University of Virginia Library


162

ECHO.....NO. XX.

March 4, 1805.

[_]

On taking this station on a former occasion, I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. My conscience tells me that I have, on every occasion, acted up to that declaration, according to its obvious import, and to the understanding of every candid mind.”

“I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to extend our limits; but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on, and in the mean time may keep down the accruing interest; in all events it will replace the advances we have made. I know the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory may endanger its union.

“But who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association the less will it be shaken by local passions; and in any view is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our brethren and children, than by strangers of another family? With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse?


163

“The Aboriginal inhabitants of these countries, I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspired: endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores: without power to divert, or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current or driven before it: now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that state of society, which to bodily comforts adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use: we have placed among them instructors in the arts of first necessity; and they are covered with the Ægis of the law against aggressors from amongst ourselves.

“But the endeavours to enlighten them on the fate, which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter, they are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudice of their mind, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals amongst them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. Those persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their creator made them, ignorance being safety, and knowledge full of danger; in short among them also is seen the action and


164

counteraction of good sense and of bigotry: they too have their anti-philosophers, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates.”

“During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety: they might indeed have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved to and provided by the several states against falsehood and defamation; but public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation. Nor was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth.—Whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation. The experiment has been tried, you have witnessed the scene; our fellow citizens have looked on cool and collected; they saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded; they gathered around their public functionaries, and when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honourable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes he may be intrusted with his own affairs.


165

“No inference is here intended, that the laws provided by the state against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced: he who has time renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law. But the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinion in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint.

“Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally, as auguring harmony and happines to our future course, I offer to our country sincere congratulations.—With those too, not yet rallied to the same point, the disposition to do so is gaining strength; facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them, and our doubting brethren will at length see that the mass of their fellow-citizens, with whom they cannot yet resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as they think, and desire what they desire; that our wish, as well as theirs, is that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good; that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, law and order preserved, equality of rights maintained, and that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry, or that of his fathers. When satisfied of these views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and support them; in the mean time let us do them justice, and more than justice, in all competitions of interest: and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests will at length prevail, will gather them into the fold of their country; and will complete that entire union of opinion, which gives to a nation the blessing of harmony and the benefit of all its strength.”


166

“Wak'd from long sleep her tuneful shell,
“Shall sportive Echo strike again,
“While loud its tones melodious swell,
“As nobler themes inspire the strain.”
'Tis just four years, this all-eventful day,
Since on my head devolv'd our country's sway,
When at the undertaking's magnitude
With lowly rev'rence I most humbly bow'd.
You well remember with what modest air
I first approach'd the Presidential Chair,
How blush'd my cheek, what faultering in my gait,
When first I squatted on the throne of state!
But as, protected by supernal power,
We all surviv'd that most tremendous hour,
Let us rejoice, and trust that not in vain
Four years have brought us to this place again.
A foolish custom forc'd me to declare
Off-hand what point of compass I should steer;
But knowing well that every Fed'ral eye
On me was fix'd some mischief to descry,
I tun'd my fiddle for the vulgar throng,
And lull'd suspicion by a soothing song.

167

An old companion in my bosom keeps
A constant watch, save when perchance he sleeps,
From early youth in friendship sweet we've play'd,
And hand in hand through life's vast circuit stray'd.
Last night I ask'd him freely to declare,
(And he was here before, and heard me swear)
How far I'd kept my first inaug'ral speech,
And whether Candour could allege a breach.
He boldly answer'd—‘Sir, on each occasion,
You've acted e'en beyond your declaration:
Thus, when you promis'd to be just and true
To all, and give to every man his due,
Could Candour possibly have understood
That the term all men could your foes include?
No, Sir, on me let all the mischief fall,
If aught except your friends was meant by all.
Nor shall the Fed'ralists, perverse and base,
On grounds like these lay claim to hold their place.
Again, when toleration was your theme,
What stupid mortal could a moment dream
You meant to drop at once your choicest grace,
The right to turn the Fed'ralists from place:
What though you said, with soft persuasive tone,
That Fed'ralists and Democrats were one;
Yet you, and I, and Candour fully knew
By one you meant nor more nor less than two.
And shall a man of broad capacious mind
Be to one meaning rigidly confin'd?

