 | CHAPTER IV The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
CHAPTER IV
INTRODUCTION
Pan Ku, in writing these annals of Emperor Wen's reign, was very
conscious of the fact that he was also writing many Treatises and
Memoirs which deal with the same period. He wished to avoid undue
repetition, so put much of the material dealing with this period into
those Treatises and Memoirs that naturally required it. He makes cross-references
to the most important of those accounts. These Annals are
accordingly not a complete account of the reign, but rather the annalistic
background to a much longer history, together with an account of those
events that do not fit better into the Treatises or Memoirs. Thus the
great raid of the Huns in 166 B.C. is barely mentioned, for a full account
is given in the "Memoir on the Huns." For a reader who has an adequate
knowledge about the period, such as that to be gained from the
Treatises and the Memoirs, this chapter sums up the period very well,
since it sets every important event in its chronological relations, even
though it does not always point out the significance of each event.
This chapter should accordingly be read, not as an attempt at writing
a modern history of the period, but for what it was intended to be—
an account of Emperor Wen together with a mention of the important
events in the reign, which account is part of a much longer history
that treats elsewhere of special subjects and of the important personages
mentioned therein. For a partial summary of those events and
personages, the reader is referred to the notes and the Glossary.
The chief source for this chapter was chapter X of the SC, which
deals similarily with Emperor Wen's reign. That chapter has not however
come down to us without changes. Into it there has been interpolated
the eulogy from this chapter of the HS (cf. p. 272, n. 1); other
changes may also have been made. Pan Ku however had the original of
that chapter. He did not follow it slavishly; some material in it has been
transferred to the relevant Treatises in the HS, for example the account
of the circumstances leading up to the abrogation of the law considering
wives and children as accomplices to a crime (cf. 4: 5b) and to the abolition
of mutilating punishments (cf. 4: 14b). In other cases, material
IV, V, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, XII, and Hou III, IV, V; the HS chronicles
events in each of these years. Some interesting edicts have also been
added, as for instance the ones on 4: 7a, b, and on 16b, 17a. Sometimes
deliberate corrections have been made in the SC account. The long
discussion concerning the appointment of an heir-apparent (4: 5b-6b)
is given in the SC as a conversation between the Emperor and his officials;
the HS quotes it as an exchange of written memorials and edicts. We
know that the imperial court kept in its files duplicates of all imperial
edicts, in order to check any forged edicts; cf. Glossary, sub Tou Ying.
Pan Ku had access to the imperial records and probably compared the
SC versions of these imperial edicts with the copies in the court files.
Thus from them he added the statement that this discussion was taken
from written, not oral documents. This change thus shows his care
and faithfulness to his sources.
Pan Ku probably also had available some sort of annals kept at the
imperial court, which listed such events as the Emperor's travels in and
out of the Palace and also portents, eclipses, drouths, earthquakes, deaths
of emperors, empresses, vassal kings, lieutenant chancellors, etc. The
material in the HS annals for the years omitted in the SC account can
be traced to such annals and to what would be found in the imperial
edicts of those years. These palace annals were probably distinct from
the source from which was taken the chronological record of officials
in part B of chapter 19, for this record and the rest of the HS partly
duplicate, usually supplement, and occasionally contradict each other.
Pan Ku's chapter on Emperor Wen is thus not a copy of the chapter in
the SC, but an independent composition, which took that chapter of
the SC as its principal source, copying it verbatim where it did not need
correction, because that was the best means of securing an accurate
record, just as the SC had previously copied its source material. Sources
were not mentioned by either author, for history was not written to
credit sources, but to give facts.
Emperor Wen came to the throne under exceptionally favorable circumstances,
for he was chosen for the place by the most influential persons
in the empire, who consequently took the responsibility for him.
Hsiao-hui, Kao-tsu's heir, together with Hsiao-hui's descendants, had all
died; the attempt of the Empress Dowager née Lü to continue her
family's influence by enthroning spurious sons of Hsiao-hui had been
frustrated by the action of Kao-tsu's immediate followers, who were her
the leaders of the imperial clan gathered in conclave at the capital. Liu
Chiao, Kao-tsu's sole surviving brother, was old and possibly ill, for he
died the next year. He remained in his kingdom of Ch'u. The other
leaders of the clan were all there: the wife of Liu Po, Kao-tsu's oldest
brother, who was the chief priestess in the ancestral worship, the wife of
Liu Chung, Kao-tsu's next oldest brother, and Kao-tsu's cousin, Liu
Tse, the oldest active male member of the clan. The choice lay between
Liu Hsiang, King of Ch'i, the oldest son of Kao-tsu's oldest son, and Liu
Heng, King of Tai, Kao-tsu's oldest living son. The latter was chosen,
because his mother's family had not the unpleasant reputation possessed
by that of Liu Hsiang. Primogeniture was thus considered as merely
an important, but not a necessary requirement for the succession.
Liu Heng showed the proper reluctance to accept the throne and was
duly installed. He was personally a modest and unaffected young man
in his twenty-second year, who had already reigned as King of Tai to
the seventeenth year.
His character is perhaps best shown in his edicts, which deserve to
rank among the greatest official pronouncements of all time. Pan Ku
esteemed them highly, for he quoted them extensively. The edict ordering
the cessation of prayers for the Emperor's personal happiness (4: 15b),
that on the peace with the Huns (4: 17a, b), and the very remarkable
testimentary edict (4: 19a-21a) are especially noteworthy.
