University of Virginia Library

[139] CHAPTER VIII.

Upon the close of the campaign of 1774, there succeeded
a short period of perfect quiet, and of undisturbed
repose from savage invasion, along the borders of North
Western Virginia. The decisive battle of the 10th of
October, repressed incursion for a time, and taught those
implacable enemies of her citizens, their utter inability,
alone and unaided, to maintain a contest of arms, against
the superior power of Virginia. They saw that in any
future conflict with this colony, her belligerent operations
would no longer be confined to the mere purposes of defence;
but that war would be waged in their own country,
and their own towns become the theatre of its action. Had
the leading objects of the Dunmore campaign, been fully
accomplished,—had the contemplated junction of the different
divisions of the army taken place;—had its combined
forces extended their march into the Indian territory,
and effected the proposed reduction of the Chilicothe,
and other towns on the Scioto and Sandusky, it would
have been long indeed, before the frontier settlements, became
exposed to savage inroad. A failure to effect these
things however, left the Indians comparatively at liberty,
and prepared to renew invasion, and revive their cruel and
bloody deeds, whenever a savage thirst for vengeance
should incite them to action, and the prospect of achieving
them with impunity, be open before them. In the then
situation of our country, this prospect was soon presented
to them.

The contest between Great Britain and her American
colonies, which had been for some time carried on with increasing
warmth, was ripening rapidly into war. The
events of every day, more and more confirmed the belief,
that the "unconditional submission" of the colonies, was
the object of the parent state; and that to accomplish this,
she was [140] prepared to desolate the country by a civil

war, and imbrue her hands in the blood of its citizens.
This state of things the Indians knew, would favor the
consummation of their hopes. Virginia, having to apply
her physical strength to the repulsion of other enemies,
could not be expected to extend her protecting ægis over
the remote and isolated settlements on her borders. These
would have to depend on themselves alone, for resistance
to ruthless irruption, and exemption from total annihilation.
The Indians well knew the weakness of those settlements,
and their consequent incapacity to vie in open conflict
with the overwhelming force of their savage foes; and
their heriditary resentment to the whites prompted them
to take advantage of that weakness, to wreak this resentment,
and involve them once more in hostilities.

Other circumstances too, combined in their operation,
to produce this result. The plan of Lord Dunmore and
others, to induce the Indians to co-operate with the English
in reducing Virginia to subjection, and defeated by
the detection and apprehension of Connoly, was soon after
resumed on a more extensive scale. British agents were
busily engaged from Canada to the Gulph of Mexico, in endeavoring
by immediate presents and the promise of future
reward, to excite the savages to a war upon the western
frontiers. To accomplish this object, no means which were
likely to be of any avail, were neglected to be used. Gratified
resentment and the certainty of plunder, were held up
to view as present consequences of this measure; and the
expulsion of the whites, and the repossession, by the Natives,
of the country from which their fathers had been
ejected, as its ultimate result.—Less cogent motives might
have enlisted them on the side of Great Britain. These
were too strong to be resisted by them, and too powerful
to be counteracted by any course of conduct, which the
colonies could observe towards them; and they became ensnared
by the delusive bait, and the insidious promises
which accompanied it.

There were in the colonies too, many persons, who
from principle or fear, were still attached to the cause of
Great Britain; and who not only, did not sanction the opposition
of their country to the supremacy of Parliament,

but were willing in any wise to lend their aid to the royal
cause. Some of those disaffected Americans, (as they were
at first denominated) who resided on the frontiers, foreseeing
the [141] attachment of the Indians to the side of
Britain, and apprehensive that in their inroads, the friends
as well as the enemies of that country, might, from the
difficulty of discriminating, be exposed to savage fury; and
at the same time, sensible that they had become obnoxious
to a majority of their neighbors, who were perhaps, too
much inclined to practice summary modes of punishment,
sought a refuge among the Indians, from those impending
evils. In some instances, these persons were under the
influence of the most rancorous and vindictive passions,
and when once with the savages, strove to infuse those
passions into their breasts, and stimulate them to the repetition
of those enormities, which had previously, so terribly
annoyed the inhabitants of the different frontiers.[1]
Thus wrought upon, their inculcated enmity to the Anglo-Americans
generally, roused them to action, and the dissonant
notes of the war song, resounded in their villages.
For a while indeed, they refrained from hostilities against
North Western Virginia. It was however, but to observe
the progress of passing events, that they might act against
the mountain borders, simultaneously with the British on
the Atlantic coast; as a premature movement on their
part, might, while Virginia was yet at liberty to bear
down upon them with concentrated forces, bring upon
their towns the destruction which had so appallingly
threatened them after the battle at Point Pleasant.

