University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER VIII.

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION TO THE PRESENT TIME.

Although active military operations were prolonged in various
parts of the country, especially at the south, after the capture o
Cornwallis's army, it may be said that the war was effectually
extinguished in Virginia by that memorable event. Most of the
troops which had been raised for the defence of the state were in a
short time disbanded, and although the negotiations for peace between
the two countries were rather slow in their progress, yet
the conviction soon became general, that the signal defeat of the
enemy at Yorktown would lead to that happy result. The statesmen
of Virginia took an active part in the discussions which followed
the treaty of peace, growing out of the acknowledged incompetency
of the articles of confederation to bind the states together
by ties sufficiently strong. The firmest patriots were alarmed
at the symptoms of approaching dissolution, and none were
more conspicuous in their efforts to avert that catastrophe than the
great man who led the armies of the Republic, and achieved its independence.
The Convention which assembled in Richmond, in
June, 1788, to ratify the federal constitution, was composed of some
of the most illustrious men in the state. The names of Marshall,[132]
Madison,[133] Monroe,[134] Mason,[135] Nicholas,[136] Henry,[137] Randolph,[138]

Pendleton,[139] Lee,[140] Washington,[141] Wythe,[142] Innes,[143] Harrison,[144]
Bland,[145] Grayson,[146] and a host of others, shed a lustre
upon the deliberations of that august body, which has never
been surpassed in the annals of the commonwealth. "The debates
as given to the public, though no doubt imperfect, exhibit a
display of eloquence and talents, certainly at that time unequalled
in the country."[147]

Yet it may appear strange to the present generation, that such
was the diversity of opinion which prevailed, and so serious were
the apprehensions entertained by many, that too much power was
conceded to the general government by the instrument proposed
for adoption, that it was only ratified by a lean majority of ten, out
of 168 members, who voted on the final question. The opposite
political opinions which were developed on that occasion, were
strongly impressed upon the public mind, and traces of their influence
may be easily distinguished in the subsequent history of parties
in Virginia. The name of federalist, which was originally applied
to those who were in favor of adopting the Constitution,
was afterwards used to designate the party which favored that
construction of the instrument supposed to give greater efficiency
to the powers it conferred; while those, for the most part, who
were hostile to the new form of government, preferred to be distinguished
by the title of democrats, or republicans.[148] These distinctions,
were aggravated and widened by the subsequent action
of Congress, and especially by the passage of the Alien and Sedition
laws, in Mr. Adams's administration. These measures encountered
the most decided opposition in Virginia. Mr. Madison,
who was one of the ablest and most distinguished advocates of the
federal constitution, conceived that its true meaning had been
grossly perverted by the measures referred to—and having been

elected to the state legislature for the session of 1799, prepared
his celebrated report, which received the sanction of that body,
by a considerable majority. This report, ever since its adoption,
has been regarded by the state-rights, or democratic party, as a
political text-book, or authoritative exposition of the federal constitution;
yet it is affirmed by their opponents, that its reasons and
deductions have been frequently applied to cases which were not
within the contemplation of its original framer, or of many others,
who sanctioned its application to the Alien and Sedition
laws.

Passing over the minor events in the annals of the state, it may
be sufficient to observe, that she gave a constant and cordial support
to the measures of her presidents, Jefferson and Madison,
which were preliminary to the war of 1812, declared against Great
Britain. During the existence of that war, she contributed liberally
her treasure, and the services of her people, to the defence of
the country. To say nothing of the distinguished men and numerous
recruits with which she supplied the land and naval forces
of the Union, instances were not wanting of the display of heroic
valor within her own borders, in repelling the predatory and sanguinary
depredations of the enemy. Hampton, Craney Island, the
White House, and various other points on the Potomac, will long
be remembered as scenes of gallant enterprise or patient endurance
of the hardships of war. Her sons from the mountains and valleys
of her extensive western domain, marched with alacrity to
the seaboard, and submitted, without murmuring, to the toils and
perils of the camp; and hundreds paid the forfeit of their lives in
a climate which, to them, habit and nature had rendered uncongenial
and fatal.

Although the state was a cordial and zealous supporter of the
war, and perhaps suffered less than some of the more exposed of
her sister commonwealths, yet she was by no means disinclined to
peace; although, in the opinion of many, the terms upon which
that blessing was acquired were not precisely consistent with the
objects for which the war was declared. This, however, is one of
the usual contingencies upon which the mortal conflicts of nations
are waged. They fight for principle, but are obliged to make
peace from necessity; and there is no truth which is taught us by
experience more salutary, than that peace, even with its attendant
disadvantages, is more tolerable than war, which places
every thing at hazard, and is always followed by multiplied horrors.