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The ancient proverb's wiser far, I trow,
“'Tis best to keep two strings to every bow.”
This maxim oft, amid this world of strife,
Has prov'd the solace of your varied life,
Charm'd the rapt ear with soft and double tongue,
And gain'd applause by sweet ambiguous song.
Now, Sir, since I have set all matters right,
Conscience will bid the President good night.
“Among the deeds economy has wrought,
High rank the num'rous tracts of land we've bought;
Our country's limits constantly extend
O'er boundless wilds and rivers without end,
Nations are bargain'd for by sleight of hand,
We soon shall purchase old Van Diemen's land,
Beyond Cape Horn our speculations roll,
“And all be our's around the Southern pole,”
What though no boundary to our views are set,
And every bargain swells the public debt,
Unlike all other modes of gaining pelf,
Before we're sued this debt will pay itself.
And though our title deeds, by strange mischance,
Instead of Spain are sign'd and seal'd by France,
The limits too, not definitely fix'd,
Lie somewhere this and t'other world betwixt,
For fear some quarrel should hereafter rise
We've given our obligations for the price.
I grant some minds, of weak and fearful mould,
Instead of buying think we'd better sold,

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Lest first or last, by some unseen mishap,
So greatly stretch'd, our union cord should snap—
'Tis true, indeed, a leather string will break
If stretch'd too far; but much do I mistake
If ever mortal broke a string of leather
By tying first a dozen strings together.
And can it be that as we larger grow
At the same moment we grow smaller too?
This does not quadrate with dame nature's course;
She gives to pigmies weakness, giants force;
The mighty Mammoth stronger is by half
Than the slim stag, the bullock than the calf.
Thus should this great Republic once expand
From shore to shore and cover every land,
In like proportion would our strength abide,
And we could manage all the world beside.
And when our children leave our fost'ring arms
And roam the western wilderness for farms,
On banks remote to see them peaceful toil,
Lords of the stream, and masters of the soil,
Is better far than on the self same place
To meet with squatters of a different race,
With whom, perhaps, possess'd of better right,
We cannot get along unless we fight.
 

Persons who settle on vacant lands in the wilderness, without title, and who are with much difficulty removed.

Oft have the dark-skinn'd natives of the wild
Our tenderest thoughts engag'd, Our love beguil'd;

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At their sad story oft We've felt Our breast
With soft compassion's throbbing pangs opprest,
That story sad, by Fiction's hand adorn'd,
Where hapless Logan for his offspring mourn'd,
What time, by cruel Cresap's murd'rous knife,
Poor Squaw and Poppoose both were reft of life.
Long since We've prov'd from Philosophic ken,
That Squaws are women and their Sanaps men;
Though, far unlike our European race,
No bristly beards their polish'd chins disgrace.
O'er their smooth frames no hairs unseemly spread,
Nor aught displays that covering but the head,
Yet nature prompts them with the same desires,
And with like feelings and like passions fires.
When, fresh from Sov'reign Nature's plastic hand,
Shone in the bloom of youth this blissful land,
Good, simple, harmless, nor with blood defil'd,
Liv'd the poor Indian mid the desart wild.
Close by some crystal stream his wigwam stood,
The skins of deer his dress, their flesh his food;
Few were his wants, and his desires but few,
No bliss beyond his pipe and Squaw he knew,
Small as his wants his homely household gear
Inspir'd, from nightly theft, no cause of fear,
With various hues his deer-skin mantle dyed,
By night his covering, and by day his pride,

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A pot of stone, his succotash to boil,
And huge samp-mortar, wrought with patient toil,
These were his riches, these his simple store,
And having these he sought for nothing more:—
Thus liv'd he blest, what time from Cambria's strand,
Advent'rous Madoc sought this unknown land.

SINCE printing the above, we have fortunately met with a publication relative to the Welch Indians, which we esteem of the greatest importance to elucidate the subject. We shall make no apology for inserting it at length, convinced that the public will feel equally interested with ourselves in this very important question.

To the Editor of the Kentucky Palladium.
Frankfort, 12th December, 1804.