But though the inhabitants on the Virginia frontiers,
enjoyed a momentary respite from savage warfare; yet
were the Indians not wholly unemployed in deeds of aggression.
The first attempt to occupy Kentucky, had been
the signal of hostilities in 1774; and the renewed endeavors
to form establishments in it, in 1775, induced their

continuance, and brought on those who were engaged in
effecting them, all the horrors of savage warfare.

Upon the close of the campaign under Lord Dunmore,
Kentucky became more generally known. James
Harrod, with those who had associated themselves with
him in making a settlement in that country and aided in
the erection of the fort at Harrodsburg, joined the army
of General Lewis at Point Pleasant; and when, after the
treaty of Camp Charlotte, the army was disbanded, many
of the soldiers and some of the officers, enticed by the
description given of it by Harrod, returned to south Western
Virginia, through that country.[2] The result of their

examination of it, induced many to migrate thither immediately;
and in 1775, families began to take up their
residence in it.

At that time, the only white persons residing in Kentucky,
were those at Harrod's fort; and for a while, emigrants
to that country [142] established themselves in its
immediate vicinity, that they might derive protection from
its walls, from the marauding irruptions of Indians. Two
other establishments were, however, soon made, and became,
as well as Harrod's, rallying points for land adventurers,
and for many of those, whose enterprising spirits
led them, to make their home in that wilderness. The
first of these was that at Boonesborough, and which was
made, under the superintendence of Daniel Boone.

The prospect of amassing great wealth, by the purchase
of a large body of land from the Indians, for a
comparatively trifling consideration, induced some gentlemen
in North Carolina, to form a company, and endeavor
by negotiation to effect such purpose. This association
was known under the title of Henderson and company;
and its object was, the acquisition of a considerable portion
of Kentucky.[3] The first step, necessary towards the

accomplishment of this object, was, to convene a council
of the Indians; and as the territory sought to be acquired,
did not belong, in individual property to any one nation
of them, it was deemed advisable to convoke the chiefs of
the different nations south of the Ohio river. A time was
then appointed at which these were to assemble; and it
became necessary to engage an agent, possessing the requisite
qualifications, to attend the council, on behalf of
Henderson and company, and to transact the business for
them. The fame of Daniel Boone which had reached
them, recommended him, as one eminently qualified to
discharge the duties devolving on an agent; and he was
employed in that capacity. At the appointed period, the
council was held, and a negotiation commenced, which resulted
in the transfer, to Henderson and company, of the
title of the southern Indians to the land lying south of the
Kentucky river, and north of the Tennessee.[4]

Boone was then placed at the head of a party of enterprising
men, sent to open a road from the Holstein settlement,
through the wilderness, to the Kentucky river,

and to take possession of the company's purchase. When
within fifteen miles of the termination of their journey,
they were attacked by a body of northern Indians, who
killed two of Boone's comrades, and wounded two others.
Two days after, they were again attacked by them, and
had two more of their party killed and three wounded.[5]
From this time they experienced no farther molestation
until they had arrived within the limits of the purchase,
and erected a fort, at a lick near the southern bank of the
Kentucky river—the site of the present town of Boonesborough.
Enfeebled by the loss sustained in the attacks
made on them by the Indians; and worn down by the continued
labor of opening a road through an almost impervious
wilderness, it was some time before they could so far
complete the fort, so as to render it secure against anticipated
assaults of the savages, and justify a detachment being
sent from the garrison, to escort the family of Boone
to his new situation. When it was thus far completed, an
office [143] was opened for the sale of the company's
land;[6] and Boone and some others returned to Holstein,
and from thence, guarded the family of Boone, through
the wilderness, to the newly erected fort. Mrs. Boone
and her daughter, are believed to be the first white females
who ever stood on the banks of the Kentucky river.[7]

In 1775 Benjamin Logan, who had been with Lord
Dunmore at Camp Charlotte, visited Kentucky and selected
a spot for his future residence, near to the present
village of Stamford, erected thereon a fort; and in the following
year moved his family thither.

