University of Virginia Library

13. CHAP. XIII.

William Liegh Pierce.

When Nelson had finished reading the letter
O'Halloran had given him, he exclaimed! “Yes,
our Star is, indeed, set; but I trust that the light it
has diffused through the country will not be so
easily extinguished. Since the press is not now
permitted to tell our injuries, we must speak them
with the trumpet; and since we cannot write for
the public good, nothing remains but to fight for it.”

“What new atrocity has taken place? if I may
be permitted to ask,” said the Reverend Mr. Porter,
who was at that moment preparing a communication
for “the Northern Star,” in continuation
of several ingenious letters, entitled, “Billy Bluff
and Squire Firebrand,” with which he had lately
amused and very much excited the minds of the
people of Ulster.

“You may throw your manuscript aside,” replied
Nelson,” till better times. Barber's infamous
dragoons have broken into my house, and destroyed
our press. There is a letter from Teeling who
witnessed the transaction. You may read it

aloud. There will be no harm in Mr. Middleton
hearing of another piece of tyranny—a ferocious
outrage upon the liberty of the press, committed
by a government which some men would make us
believe is the grand protector of that liberty.”

“Gentlemen,” observed Edward, “I have said
before, that an attachment to our form of government
does not involve a necessity to defend every
act of its administration. Some administrations
may be very corrupt; nay, some acts of even a virtuous
administration may be very injudicious and improper.
But the constitution contains within itself
a healing principle, for all mistakes or abuses,
by lodging the legislative power with the representatives
of the people, and giving them authority to
impeach and punish a vicious ministry. The faults,
therefore, of our present ministers whatever they
may be, it is neither my province nor my wish to vindicate.—With
regard to the injury they may have
done Mr. Nelson, for I perceive that they are charged
with having made an attack upon his property,
I do not know the merits of the case. But since
you have drawn my attention to it, I shall listen to
the statement you have received, provided I shall
not be urged to give an opinion on it, should I wish
to be silent.”

He was informed that after hearing the particulars,
he might remain silent or not, as he thought
proper. The clergyman then read the letter aloud
as follows:

“A dreadful scene of confusion and disaster has
taken place here this morning. The vengeance of
our tyrannic rulers has, at length, burst upon us,
and our printing establishment is totally destroyed.

I will detail to you the facts, as concisely as the
nature of the affair will admit.

“At about ten o'clock this morning, while I was
sitting in the Star office, preparing some editorial
matter for our next publication, I was alarmed by
an unexpected noise of horses prancing, accompanied
by a loud confusion of human voices in the
yard below. Immediately one of the clerks rushed
into the office, and begged me to escape as fast as
possible, for the dragoons were swearing vengeance
against me. I had scarcely disappeared by the
back passage, before the office door was burst open,
and in my retreat I could hear them exclaiming,
“Damn the rascal! where is he? Ferret him out,
and send him to hell!”

“Every desk, draw, trunk and locker was broken
open; and all our papers, books, &c. either destroyed
or carried off. They beat and abused all
our clerks and workmen on whom they could lay
their hands. Fortunately, most of them escaped;
and I am happy to understand that none of those
who were seized are dangerously hurt. The windows
and doors of the house were soon broken,
and all our furniture, printing cases, presses, &c.
hewn in pieces, and thrown into the streets. Our
types are all ruined, and it is said, that several of
these Vandals proposed to set fire to the premises.
This was, however, opposed by some more moderate
than the rest, otherwise not only we, but numbers
of our neighbours, would have suffered an
immense destruction of property.

“It appears that the party who made the attack,
had just returned from a scouring expedition round
the country; and, it is said, that they made it in
revenge for some observations we had published
upon certain atrocities they had committed, and
without authority even from their officers, much
less from any civil magistrate. But the result will

show whether there was any secret understanding
between them and the constituted authorities. It is
certain that it was nearly 12 o'clock before either
the magistrates or the officers could be prevailed
on to interfere, and long before that period, the
destruction of our printing establishment was completed.

“They then proceeded to the houses of several
of our friends, and broke their doors and windows,
or demolished their signboards; and, with the most
infuriated madness, stimulated by drunkenness,
they galloped through the principal streets, terrifying
even those most devoted to the interests of government.
At length the town sovereign and
several other magistrates, prevailed on colonel Barber
to order them into the barracks.

“Thus in the most licentious and illegal manner
has our establishment and property been destroyed;
and it is more than probable that not one of
the depredators will be called to an account for it.
It is indeed strongly suspected that the rioters
would not have committed such an open outrage
against the common laws of the land, unless they
had been previously assured that they had no punishment
to dread.