Sir,

No circumstance relating to the history of the western country, probably, has excited, at different times, more general attention and anxious curiosity, than the opinion that a nation of white men, speaking the Welch language, reside high up the Missouri. By some the idea is treated as nothing but the suggestion of bold imposture and easy credulity:—whilst others regard it as a fact fully authenticated by Indian testimony and the report of various travellers worthy of credit. The fact is accounted for, they say, by recurring to a passage in the history of Great-Britain, which relates that several years before the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, a certain Welch prince embarked with a large party of emigrants—that after some time a vessel or two came back with the account that they had discovered a country far to the westward, and that they set sail again with a fresh reinforcement and never returned any more. The country which these adventurers discovered, it has been supposed, was the continent of North-America, and it has been conjectured, that they landed on this continent some where in the gulph of Mexico, and from thence proceeded northwards till they got out of the reach of the hostile natives, and seated themselves in the upper country of Missouri. Many accounts accordingly have been published within the last thirty years of persons who in consequence either of accident or the ardour of curiosity have made themselves acquainted with a nation of men on the Missouri, possessing the complexion of Europeans, and the language of Welchmen. Could the fact be well established, it would afford, perhaps, the most satisfactory solution of the difficulty occasioned by a view of the various ancient fortifications with which the Ohio country abounds, of any that has ever been offered. Those fortifications were never made by the Indians. The Indian art of war presents nothing of the kind. The probability too is that the persons who constructed them were at that time acquainted with the use of iron: the situation of those fortifications, which are uniformly in the most fertile land of the country, indicates that those who made them, were an agricultural people, and the remarkable care and skill with which they were executed, afford traits of the genius of a people, who relied more on their military skill than on their numbers. The growth of the trees upon them, is very compatible with the idea that it is not more than 300 years ago that they were abandoned.

These hints, however, are thrown out rather to excite inquiry, than by way of advancing any decided opinion on the subject. Having never met with any of the persons who had seen these white Americans, nor even received their testimony near the source, I have always entertained considerable doubts about the fact. Last evening however, Mr. John Childs, of Jessamine county, a gentleman with whom I have been long acquainted, and who is well known to be a man of veracity, communicated a relation to me, which at all events, appears to merit serious attention. After he had related it in conversation, I requested him to repeat it, and committed it to writing. It has certainly some internal marks of authenticity. The country which is described was altogether unknown in Virginia, when the relation was given, and was probably very little known to the Shawanese Indians; yet the account of it agrees very remarkably with later discoveries. On the other hand, the story of the large animal, though by no means incredible, has something of the air of fable; and it does not satisfactorily appear how the long period which the party were absent was spent—though Indians are however, so much accustomed to loiter away their time, that many weeks and even months, may probably have been spent in indolent repose.

Without detaining you any more with preliminary remarks, I will proceed to the narration, as I received it from Mr. Childs.

Maurice Griffith, a native of Wales, which country he left when he was about 16 years of age, was taken prisoner by a party of Shawanese Indians, about 40 years ago, near Vosse's fort, on the head of Roanoke river, in Virginia, and carried to the Shawanese nation. Having staid there about two years and a half, he found that five young men of the tribe, had a desire of attempting to explore the sources of the Missouri. He prevailed upon them to admit him as one of the party. They set out with six good rifles, and with six pounds of powder a piece, of which they were of course very careful. On reaching the mouth of the Missouri they were struck with the extraordinary appearance occasioned by the intermixture of the Missouri, and the clear, transparent stream of the Mississippi. They staid two or three days amusing themselves with the view of this novel sight: they then determined on the course which they should pursue, which happened to be so nearly in the course of the river, that they frequently came within sight of it as they proceeded on their journey. After travelling about thirty days through pretty farming wood land, they came into fine open prairies, on which nothing grew but long, luxuriant grass. There was a succession of these, varying in size, some being eight or ten miles across, but one of them so long, that it occupied three days to travel through it. In passing through this large prairie they were much distressed for water and provisions, for they seldom saw either beast or bird, and though there was an abundance of salt springs, fresh water was very scarce. In one of these prairies, the salt springs ran into small ponds, in which, as the weather was hot, the water had sunk and left the edges of the ponds so covered with salt, that they fully supplied themselves with that article, and might easily have collected bushels of it. As they were travelling through the prairies, they had likewise the good fortune to kill an animal which was nine or ten feet high, and of a bulk proportioned to its height. They had seen two of the same species before, and they saw four of them afterwards. They were swift footed, and they had neither tusks nor horns. After having passed through the long prairie, they made it a rule never to enter on one which they could not see across, till they had supplied themselves with a sufficiency of jerked venison, to last several days. After having travelled a considerable time through the prairies, they came to very extensive lead mines, where they smelted the ore and furnished themselves with what lead they wanted. They afterwards came to two copper mines, one of which was three miles through, and in several places they met with rocks of copper ore as large as houses.