These were the only settlements then begun to be
made within the limits of the now state of Kentucky. As
the tide of emigration flowed into the country, those three
forts afforded an asylum, from the Indian hostility to which
the whites were incessantly subjected; and never perhaps
lived three men better qualified by nature and habit, to
resist that hostility, and preserve the settlers from captivity
and death, than James Harrod, Daniel Boone, and
Benjamin Logan. Reared in the lap of danger, and early
inured to the hardships and sufferings of a wilderness life,
they were habitually acquainted with those arts which
were necessary to detect and defeat the one, and to lessen
and alleviate the others. Intrepid and fearless, yet cautious
and prudent, there was united in each of them, the
sly, circumventive powers of the Indian, with the bold defiance,
and open daring of the whites. Quick, almost to
intuition, in the perception of impending dangers, instant
in determining, and prompt in action; to see, to resolve,
and to execute, were with them the work of the same moment.
Rife in expedients, the most perplexing difficulties
rarely found them at a loss. Possessed of these qualities,
they were placed at the head of the little colonies planted
around them; not by ambition, but by the universal voice
of the people; from a deep and thorough conviction, that
they only were adequate to the exigencies of their situation.

The conviction was not ill founded. Their intellectual
and physical resources were powerfully and constantly
exerted for the preservation and security of the
settlements; and frequently, with astonishing success, under
the most inauspicious circumstances. Had they indeed,
by nature, been supine and passive, their isolated
situation, and the constantly repeated attempts of the Indians,
at their extermination, would have aroused them, as
it did others, to activity and energy, and brought their
every [144] nerve into action. For them, there were no
"weak, piping times of peace,"—no respite from danger.
The indefatigable vigilance and persevering hostility of
an unrelenting foe, required countervailing exertions on
their part; and kept alive the life, which they delighted to
live.

From the instant those establishments were made, and
emigrants placed themselves in their vicinity, the Savages
commenced their usual mode of warfare; and marauding
parties were ever in readiness, to seize upon, those, whose
misfortune it was to become exposed to their vigilance. In
the prosecution of these hostilities, incidents of the most
lively and harrowing interest, though limited in their consequences,
were constantly recurring; before a systematic
course of operations, was undertaken for the destruction
of the settlers.

The Indians, seeing that they had to contend with
persons, as well skilled in their peculiar mode of warfare,
as themselves, and as likely to detect them, while lying in
wait for an opportunity to strike the deadly blow, as they
were to strike it with impunity, they entirely changed
their plans of annoyance. Instead of longer endeavoring
to cut off the whites in detail, they brought into the country
a force, sufficiently numerous and powerful to act simultaneously
against all the settlements. The consequence
of this was, much individual suffering and several horrid
massacres. Husbandmen, toiling to secure the product of
the summer's labor, for their sustenance another season,
were frequently attacked, and murdered.—Hunters, engaged
in procuring meat for immediate and pressing use,

were obliged to practise the utmost wariness to evade the
ambushed Indian, and make sure their return to the fort.
Springs and other watering places, and the paths leading
to them, were constantly guarded by the savages; who
would lie near them day and night, until forced to leave
their covert, in quest of food to satisfy their extreme
hunger; and who, when this end was attained, would return
to their hiding places, with renovated strength, and
increased watchfulness. The cattle belonging to the garrisons
were either driven off, or killed, so that no supplies
could be derived from them. This state of things continued,
without intermission, 'till the severity of winter
forced the Indians to depart for their towns; and then succeeded,
of necessity, a truce, which had become extremely
desirable to the different settlements.

When we reflect on the dangers, the difficulties, the
complicated distresses, to which the inhabitants were then
exposed, it is really matter of astonishment that they did
not abandon the country, and seek elsewhere an exemption
from those evils. How women, with all the feminine
weakness of the sex, could be prevailed upon to remain
during the winter, and encounter with the returning
spring, the returning horrors of savage warfare, is truly
surprising. The frequent recurrence of danger, does indeed,
produce a comparative insensibility and indifference
to it; but it is difficult to conceive, [145] that familiarity
with the tragic scenes which were daily exhibited there,
could reconcile persons to a life of constant exposure
to them. Yet such was the fact; and not only did the
few, who were first to venture on them, continue in the
country, but others, equally adventurous, moved to it; encountering
many hardships and braving every danger, to
aid in maintaining possession of the modern Canaan, and
to obtain a home in that land of milk and honey. If for
a while, they flattered themselves with the hope, that the
ravages which had been checked by winter, would not be
repeated on the return of spring, they were sadly disappointed.
Hostilities were resumed, as soon as the abatement
of cold, suffered the Indians to take the field; and

were carried on with renovated ardor, and on an enlarged
scale.[8]

