by Hamilton, who offered Black Fish
£100 for him, but the latter declined and took the great pioneer home
with him; but Boone himself was given by Hamilton a horse and trappings,
with silver trinkets to give to the Indians. At Little Chillicothe,
Boone was kindly treated by Black Fish, and little by little hfs liberty
was extended. June 16, while the family were making salt on the
Scioto, preparatory to another expedition against Boonesborough, Boone
escaped on the horse given him by Hamilton. After many curious
adventures, in the course of which he swam the Ohio, he safely reached
Boonesborough, June 20, having traveled, he estimated, a hundred and
sixty miles in four days. Boone's wife and family, supposing him dead,
had returned to their old home in North Carolina, but Boone himself
remained to assist in the defense of Boonesborough against the impending
attack, of which he had brought intelligence.—R. G. T.

[11]

This was William Hancock, who had, like Boone, been adopted
into an Indian family. Not so expert a woodsman as Boone, he had
consumed twelve days in the journey from Chillicothe to Boonesborough,
and suffered great hardships. He arrived at the fort July 17. In
consequence of Boone's escape, he reported, the Indians had postponed
their intended attack for three weeks. The next day (July 18), Boone
wrote to Arthur Campbell, lieutenant of Washington County, Va. (the
Holston settlements, 200 miles away), that he expected the enemy in
twelve days, and that the fort was prepared for a siege of three or four
weeks; but relief would then be of infinite service.—R. G. T.

[12]

At the close of six weeks after Hancock's arrival, Boone had become
weary of waiting for the enemy, hence his expedition with nineteen
men—not ten, as in the text—against the Shawnee town on Paint
Creek, during the last week of August. It was the 5th of September
when, undiscovered, he passed the Indian force encamped at Lower
Blue Licks, and the next day arrived at Boonesborough.—R. G. T.

[13]

About 10 A. M. of Monday, September 7,—Withers places it a
month, less a day, too early,—the hostiles crossed the Kentucky a mile
and a half above Boonesborough, at a point since known as Black Fish's
Ford, and soon made their appearance marching single file, some of them
mounted, along the ridge south of the fort. They numbered about 400,
and displayed English and French flags. The strength of the force has
been variously estimated, from 330 Indians and 8 Frenchmen (Col. John
Bowman), to 444 Indians and 12 Frenchmen (Boone's Narrative, by
Filson). The English Indian department was represented by Capt.
Isidore Chêne, who had with him several other French-Canadians;
there was also a negro named Pompey, who had long lived with the Indians,
and served them as interpreter; the principal chiefs were, Black
Fish, Moluntha, Black Hoof, and Black Beard.—R. G. T.

[14]

The garrison numbered, old and young, white and black, sixty
persons capable of bearing arms; only forty, however, were really effective.
Women and children, dressed and armed as men, frequently appeared
upon the walls, to give an appearance of greater strength.—
R. G. T.

[15]

This ruse of the Indians was discovered on Friday, the 11th. The
garrison commenced its countermine immediately, and prosecuted the
work for several days. The rival parties could hear each other at work
underground. When the Indians had proceeded about forty yards,
two-thirds of the distance from the river bank, successive rainstorms
had so saturated the earth that sections of their tunnel caved in, and
this it was that frustrated their scheme.—R. G. T.

[16]

[195] When the Indians retired from before Boonesboro, one hundred
and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets were picked up by the
garrison, besides many that stuck in the logs of the fort. A conclusive
proof that the Indians were not idle, during the continuance of
the siege.

[17]

John Bowman, of Harrodsburgh, was lieutenant of Kentucky
County, and colonel of its militia. During the spring of 1779, there
was a general desire to raid the unsuspecting Shawnees, in retaliation
for their invasions of Kentucky, and Bowman decided to command in
person this "first regular enterprise to attack, in force, the Indians beyond
the Ohio, ever planned in Kentucky." The company of volunteers
of the interior rendezvoused in May at Harrodsburgh, and under
Capts. Benjamin Logan and Silas Harlan marched to Lexington, where
they met the Boonesborough company under Capt. John Holder, and
another party under Capt. Levi Todd. At the mouth of the Licking
(site of Covington, Ky.), the general rendezvous agreed on, they found
a company from the Falls of the Ohio (site of Louisville), under Capt.
William Harrod. Also in the little army, which finally mustered 297
men, including officers, were frontiersmen from Redstone Old Fort, and
other settlements in the valleys of the Ohio and Monongahela. The
Redstone men were on their way home, when they heard of the expedition,
and joined it at the Licking; they had been on a visit to Big
Bone Lick, and had a canoe-load of relics therefrom, which they were
transporting up river. The force crossed the Ohio, May 28, just below the
mouth of the Licking; 32 men remained behind in charge of the boats,
leaving 265 to set out for the Shawnee town of Little Chillicothe, on the
Little Miami, distant about sixty-five miles northeast. George Clark
and William Whitley were pilots, and George M. Bedinger adjutant and
quartermaster.—R. G. T.

[18]

Without having seen an Indian, the expedition arrived in sight of
Little Chillicothe, at dusk of May 29—Withers places the date two
months ahead of the actual time. Capt. Logan had charge of the left
wing, Harrod of the right, and Holder of the center. The white force
now numbered 263—two men having returned to the boats, disabled;
the Indians numbered about 100 warriors and 200 squaws and children.
Black Fish was the principal village chief, and subordinate to him were
Black Hoof and Black Beard.—R. G. T.

[19]

This was the council house, which was so stoutly defended that
the white assailants were glad to take refuge in a neighboring hut, from
which they escaped with difficulty.—R. G. T.

[20]

The chief cause of alarm, and the consequent disorder, was a false
report started among the whites, that Simon Girty and a hundred Shawnees
from the Indian village of Piqua, twelve miles distant, were marching
to the relief of Black Fish. Order was soon restored, and when,
fourteen miles out upon the homeward trail, Indians were discovered
upon their rear, the enemy were met with vigor, and thereafter the retreat
was unhampered. The force reached the Ohio, just above the
mouth of the Little Miami, early on June 1. The "pack-horses" alluded
to by Withers, were 163 Indian ponies captured in the Chillicothe
woods; the other plunder was considerable, being chiefly silver ornaments
and clothing. After crossing the Ohio in boats—the horses swimming—there
was an auction of the booty, which was appraised at
£32,000, continental money, each man getting goods or horses to the value
of about £110. The Indian loss was five killed at the town, and many
wounded; the whites had seven men killed. Little Chillicothe had
been for the most part destroyed by fire, and its crops destroyed. The
newspapers of the day regarded the expedition as an undoubted success.—R.
G. T.

[21]

George W. Ranck: "April 1. Robert Patterson, at the head of
twenty-five men, commenced a block house where Lexington now
stands."—R. G. T.