When about fifteen days journey from the second copper mine, they came in sight of white mountains, which though it was in the heat of summer, appeared to them to be covered with snow. The sight naturally excited considerable astonishment, but on their approaching the mountains, they discovered, that instead of snow, they were covered with immense bodies of white sand. They had, in the mean time, passed through about ten nations of Indians, from whom they received very friendly treatment. It was the practice of the party to exercise the office of spokesman in rotation; and when the language of any nation through which they passed was unknown to them, it was the duty of the spokesman, a duty in which the others never interfered, to convey their meaning by appropriate signs.

The labour of travelling through the deep sands of the mountains, was excessive, but at length they relieved themselves of this difficulty by following the course of a shallow river, the bottom of which being level, they made their way to the top of the mountains, with tolerable convenience.

After passing the mountains they entered a fine fertile tract of land, which having travelled through for several days, they accidently met with three white men in the Indian dress. Griffith immediately understood their language, as it was pure Welsh, though they occasionally made use of a few words with which he was not acquainted. However, as it happened to be the turn of one of his Shawanese companions to act as spokesman, or interpreter. he preserved a profound silence, and never gave them any intimation that he understood the language of their new companions.

After proceeding with them four or five days journey, they came to the village of these white men, where they found that the whole nation were of the same colour, having all the European complexion. The three men took them through their village for about the space of fifteen miles, when they came to the council house, at which an assembly of the king and chief men of the nation was immediately held. The council lasted three days, and as the strangers were not supposed to be acquainted with their language, they were suffered to be present at their deliberation. The great question before the council was what conduct should be observed towards the strangers.—From their fire-arms, their knives and their tomahawks, it was concluded they were a warlike people—it was conceived that they were sent to look out for a country for their nation, that if they were suffered to return, they might expect a body of powerful invaders, but that if these six men were put to death, nothing would be known of their country, and they would still enjoy their possessions in security. It was finally determined that they should be put to death. Griffith then thought it was time for him to speak. He addressed the council in the Welsh language. He informed them that they had not been sent by any nation: that as they were actuated merely by private curiosity, they had no hostile intentions: that it was their wish to trace the Missouri to its source, and that they should return to their country satisfied with the discoveries they had made, without any wish to disturb the repose of their new acquaintances. An instant astonishment glowed in the countenances not only of the council but of his Shawanese companions, who clearly saw that he was understood by the people of the country. Full confidence was at once given to his declarations: the king advanced, and gave him his hand. They abandoned the design of putting him and his companions to death, and from that moment treated them with the utmost friendship. Griffith and the Shawanese continued eight months in the nation: but were deterred from prosecuting their researches up the Missouri, by the advice of the people of the country, who informed him that they had gone a twelve months journey up the river but found it as large there as in their own country. As to the history of this people, he could learn nothing satisfactory. The only account they could give was that their forefathers had come up the river from a very distant country. They had no books, no records, no writings. They intermixed with no other people by marriage; there was not a dark skinned man in the nation. Their numbers were very considerable. There was a continued range of settlements on the river for fifty miles, and there were, within this space, three large water courses which fell into the Missouri, on the banks of each of which, likewise, they were settled. He supposed that there must be 50,000 men in the nation, capable of bearing arms. Their cloathing was skins well dressed. Their houses were made of upright posts and the bark of trees. The only implements they had to cut them with were stone tomahawks. They had no iron, their arms were bows and arrows. They had some silver, which had been hammered with stones into coarse ornaments, but it did not appear to be pure. They had neither horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, nor any domestic or tame animals. They lived by hunting. He said nothing about their religion.

Griffith and his companions had some large iron tomahawks with them. With these they cut down a tree and prepared a canoe to return home in:—but their tomahawks were so great a curiosity, and the people of the country were so eager to handle them, that their canoe was completed with very little labour. When this work was accomplished, they proposed to leave their new friends, Griffith, however, having promised to visit them again. They descended the river with considerable speed, but amidst frequent dangers from the rapidity of the current, particularly when passing through the white mountains. When they reached the Shawanese nation, they had been absent about two years and a half. Griffith supposed that when they travelled, they went at the rate of about fifteen miles a day.—He staid but a few months with the Indians after their return, as a favourable opportunity offered itself to reach his friends in Virginia. He came with a hunting party of Indians to the head waters of Coal river, which runs into New river not far above the falls.—There he left the Shawanese, and easily reached the settlements on Roanoke.—Mr. Childs knew him before he was taken prisoner, and saw him a few days after his return, when he narrated to him the preceding circumstances. Griffith was universally regarded as a steady, honest man, and a man of strict veracity. Mr. Childs has always placed the utmost confidence in his accounts of himself and his travels, and has no more doubt of the truth of his relation, than if he had seen the whole himself. Whether Griffith be still alive or not he does not know.