Feeling the hopelessness of extirpating the settlements,
so long as the forts remained to afford a safe retreat
to the inhabitants; and having learned, by the experience of
the preceding season, that the whites were but little, if at
all, inferior to them in their own arts, and were competent
to combat them, in their own mode of warfare, the Indians
resolved on bringing into the country a larger force,
and to direct their united energies to the demolition of the
different forts. To prevent any aid being afforded by the
other garrisons, while operations were leveled against one,
they resolved on detaching from their main body, such a
number of men as was deemed sufficient to keep watch
around the other forts, and awe their inmates from attempting
to leave them, on any occasion. This was a course of
excellent policy. It was calculated not only to prevent the
marching of any auxiliary forces from one to the other of
the fortresses, but at the same time by preventing hunting
parties from ranging the woods, cut off the principal source,
from which their supplies were derived; and thus tended
to render their fall, the more certain and easy.

Accordingly in March 1777, they entered Kentucky
with a force of upwards of two hundred warriors; and
sending some of their most expert and active men to
watch around Boone's and Logan's forts, marched with

the chief part of their army to attack Harrodsburg. On
the 14th of March three persons (who were engaged in
clearing some land) not far from Harrod's fort, discovered
the Indians proceeding through the woods, and sought to
escape observation and convey the intelligence to the garrison.
But they too, were discovered and pursued; and
one of them was killed, another taken prisoner, and the
third (James, afterwards Gen. Ray, then a mere youth)
reached Harrodsburg alone in safety.[9] Aware that the
place had become alarmed, and that they had then no
chance of operating on it, by surprise, they encamped near
to it on that evening; and early on the morning of the
15th commenced a furious and animated attack.

Apprized of the near approach of the enemy, the garrison
had made every preparation for defense, of which
their situation admitted; and when the assailants rushed
to the assault, not intimidated by their horrible and unnatural
yells, nor yet dispirited by the [146] presence of a
force so far superior to their own, they received them with
a fire so steady and well directed, as forced them to recoil;
leaving one of their slain on the field of attack. This
alone, argued a great discomfiture of the Indians; as it is
well known to be their invariable custom, to remove, if
practicable, those of their warriors who fall in battle.
Their subsequent movements, satisfied the inmates of the
fort, that there had been indeed a discomfiture; and that
they had but little to apprehend from a renewed assault
on their little fortress. After reconnoitering for a while,
at a prudent distance from the garrison, the Indians kindled
their fires for the night; and in the following day,
leaving a small party for the purpose of annoyance, decamped
with the main body of their army, and marched

towards Boonesborough.[10] In consequence however, of a
severe spell of March weather, they were forced to remain
inactive for a time; and did not make their appearance
there, until the middle of April.

In the assault on Boone's fort, the Indians soon became
satisfied that it was impregnable against them; and
although their repulse was not as signal here, as it had
been at Harrodsburg, yet they soon withdrew from the
contest, and marched towards Logan's fort,—having killed
one and wounded four, of the whites.[11]

Several causes combined to render an attack on the
fort at Logan's station, an event of most fearful consequence.[12]
Its inmates had been but a short time in the
country, and were not provided with an ample supply
either of provisions or ammunition. They were few in
number; and though of determined spirit and undaunted
fortitude, yet such was the disparity between thirteen and
two hundred—the force of the garrison and the force of
the assailants, joined to their otherwise destitute situation,
that hope itself, could scarcely live in so perilous a situation.
Had this been the first point, against which the
enemy levelled their operations when they arrived in the
country, it must have fallen before them. But by deferring
the attack on it, 'till they had been repulsed at the two
other forts, the garrison was allowed time; and availing
themselves of it, to fortify their position more strongly,
the issue was truly, most fortunate, though unexpected.

On the night preceding the commencement of the attack
on the fort, the Indians had approached near to it
unperceived, and secreted themselves in a cane brake,
which had been suffered to remain around the cabins.