Nothing, perhaps, occurred of sufficient consequence to be noticed
by the general annalist or historian, after the peace of 1815,
until the period which brought about the General Convention of
1829, assembled for the purpose of revising the state constitution;
a frame of government which had been established prior to the
Declaration of Independence, and which was, therefore, consecrated
in the affections of a large portion of the people by being associated

with revolutionary scenes and recollections. It is not to be
denied, however, that some of the complaints of those who were
clamorous for reform, were in themselves reasonable, even if no
serious inconvenience and mischief had been experienced in practice.
The grievance which had been most earnestly dwelt upon
in the popular discussions, was the great inequality of representation
in the state legislature. Counties of unequal size, wealth,
and population, were represented in the state councils by an equal
number of delegates; and although perhaps the interests of large
sections or divisions were fully protected in the practical operation
of government, yet the sense of local wrong was too powerful to
be resisted. The call of a convention was sanctioned by a majority
of the people, and that body assembled in Richmond in October,
1829. No set of men of more varied talents, or of riper
experience and wisdom, had been organized as a public body in
Virginia, since the meeting of the state convention which ratified
the federal constitution; and there are many conspicuous names
found in the proceedings of both those distinguished assemblies.[149]
How strikingly different were the results of the deliberations of
the two conventions! The first in the order of time contributed
essentially to cement the union of the states, by the substitution of
a solid fabric of government for a feeble confederation, which, in
the language of the day, had been aptly compared to a "rope of
sand." The labors of the latter, in the opinion of able minds, have
not only resulted in no essential good, but in much practical mischief.
Whether the opinion be or be not well-founded, it is not
necessary to decide; but it is certain that the amended constitution
has dissatisfied many, and that propositions have already been
made to the legislature to adopt preliminary measures for a third
convention.

Virginia having the most extensive territory of any of the states
of the Union, and being the largest slaveholder, has always been
peculiarly sensitive in regard to that species of property. As far
back as the first administration of Gov. Monroe, at the commencement
of the present century, a well-organized insurrection of the
slaves in the immediate vicinity of the seat of government, was
only prevented from resulting in the most frightful consequences
to the persons and property of the whites, by the timely interposition
of Providence. From the best authenticated accounts, founded
upon evidence taken at the time by the constituted authorities,
a large body of slaves, supposed to be a thousand in number, headed
by skilful leaders, and provided with the means of offensive

warfare, assembled by preconcert, in the night, about six miles
from Richmond, and resolved to attack the town before daybreak.
No suspicion having been excited, the police was feeble and inert;
the inhabitants were lulled into perfect security, and nothing, it is
believed, saved them from massacre and pillage, but a sudden and
violent storm, accompanied by heavy rains, which rendered impassable
a stream lying between the insurgents and the city. A
young negro, attached to his master and family, was seized with
compunction for his criminal designs, and swam the stream, at the
hazard of life, to give information of the plot. The whole city
was roused—troops were ordered out—the insurrection was suppressed,
and the ringleaders expiated their offence on the gallows.
The severity of the punishment inflicted upon these unhappy sufferers,
it was supposed, for a long period of time, would prevent
any similar disturbance in the state; but unhappily, in the year
1831, during the administration of Gov. Floyd, a still more alarming
insurrection occurred in the county of Southampton, which
was attended by the most tragical results. A fanatical slave by
the name of Nat Turner, with his brother, who was still more fanatical,
and who styled himself the prophet, rallied a band of desperate
followers, and, in open day, carried death and desolation
into all the surrounding neighborhoods. Whole families of men,
women, and children, were slaughtered without mercy, under circumstances
of peculiar barbarity; and the insurrection was only
suppressed by the prompt interference of the military authority.
After the fullest investigation, the conduct of these sanguinary
wretches could not be accounted for upon any of the usual motives
which govern men in a servile condition. As slaves, they
were not treated with particular unkindness or severity; and the
only plausible solution of the problem is to be found in the suggestions
of a wild superstition, excited by the unnatural and extraordinary
appearance of the sun at that particular period—a phenomenon
which was recorded at the time, and is still well recollected.

This painful and startling event made a deep impression upon
the public mind. Men began to think and reason about the evils
and insecurity of slavery; the subject of emancipation was discussed
both publicly and privately, and was prominently introduced
into the popular branch of the legislature at the ensuing session
of 1831-32. The House of Delegates contained, at that time,
many young members of shining abilities, besides others of maturer
years and more established reputation; and the debate
which sprang up, upon the abstract proposition declaring it expedient
to abolish slavery, was characterized by all the powers of
argument and all the graces of eloquence. It was a topic eminently
fitted to arouse the strongest passions of our nature, and to
enlist the long-cherished prejudices of a portion of the Virginia
people. After an animated contest, the question was settled by a
kind of compromise, in which the evils of slavery were distinctly

recognised, but that views of expediency required that further
action on the subject should be postponed. That a question so
vitally important would have been renewed with more success at
an early subsequent period, seems more than probable, if the current
opinions of the day can be relied on; but there were obvious
causes in operation which paralyzed the friends of abolition, and
have had the effect of silencing all agitation on the subject. The
abolitionists in the northern and eastern states, gradually increasing
their strength as a party, became louder in their denunciations
of slavery, and more and more reckless in the means adopted for
assailing the constitutional rights of the south. The open and
avowed security given to fugitive slaves, not only by the efforts of
private societies, but by public official acts in some of the free
states, together with the constant circulation of incendiary tracts,
calculated to endanger the safety of slave-holding communities,
have awakened a spirit of proud and determined resistance; and
it is now almost impossible to tell when the passions shall have
sufficiently cooled for a calm consideration of the subject.

If Virginia has not successfully rivalled some of the more
wealthy and populous states in the cause of general education,
and in works of internal improvement, she has at least devoted to
those important objects all the resources she could command without
impairing her credit by too great a pecuniary responsibility.
It is an honorable trait, that she has been careful to fulfil her engagements
in the most embarrassing times.