Whether his idea be correct or not, we shall probably have a better opportunity of judging on the return of captains Lewis and Clark—who, though they may not penetrate as far as Griffith alleged that he had done, will probably learn enough of the country to enable us to determine whether the account given by Griffith be fiction or truth.

I am, Sir, your humble servant,

HARRY TOULMIN.

With swords and bibles arm'd the Welch appear,
Their faith to 'stablish and their empire rear;
Struck with surprize the simple savage sees
The pictur'd dragon waving in the breeze,
Hears with delight the harp's wild music play,
As sweet the strings respond to Gryffidd's lay;
But when th' advancing squadrons forward move,
Their arms bright gleaming mid the dusky grove,
Joy yields to fear, as now, approaching nigh,
Their ress and uncouth features meet his eye;—
And when their barb'rous Celtic sounds he hears,
That grate discordant on his tender ears,
Fill'd with wild terror from the scene he scuds,
And seeks retreat amidst impervious woods,
While, in pursuit, behind th' affrighted man
‘The o'erflowing stream of population ran,’

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His wigwam swept away, his patch of corn,
Before the fury of the torrent borne;
Drove him from wood to wood, from place to place,
And now for hunting leaves him little space.
Then since, beneath this widely-spreading tide,
Sunk are the grounds that Indian wants supplied,
Few are their deer, their buffaloes are dead,
Or o'er the lakes with mighty Mammoth fled;
Humanity has whisper'd in Our ear,
Whose dictates ever have We held most dear,
To teach them how to spin, to sew, to knit,
And for their stockings manufacture feet,
Since by their ‘energies' exertions’ sole
Can they e'er figure on Existence' roll.
We therefore liberally to them have sent
Such household matters as for use are meant,
Pots, kettles, trenchers, dripping-pans, whate'er
Their kitchens lack, their victuals to prepare,
And with them skilful men to teach them how
To still their whisky their tobacco grow;—
While, to secure them from domestic harm,
We've lifted o'er them, with Our thundering arm,
The Law's broad Egis, under which as still
And safe they lie “as thieves within a mill.”
But vain th' attempt to this Imperial Day
To light their dusky souls with reason's ray,
To make them quit their guns and scalping knives,
And stay at home contented with their wives;

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Most powerful obstacles this scheme prevent,
Thwart my fine plans, and frustrate my intent:—
Firstly their bodies' habits different are,
And different med'cine claim, and different care,
No neutral mixture will for them suffice
Of gentle acids and mild alkalies;
But powerful Blood-root, Oil of Rattle-snake
Jerusalem Oak, and Gum of Hacmetac.
Nor simple blood lettings their pains assuage,
Warm their cold chills, and quell their fever's rage,
Means far more potent their tough frames require,
And the free use of lancets and of fire.
Besides as ne'er the Indian's chin appears
Mark'd with a beard, howe'er mature his years,
Of course no Barber's hand, with razor keen,
No Barber's pole amidst the tribes is seen.—
Great marts of knowledge, form'd the world to bless,
The seats of scandal, politics and dress!
From Barber's shops what benefits we trace?
How great their 'vantage to the human race?
That source of civil culture unpossess'd,
What wonder reason slowly fills the breast?
Thou knight renown'd! possess'd of equal skill
The comb to flourish, or to ply the quill,
Whose bright effusions, wond'ring, oft I see,
And own myself in message beat by thee,

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O would'st thou, Huggins, to the Indians go,
And on their chins give mighty beards to grow,
Soon should thy shop o'er all their wigwams rise,
And painted pole attract their curious eyes,
While the glad tribes would thither thick repair,
And claim in turn the honours of thy chair.
Methinks amid the newly-bearded band,
With brush and lather arm'd, I see thee stand,
And as each visage gleams with foamy white,
And wields thy dexter hand the razor bright,
Thy eloquence pervades, refines the whole;
And pours the beams of reason o'er their soul,
While white-wigg'd savages, with loud acclaim,
Thee as the People's Friend, and President shall name.
Thrice happy time; when, freed from Error's night,
Reason's broad beam shall shed her mid-day light,
O'er realms regenerate ope unbounded day,
And bless the Indians with its brightest ray.
Drive the thick mist from their bewildered eyes
Give them their former habits to despise,
While they partakers of our equal right,
In civic feasts and whiskey shall delight.