Early in the morning the women, went out to milk,
guarded by most of the garrison; and before they were
aware of impending danger, the concealed Indians opened
a general fire, which killed three of the men, and drove
the others, hastily within the fort.[13] A most affecting
spectacle was then presented to view, well calculated to
excite the sympathies of human nature, and arouse to
action a man possessed of the generous sensibility and noble
daring, which animated the bosom of Logan.

One of the men who had fallen on the first fire of
the Indians and had been supposed by his comrades to be
dead, was in truth though [147] badly wounded, yet still
alive; and was observed feebly struggling to crawl towards
the fort. The fear of laceration and mangling from
the horrid scalping knife, and of tortures from more barbarous
instruments, seemed to abate his exertions in draging
his wounded body along, lest he should be discovered
and borne off by some infuriated and unfeeling savage.
It was doubtful too, whether his strength would endure
long enough to enable him to reach the gate, even if unmolested
by any apprehension of danger. The magnanimous
and intrepid Logan resolved on making an effort to
save him. He endeavored to raise volunteers, to accompany
him without the fort, and bring in their poor
wounded companion. It seemed as if courting the quick
embrace of death, and even his adventurous associates
for an instant, shrunk from the danger. At length a man

by the name of Martin, who plumed himself on rash and
daring deeds, consented to aid in the enterprise; and the
two proceeded towards the gate. Here the spirit of Martin
forsook him, and he recoiled from the hazardous adventure.
Logan was then alone. He beheld the feeble,
but wary exertions of his unfortunate comrade, entirely
subside; and he could not hesitate. He rushed quickly
through the gate, caught the unhappy victim in his arms,
and bore him triumphantly into the fort, amid a shower
of bullets aimed at him; and some of which buried themselves
in the pallisades close by his head. A most noble
and disinterested achievement, and worthy of all commendation.[14]

[148] The siege being maintained by the Indians, the
animation of the garrison was nearly exhausted, in repelling
the frequent assaults made on the fort; and it was
apparent, that the enemy did not intend speedily to withdraw
their forces. Parties of Indians were frequently
detached from the main body, as well to obtain a supply
of provisions by hunting, as to intercept and cut off any

aid, which might be sent to St. Asaph's[15] from the other
forts. In this posture of affairs, it was impossible that the
garrison could long hold out, unless its military stores
could be replenished; and to effect this, under existing
circumstances, appeared to be almost impossible. Harrodsburg
and Boonesborough were not themselves amply
provided with stores; and had it been otherwise, so closely
was the intermediate country between them and St. Asaph's,
guarded by the savages, that no communication could be
carried from one to the other of them. The settlement on
the Holstein was the nearest point, from which it could be
practicable to derive a supply of ammunition, and the
distance to that neighborhood, was considerable.

Logan knew the danger which must result to the garrison,
from being weakened as much as it must be, by
sending a portion of it on this hazardous enterprise; but
he also knew, that the fort could not be preserved from
falling, unless its magazine was soon replenished. Prefering
the doubtful prospect of succeeding in its relief, by
adopting the plan of sending to Holstein, he proposed the
measure to his companions, and they eagerly embraced it.
It remained then to select the party, which was to venture
on this high enterprise. Important as the presence of
Logan, was known to be, in the fort, yet as the lives of all
within, depended on the success of the expedition and as
to effect this, required the exercise of qualities rarely possessed
in so great degree by any other individual, he was
unanimously chosen to conduct the enterprise.

Accompanied by four of the garrison, Logan, as slyly
as possible, slipped from the fort, and commenced his tedious
journey.[16] To lessen the chance of coming in contact

with straggling bands of Indians, he avoided the pack
road which had been opened by Boone; and pursuing an
untrodden route, reached the settlement in safety. The
requisite supplies were soon engaged; and while they were
being prepared for transportation, Logan was actively engaged
in endeavoring to prevail on the inhabitants, to form
a company as expeditiously as possible and march to their
relief. With a faint promise of assistance, and with the
assurance that their situation should be immediately made
known to the executive authority of the state, he set off
on his return. Confiding the ammunition which he had
obtained, to the care of his companions, and prudently advising
and instructing them in the course best to be pursued,
he left them, and hastened to make his way alone,
back to St. Asaph. In ten days after his departure from
the fort, he returned to it again; and his [149] presence
contributed much to revive and encourage the garrison;
'till then in almost utter despair of obtaining relief. In a
few days after, the party arrived with the ammunition, and
succeeded in entering the fort unperceived; though it was
still surrounded by the Indians. With so much secrecy
and caution had the enterprise been conducted, that the
enemy never knew it had been undertaken, until it was
happily accomplished.