“I had some thoughts of lodging examinations
against one or two of them whom our chief clerk
can identify upon oath; but shall adopt no measure
of the kind until I hear from you.

“To comment to you on this worse than Gothic
outrage would be unnecessary; but I may express
my own feelings on the subject. They are partly
those of grief and resentment; and partly of
gratification. Why I should feel the former is obvious;
but why I should feel the latter may require
explanation. It arises from a conviction that this
act of violence will do more to render our oppressors
obnoxious to the intelligent part of the community

than any they have yet committed. It will
prove the truth of what we have often advanced,
that under our present rulers the conductors of a free
press cannot perform their duty to the public without
danger; and that an editor who possesses sufficient
integrity to despise the bribes, and sufficient
intrepidity to defy the threats of the government,
will sooner or later feel the weight of its resentment;
and I rejoice, since we have been marked
out for vengeance, that it has been inflicted in this
violent and illegal manner, which will excite the public
sympathy towards us, and abhorrence towards
our enemies, rather than by the more formal mockery
of a law process, the issue of which, however
unjust, would not have been so apparently flagitious
to every part of the community.

“I transmit this letter with some other documents
I have just received from Dublin, by express.
Mrs. Nelson and family are well, and have
exerted more courage on this occasion than could
have been expected.

“Concerning this outrage,” said Edward, “I
will give my opinion frankly and unsolicited. It is
an instance of military violence which no rational,
honest man can justify; and which it is the duty
of the government severely and promptly to punish.”

“I know the present government too well,” replied
Nelson, “to expect justice from it. Irishmen
have been often and long the deceived satellites of
Britain; but, thank God, our eyes are now opened.
Their professions can no longer deceive us; for
we know exactly the degree of credit to which
they are entitled. Now, if we want justice we
must take it. Of our power to do so, our oppressors

will soon be convinced. They will, no doubt,
oppose us with fire and sword. The struggle will
be dreadful, for the hatred is deadly; but the issue
will be glorious. To prepare the minds of my
countrymen for the great crisis of their national
fate, I have already sacrificed my property; and
my life, which is all I can now give, is ready to be
yielded, whenever my country's benefit requires
it.”

“I am impatient for the day of action, that we
may rid this long suffering land of the tyrants,”
said O'Halloran. “Every day produces fresh
atrocities, and adds to our sufferings and their insolence.
Delay may increase their strength. It
can scarcely add to ours, for we are already, in
numbers, sufficiently strong. Why should we tamely
continue to suffer? Why not hasten the day of
our deliverance? The people are now animated
and zealous. Orr has not died in vain!”

“Mr. O'Halloran,” replied Porter, “prudence
requires that we should exercise patience a few
months longer. Although I acknowledge that delay
by giving the government time to prepare for
the struggle, which it now evidently expects, and,
perhaps, by exposing some of our plans to discovery,
may strengthen the hands of our adversaries,
yet, as our adherents, however zealous and numerous,
are not properly organized for insurrection,
and the foreign aid we are promised, is not expected
before spring, our wiser policy is to recommend
our friends to a temporary submission to
their misfortunes, rather than risk the ruin of their
cause by a premature effort.”

“Your reasoning may be correct,” said O'Halloran,
“but it is hard to remain inactive, and see
an unoffending populace becoming every day
more and more the victims of a wanton and cruel
tyranny.”

“We may be active,” observed Nelson, “but
we must be cautious. Were we, at present, to make
the attempt, as we are not prepared to act in concert,
the chance would be much against us. The
day of retribution will come, and when we strike
the blow, if it should be slow, I should like it to be
sure.”

“I know you are right,” said O'Halloran. “My
feelings, not my judgment, would hurry me into
premature action. But it must not be. Necessity,
hard necessity, requires that we should, for another
season yet, submit to be slaves. But, I trust, that
it will make our deliverance the more certain and
effectual. In the meantime, Mr. Nelson, you will
accompany me to the castle. Mr. Porter will examine
these papers from the Directory, and tomorrow
we may consult about the reply.”

During the foregoing conversation, Edward's
mind, as will readily be supposed, was but ill at
case. He felt no inclination to engage in it, and
when O'Halloran and Nelson withdrew, he retired
to his closet, there to ruminate with a heavy heart,
on the rashness and misfortunes of these infatuated
men, and to deplore the folly of that misgovernment
which had driven them to the adoption of
their desperate schemes.