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But much We doubt that ne'er within Our reign,
Will Indian manners such refinement gain;
For ah! among them live some crafty dogs,
Change-haters, anti-philosophic rogues,
Chaps who, though something, are of nothing made,
Mere forms of air and phantoms of the shade:
Who say 'tis better in the ancient way
Safe to go on, than in new paths to stray,
Where bogs and precipices lurk beneath,
And ignes fatui point the way to death,
That civic feasts with Indians suit but ill,
And Rum and Whiskey are contriv'd to kill,
That what the whites the light of reason call
Is but another name for cheating all,
And that by equal right is meant, 'tis plain,
The right by force or fraud whate'er they list to gain.
Thus like the Feds to reason they pretend
Suspect Our motives, and decry Our end.
Where Action too with counteraction jars,
And wild Misrule 'gainst Order fiercely wars,
Anti-Philosophers with scorn reject
Th' enlightning doctrines of Our favour'd sect;
Bigot's of mouldy creeds, that long ago
The Goddess Reason taught were idle show,
Their superstitious whims and habits hold,
Reject the new and cleave unto the old:
In vain Reform in Gallic mantle drest,
Unbinds her zone, and wooes them to her breast,

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And Innovation's meretricious smile
Attempts their rigid firmness to beguile.
Strange that such Prejudice in chains should bind
In our enlighten'd days the human kind!
Fools must they be, by dullness sure possess'd,
In their old way contented to be blest,
When Novelty, with all-alluring charms
Of untried systems, lures them to her arms.
 

For this story, see Notes on Virginia, and for its authenticity the letters of Luther Martin Esquire.

The Indian name for the mixture of Indian corn, or maize, with beans.

One of these very bibles is said to have been discovered, not many years since, in the possession of the Welch Indians, who have excited so much curiosity, and who preserved with a sanctimonious reverence this relic of their ancestors, although they were unable to read it and ignorant of its use. It is to be hoped that the gentleman appointed by the President to explore the western part of this Continent may, in his researches, be so fortunate so to fall in with this tribe and obtain from them this curious and invaluable deposit.

Though the Echo is disposed to allow to a certain great philosopher every credit for his zeal for political and moral reform, she has doubted whether the solicitude expressed for the illumination of the savages by this novel, though doubtless efficacious method, may not, in part, have had its origin in a jealousy of the rival talents of the celebrated character, so strongly urged to this philosophic mission, and a disposition to remove him to a greater distance, by this species of honourable exile, as even the greatest men are not always entirely devoid of that passion, and “like the Turk, can bear no rival near the throne.”

E'er since the day when first we took Our seat,
As Lord High Admiral of our nation's fleet,
The busy goose-quill has pursued its trade,
And the Press kept a constant cannonade,
Charg'd with the dreadful cartridges of wit;
Our head is batter'd, and Our heart is hit.
That scoundrel Scotchman, from his awful chest,
For weeks and months disturb'd Our nightly rest,
'Till freed from fear we heard the joyful sound
That Callender at last was safely drown'd,
Old Gabriel Jones the next in row appears,
And rings his story in Our tortured ears;
The old curmudgeon rummag'd up a feat
Of Ours, when fav'ring law allow'd to cheat,
Merely because We wish'd to pay, in trash,
A trifling quantity of borrow'd cash,
And makes as much disturbance at it now
As if it happen'd but a week ago.
Besides, the chance is even in Our mind
That Jones was anti-whiggishly inclin'd,