For some time after this the garrison continued in
high expectation of seeing the besiegers depart, despairing
of making any impression on the fort. But they were
mistaken in this expectation. Each returning day shewed
the continued investiture of the fort, and exhibited the
Indians as pertinaciously intent on its reduction by assault
or famine, as they were on the day of their arrival before
it. Weeks elapsed, and there was no appearance of the
succours which had been promised to Logan, when in the
settlement on Holstein. And although the besieged were
still successful in repelling every assault on the garrison,
yet their stock of provisions was almost entirely exhausted;
and there was no chance of obtaining a farther supply, but
from the woods around them. To depend on the success
of hunting parties, to relieve their necessities and prevent
their actual starvation or surrender, seemed indeed, but a

slender reed on which to rely; and the gloom of despondency
overshadowed their hitherto sanguine countenances.
But as they were resigning themselves to despair, and yielding
up the last hope of being able to escape from savage fury
and savage vengeance, Colonel Bowman arrived to their relief,
and forced the Indians to raise the siege. It was not
however, without some loss on his part. A detachment
of his men, which had preceded the advance of the main
army, was unfortunately unable to reach the fort, undiscovered
by the besiegers; who attacked and killed them
before they could enter the garrison. On the body of one
of these men, was left a proclamation, issued by the Governor
of Detroit promising protection and reward to those
who would renounce the cause of the American colonies,
and espouse that of Great Britain; and denouncing those
who would not. When this proclamation was carried to
Logan, he carefully kept secret its contents, lest it might
produce an unfavorable effect on the minds of some of his
men; worn down, exhausted, and discouraged as they then
were.[17]

[150] After the arrival of Colonel Bowman in the
country, there was for a time, a good deal of skirmishing
between his forces, aided by individuals from the different
forts, and those Indians. In all of them, the superiority
of the whites in the use of the rifle, became apparent to
the savages; and as the feat of Captain Gibson with the
sword, had previously acquired for the Virginians, the
appellation of the Long Knives,[18] the fatal certainty, with
which Bowman's men and the inhabitants of the various
settlements in Kentucky, then aimed their shots, might
have added to that title, the forcible epithet of sharpshooters.

They were as skilful and successful, too, in the
practice of those arts, by which one is enabled to steal unaware
upon his enemy, as the Natives themselves; and
were equally as sure to execute the purposes, for which
those arts were put in requisition, as these were. The
consequence was, that the Indians were not only more shy
in approaching the garrison, than they had been; but
they likewise became, more cautious and circumspect, in
their woods operations, than formerly.

The frequent success of Colonel Bowman's men, in
scouring the surrounding country, gave to the inhabitants
of all the settlements, an opportunity of cultivating their
little fields, and of laying in such a stock of provisions
and military stores, as would suffice in the hour of need;
when that force should be withdrawn from the country,
and the Indians consequently be again enabled to overrun
it. All that the inhabitants, by reason of the paucity of
their numbers, could yet do, was to shut themselves in
forts, and preserve these from falling into the hands of the
enemy. When the term of those, who had so opportunely
came to their relief, expired, and they returned to their
homes, there were at Boonsborough only twenty-two, at
Harrodsburg sixty-five, and at St. Asaph's fifteen men.
Emigrants however, flocked to the country during the ensuing
season, in great numbers; and their united strength
enabled them the better to resist aggression, and conduct
the various operations of husbandry and hunting—then
the only occupations of the men.

While these things were transacting in Kentucky,
North Western Virginia enjoyed a repose undisturbed,
save by the conviction of the moral certainty, that it
would be again involved in all the horrors of savage warfare;
and that too, at no distant period. The machinations
of British agents, to [151] produce this result, were
well known to be gaining advocates daily, among the savages;
and the hereditary resentments of these, were known
to be too deeply seated, for the victory of Point Pleasant
to have produced their eradication, and to have created in
their stead, a void, to become the future receptacle of
kindlier feelings, towards their Virginia neighbors. A

coalition of the many tribes north west of the Ohio river,
had been some time forming, and the assent of the Shawanees,
alone, was wanting to its perfection. The distinguished
Sachem at the head of that nation, was opposed
to an alliance with the British, and anxious to preserve a
friendly intercourse with the colonists. All his influence,
with all his energy, was exerted, to prevent his brethren
from again involving themselves, in a war with the whites.
But it was likely to be in vain. Many of his warriors had
fallen at the mouth of the Kenhawa, and his people had
suffered severely during the continuance of that war; they
were therefore, too intent on retaliation, to listen to the
sage counsel of their chief. In this posture of affairs,
Cornstalk, in the spring of 1777, visited the fort, which
had been erected at Point Pleasant after the campaign of
1774, in company with the Red Hawk, and another Indian.
Captain Matthew Arbuckle was then commandant
of the garrison; and when Cornstalk communicated to
him the hostile preparations of the Indians,—that the
Shawanees alone were wanting to render a confederacy
complete,—that, as the "current set so strongly against
the colonies, even they would float with the stream in despite
of his endeavors to stem it," and that hostilities
would commence immediately, he deemed it prudent to
detain him and his companions as hostages, for the peace
and neutrality of the different tribes of Indians in Ohio.
He at the same time acquainted the newly organized government
of Virginia, with the information which he had
received from Cornstalk, and the course which he had
taken with that chief, and the others who accompanied
him to the garrison.

Upon the receipt of this intelligence, it was resolved,
if volunteers could be had for this purpose, to march an
army into the Indian country and effectually accomplish
the objects, which had been proposed to be achieved in the
campaign of Lord Dunmore in 1774. The volunteers in
Augusta and Bottetourt, were to rendezvous as early as
possible, at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, where they
would be joined by [152] other troops under General

Hand,[19] who would then assume the command of the whole
expedition.

In pursuance of this resolve, three or four companies
only, were raised in the counties of Bottetourt and Augusta;
and these immediately commenced their march, to
the place of general rendezvous, under the command of
Colonel George Skillern. In the Greenbrier country, great
exertions were made by the militia officers there, to obtain
volunteers, but with little effect. One company only was
formed, consisting of thirty men, and the officers, laying
aside all distinctions of rank, placed themselves in the line
as common soldiers, and proceeded to Point Pleasant with
the troops led on by Colonel Skillern. Upon their arrival
at that place, nothing had been heard of General Hand,
or of the forces which it was expected would accompany
him from Fort Pitt; and the volunteers halted, to await
some intelligence from him.

The provisions, for the support of the army in its projected
invasion of the Indian country, were expected to be
brought down the river, from Fort Pitt; and the troops
under Colonel Skillern had only taken with them, what
was deemed sufficient for their subsistence on their march
to the place of rendezvous. This stock was nearly exhaused,
and the garrison was too illy supplied, to admit of
their drawing on its stores.—While thus situated, and
anxiously awaiting the arrival of General Hand with his
army and provisions, the officers held frequent conversations
with Cornstalk, who seemed to take pleasure in acquainting
them with the geography of the country west of
the Ohio river generally, and more particularly with that
section of it lying between the Mississippi and Missouri
rivers. One afternoon while he was engaged in delineating
on the floor a map of that territory, with the various
water courses emptying into those two mighty streams,
and describing the face of the country, its soil and climate,
a voice was heard hallooing from the opposite shore of the
Ohio, which he immediately recognised to be that of his
son Ellinipsico, and who coming over at the instance of
Cornstalk, embraced him most affectionately. Uneasy at
the long absence of his father, and fearing that some unforseen
evil might have befallen him, he had come to learn
some tidings of him here; knowing that it was the place,
to go to which he had left the nation. His visit was
prompted by feelings [153] which do honor to human nature—anxious
solicitude for a father,—but it was closed by
a most terrible catastrophe.