177

If so, it constitutes Our brightest glory
To've done Our very best to trick a Tory.
Such tales with other things of trifling charge,
(For Us too tedious to detail at large,)
Mere peccadilloes, fir'd with deadly hate,
The paltry printers sound from State to State.
Nor even here has ceas'd the thundering press,
But still invades Our quiet, “more or less:”
If from Our lips some contradictions fall,
These Fed'ral Warriors from their ambush crawl,
With direful War-whoop break upon Our ear,
And rend Our bosom with distracting fear.
Sometimes We're timid, other times too rash,
Penurious now, now prodigal of cash,
Sometimes We talk in hypocritic strain,
Sometimes We're hand and glove with atheist Paine,
Sometimes Our style is mere bombastic sound,
Sometimes 'tis mean and grovelling on the ground,
Sometimes We're sulky, insolent and proud,
And sometimes drinking cyder with the croud,
Now in imperial state beheld with dread
Now seen with jack-knife slicing beef and bread.
So the Old Man, to please the many, tried
His Ass to lead, to carry, and to ride,
While the base herd, from charity exempt,
Call'd him a Jack-ass for each vain attempt.
Nor stop We here—Our nerves receive a shock
Whene'er is nam'd that terrible “dry dock;”

178

That mount of salt, so monstrous high and long,
Is made the theme of many a ‘caustic’ song,
Lead mines are laugh'd at, jeer'd are horned frogs,
And every booby sneers at prairie dogs.
These ills, too great for mortals to sustain,
Make Us at times most bitterly complain,
But then so far We've bolster'd up our cause
By loudly railing at Sedition Laws,
We've thought it prudent to entrust Our fates,
For kind protection to the sev'ral States.
Besides 'twas well to feel the public mind,
And know tow'rds Us how far it stood inclin'd,
To try if free discussion could remove,
Or aught impair the “sovereign people's love.”
This has been done—and you have witness'd all
How vain th' attempt has proved to work Our fall;
How round Us throng'd the worthies of the land,
“Ready, aye ready” at Our high command—
“True whigs of seventy-six,” a goodly store,
Imported fresh from Erin's peaceful shore,
Time-serving changelings, faction's desperate band,
And all the virtuous refuse of our land,—
Thick as the flies that round some carcase pour.
Or lice that punish'd Pharaoh's sins of yore;
And kindly gave Us through their patriot cares,
In our own way to gest our own affairs.

179

No inference still must old offenders draw
That We dislike the vengeance of the law;
But being press'd with more important cares,
And loaded deep with national affairs,
We have not leisure now to throw away,
Nor wish for lawyer's fees our cash to pay;
Yet he who loves in court his time to spend
Perchance the public morals may amend,
The slanderous Press of all its rage disarm,
And shield Our public character from harm,
To Fed'ralists a useful lesson teach
To drop their pens, and curb the use of speech,
And though, in Washington's and Adams' reign,
It was Our right 'gainst rulers to complain,
Though Freneau's labours faithfully were tried,
And year by year Duane and Cheetham lied,
Yet now the table's turn'd, we hold the sway,
Our lying Dogs at length have got their day,
'Tis therefore clear we cannot get along
Unless We shackle every Federal tongue,
Our fame in garb inviolable dress,
And bind in chains the Freedom of the Press.
And tho' with them 'twere base, with us 'tis fit
“Since one man's poison is another's meat,”
Nor does the adage in this case hold true,
“That sauce for goose is sauce for gander too.”
But our success we merely note t' unfold
That since in reason's spite Our ground we hold,

180

All that the Feds can do We deem full light,
Though with opinions false, false facts unite,
In league against Us harmless are they found,
These truths untrue a jingle mere of sound;
Nor need the Press, to Us devoted, e'er
Of harpy law the griping talons fear.
Joy to Our friends, to all sincerest joy
Who share Our favours, or Our care employ,
Scarce can Our breast its load of joy contain
As ope to view the glories of Our reign!
Lo! all conjoin'd in one great bond of peace,
Contention dies, and oppositions cease!
Ourselves in social intercourse combin'd,
One spirit actuates, and one gen'ral mind,

181

Nor e'er shall varying systems rudely jar,
And 'midst Our bands excite intestine war,
Or furious Discord with unlovely mien,
Among Fraternal Union's sons be seen.
Hereafter free from care, Our skiff shall glide,
Its compass folly, theory its guide,
Adown the stream of state, no rocks t' impede
No federal shoals to intercept its speed;
And should, perchance, from Eastern climes arise
The howling storm and darken o'er our skies,
Though the rent sails be driv'n before the blast,
The cordage snap and spring the groaning mast,
Yet on one anchor firm can We confide,
And all the perils of the storm deride;
The People's favour is that anchor sure,
With which through every gale We ride secure,
And though, from want of skill, 'midst breakers cast,
That ever safely brings Us up at last.
As trout, by tickling, so the Mob are ta'en,
This long we've known, and practis'd not in vain,
And now do what We may We need not fear,
Applause is sure to greet Our raptur'd ear,
For, should aught luckless pass, the stupid elves
Would shut both eyes and ears to cheat themselves.
O thou, to whom my present state I owe,
To whom whate'er of future hope I know,
Flatt'ry, great master, who, with magic art,
Mov'st at thy will the springs of every heart!