On the day after the arrival of Ellinipsico, and while
he was yet in the garrison, two men, from Captain Hall's
company of Rockbridge volunteers, crossed the Kenhawa
river on a hunting excursion. As they were returning to
the canoe for the purpose of recrossing to the Fort, after
the termination of the hunt, Gilmore was espied by two
Indians, concealed near the bank, who fired at, killed and
scalped him. At that instant, Captains Arbuckle and
Stuart (the latter having accompanied the Greenbrier volunteers
as a private soldier) were standing on the point
opposite to where lay the canoe in which Hamilton and

Gilmore had crossed the river; and expressed some astonishment
that the men should be so indiscreet as to be
shooting near to the encampment, contrary to commands.
They had scarcely time to express their disapprobation at
the supposed violation of orders, when Hamilton was seen
running down the bank of the river, and heard to exclaim,
that Gilmore was killed. A party of Captain Hall's men
immediately sprang into a canoe and went over to relieve
Hamilton from danger, and to bring the body of Gilmore
to the encampment. Before they relanded with the bloody
corpse of Gilmore, a cry arose, "let us go and kill the Indians
in the fort;" and pale with rage they ascended the
bank, with captain Hall at their head, to execute their
horrid purpose. It was vain to remonstrate. To the interference
of Captains Arbuckle and Stuart to prevent the
fulfilling of this determination, they responded, by cocking
their guns, and threatening instant death to any one who
should dare to oppose them.

The interpreter's wife, (who had lately returned from
Indian captivity, and seemed to entertain a feeling of affection
for Cornstalk and his companions) seeing their danger,
ran to their cabin to apprise them of it, and told them that
Ellinipsico was charged with having brought with him the
Indians who had killed Gilmore. This however he positively
denied, averring that he came alone, and with the
sole object of learning something of his father. In this
time Captain Hall and his men had arrived within hearing,
and Ellinipsico appeared much agitated. Cornstalk however,
encouraged him to meet his fate composedly, saying,
"my son, the Great Spirit has seen fit that we should die
together, and has sent you here to that [154] end. It is
his will and let us submit;—it is all for the best;" and
turning to meet his murderers at the door, received seven
bullets in his body and fell without a groan.

Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, Sachem of the
Shawanees, and king of the northern confederacy in 1774:
A chief remarkable for many great and good qualities.
He was disposed to be at all times the friend of white men;
as he ever was, the advocate of honorable peace. But
when his country's wrongs "called aloud to battle," he became

the thunderbolt of war; and made her oppressors feel
the weight of his uplifted arm. He sought not to pluck
the scalp from the head of the innocent, nor to war against
the unprotected and defenceless; choosing rather to encounter
his enemies, girded for battle, and in open conflict.
His noble bearing,—his generous and disinterested attachment
to the colonies, when the thunder of British cannon
was reverberating through the land—his anxiety to preserve
the frontier of Virginia from desolation and death,
(the object of his visit to Point Pleasant)—all conspired to
win for him the esteem and respect of others; while the
untimely, and perfidious manner of his death, caused a
deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms, even of
those who were enemies to his nation; and excited the
just indignation of all, towards his inhuman and barbarous
murderers.

When the father fell, Ellinipsico continued still and
passive; not even raising himself from the seat, which he
had occupied before they received notice, that some infuriated
whites were loudly demanding their immolation. He
met death in that position, with the utmost composure
and calmness. The trepidation which first seized upon
him, was of but momentary duration, and was succeeded
by a most dignified sedateness and stoical apathy. It was
not so with the young Red Hawk. He endeavored to
conceal himself up the chimney of the cabin, in which
they were; but without success. He was soon discovered
and killed. The remaining Indian was murdered by
piece-meal; and with almost all those circumstances of
cruelty and horror, which characterize the savage, in
wreaking vengeance upon an enemy.

Cornstalk is said to have had a presentiment of his
approaching fate. On the day preceding his death, a
council of officers was convoked, in consequence of the
continued absence of General Hand, and their entire ignorance
of his [155] force or movements, to consult and
determine on what would be the course for them to pursue
under existing circumstances. Cornstalk was admitted
to the council; and in the course of some remarks,
with which he addressed it, said, "When I was young and

went to war, I often thought, each might be my last adventure,
and I should return no more. I still lived. Now
I am in the midst of you, and if you choose, may kill me.
I can die but once. It is alike to me, whether now or
hereafter." Little did those who were listening with delight
to the eloquence of his address, and deriving knowledge
from his instruction, think to see him so quickly and
inhumanly, driven from the theatre of life. It was a fearful
deed; and dearly was it expiated by others. The
Shawanees were a warlike people, and became henceforward
the most deadly foe, to the inhabitants on the
frontiers.

In a few days after the perpetration of this diabolical
outrage upon all propriety, General Hand arrived from
Pittsburg without an army, and without provisions for
those who had been awaiting his coming. It was then
determined to abandon the expedition; and the volunteers
returned to their homes.[20]