182

O still propitious prove, still give my tongue
With honied sounds to lure the blinded throng!
Give them to trust, implicit, in my word,
Howe'er fallacious, and howe'er absurd!
Make them believe whatever I propose
From purest zeal for public welfare flows!
That those my fav'rite projects who decry
Are urg'd by malice, or mean jealousy!
That I alone the proper course can see,
And all of wisdom emanates from me!
Then shall our doubting brethren, who, as yet,
To rally round Us have delay'd “a bit,”
When they so pleas'd and wonderstruck shall hear
That all republican, all fed'ral are;
That in all questions that betwixt us rise,
Where party passions clash, and interest vies,
Justice her scale holds so much more than even
The balance ever to our side is given;
When they shall see this blissful state, tis plain
'Tis not in human nature to refrain,

183

Within Our fold in droves those sheep will run,
And joyful take Our ear-crop, every one,
And as a proof of love when safely penn'd,
Their silly fleece We'll shear, their mutton vend.
So when in quest of game the Indian roves
Amid his native wilds and piny groves,
If chance, amidst the branches perch'd on high,
The yellow Wappernocker meets his eye,
Instant, as if transform'd to powder'd beau,
He bows and cringes with politest show,
While, pleas'd, the simple beast wide opes his eyes,
And views the tawny juggler with surprize;
But, grown familiar with his antic feats,
He grin for grin and bow for bow repeats,
Drawing still near and nearer by degrees,
'Till in his reach his prize the savage sees,

184

When o'er his neck the treacherous cord he throws,
And closely draws the suffocating noose;
Then cease the bows, and drops the courtly air,
As the poor victim gasps within the snare;
While with stern joy he eyes th' expiring prey,
And bears elate his furry spoil away.
 

No apology, it is presumed, will be thought necessary by the literary reader for the introduction of this very expressive word into our language, as the use of it substantively, is sanctioned by such high authority, in that elegant phrase, “the gestion of our public affairs.”

Next to invention, that first qualification of a writer, and the prime characteristic of genius, may be rank'd the happy talent of accommodating the felicitous thoughts or expressions of others to his own purposes; particularly when he possesses the art of giving them, by a light variation, the appearance and effect of originality. A rare specimen of this talent seems to occur in the above beautiful antithesis, for which, it is presumed the writer must have been indebted to the celebrated Ben Towne, a royalist printer in Pennsylvania, during our revolutionary war with Great Britain—This noted character, in a confession of his politico-typographical sins, which he addressed to the good people of that state, acknowledged himself guilty of having, in imitation of his friend and model Jemmy Rivington, of ten stated in his paper, “facts that never happened.”

The Echo acknowledges herself to have been at first not a little puzzled to discover the meaning of the expression more than justice; the explanation however fortunately presents itself in the first dramatic production of this country, the celebrated Mercenary Match of the Honorable Barna Bidwell; who puts into the mouth of his heroine, in addressing herself to her confidante, these striking and highly poetical words “My more than Maid, my ever constant Betty.” As more than maid must necessarily be there intended to mean something very different from that pure and icicle state of virginity, so finely described by Shakespeare, so it may fairly be presumed, in the present instance, that more than justice signifies something widely different from that stern unrelaxing principle, which, without regard to friends or foes, perseveres inflexibly in the course of impartial rectitude; of this construction, the numerous removals from office, and other official acts of the present administration, will furnish a happy exemplification. At the same time the Echo is highly gratified in finding such respectable authority for the use of this expression, the ambiguity of which is so little in unison with the usual plain and lucid style of our Executive communications.

Wappernocker, the Indian name for the Marten. For this remarkable mode of taking that animal, see Peters's history of Connecticut, or some other work of equal veracity.—A similar device is said to be practised in the Bahamas for taking the Iguana.