Emperor Wen accepted whole-heartedly the Confucian doctrine that
the ruler exists for the welfare of his subjects and put that doctrine into
practise. He reduced the taxes and lightened the burdens of the people,
economizing in his personal expenses and avoiding any grand displays.
One later story is that he even attended court wearing straw sandals!
He asked the people for criticism of his rule (in his case this request was
sincerely meant) and he sought for capable commoners to assist in the
administration. He ordered the various divisions of the empire to recommend
their best men to the imperial court, and selected amongst them
by a written examination. These recommendations and examinations
seem not however to have occurred regularly, but only when there was
a special imperial call. Emperor Wen stressed agriculture by his personal
example in the sacred field and by his edicts, and was much worried
by famine and scarcity, even going so far as to abolish the land tax on
cultivated fields (soon revived by his successor). While he was thus
personally a Confucian in his belief and government, he was no bigot.
He established Erudits for the non-Confucian philosophies; candidates
studied these philosophies as well as the Confucian teachings; Chia Yi
as a result of Emperor Wen's personal influence, Confucianism was
given such a preponderant influence that the prohibition by Emperor Wu
in 141 B.C. of non-Confucian philosophies was a natural consequence.
During this reign, the Huns began making serious inroads after having
been quiescant during the preceding two short reigns. Kao-tsu had had
trouble with them, and had made peace with them, cementing it by
sending a princess of the imperial family to be a wife of the Hun emperor,
the Shan-yü. In 177 B.C. the Huns invaded the Chinese borders
and occupied Ordos. After the death of Mao-tun, the greatest Shan-yü,
which happened soon after 174 B.C., the Huns, in the winter of 167/6
B.C., made their greatest raid. Hsiao-wen's pacifistic policy of economizing
seems to have left him without adequate defense or they found a
lightly defended road around his defenses; led by the Shan-yü, thousands
of Hun horsemen came south through the passes in the present eastern
Kansuh, down the Chien and Wei River valleys, where they burnt the
Hui-chung Palace, and rode to Kan-ch'üan, in sight of Ch'ang-an. Emperor
Wen immediately made strenuous efforts for defence, and the Huns
left. In 162 B.C. peace was made with them, but in the winter of
159/8 they raided again. During this period there were thus begun the
sporadic invasions by the Huns which were to lead to the military expeditions
of Emperor Wu.
The only rebellion during this period was that of Liu Hsing-chü, King
of Chi-pei, who believed himself inadequately rewarded for having previously
taken the lead in eliminating the power of the Lü clan. This
rebellion was quickly put down. It made Chia Yi realize the danger of
vassal kingdoms, and he advised the Emperor to divide up the great
fiefs in order to weaken their power. Emperor Wen rejected his advice,
but in 164 B.C. he quietly began putting it into effect, dividing up two
kingdoms among nine scions of their kingly families. This policy was
continued, urged by Chao Ts'o, and led to the rebellion of the Seven States
in the next reign. Eventually this policy so enfeebled the power of the
imperial clan that Emperor Wu could at one stroke dismiss with impunity
half of the marquises who were members of the imperial clan.
The superstitious practises which were to deface Emperor Wu's reign
likewise began with Emperor Wen. He was doubtless a personally
devout man who accepted the universal belief that the gods could be
influenced by certain practises. The periodic famines natural to north
China were thought to come from the anger of the gods; Emperor Wen,
in his efforts to aid his people, was thus drawn into special religious
practises for the cultivation of the divine favor upon his people. In
this religious propensity: Kung-sun Ch'en and Hsin-yüan P'ing encouraged
him to extend the imperial worship and formulated the new rites
required. The latter person led the Emperor into other superstitious
practises, making a yellow dragon appear, hiding and dramatically finding
a jade cup inscribed, "Prolongued life to the Lord of Men," and also
hiding a three-legged cauldron at Fen-yin, which, when found, would
appear to be a lost cauldron of the Chou dynasty. He conducted an
unsuccessful search for it; it came to light only much later, in 113 B.C.,
when it made a great stir. He is said to have seen the sun twice at its
zenith on the same day, and as a consequence to have induced Emperor
Wen to begin again the numbering of the years of his reign. Although
Hsin-yüan P'ing's deceits were discovered and he was executed in 164
B.C., the precedent had been set of an emperor favoring those who could
bring special favors from the gods or spirits. Emperor Wu brought it
to fruition.
Emperor Wen's reign was thus a period of beginnings: of the Confucian
influence, of trouble with the Huns, of the division of fiefs, and
of important imperial superstition. It was the first really long reign
in the dynasty and it established many of the practises of the dynasty.
It was thus natural that this Emperor should have been posthumously
entitled the Great Exemplar of Emperors.
Personally Liu Heng was an admirable, though not entirely perfect
character. He is generally considered to have been one of the best
rulers of China. He showed genuine statesmanship. Thus he ended
the desultory war and rebellion of the kingdom of Nan-yüeh without
any fighting: he found in north China the cousins of its ruler, Chao
T'o, made large gifts to them and cared splendidly for the tomb of
Chao T'o's parents, then, in a tactful letter, he set forth satisfactory
boundaries for Nan-yüeh and told its ruler that there could not be two
emperors in the world. Chao T'o promptly changed his own title from
that of Emperor to King and acknowledged himself a subject of Emperor
Wen. The latter had so arranged matters that by so doing Chao T'o
would gain much and lose nothing except an empty title and a tribute
which was repaid by gifts from the imperial court. Thus Liu Heng
strove by all means to maintain peace.
He honestly worked for the best interests of his people and set their
advantage above his own. He sought for and accepted even the severest
criticism. He discouraged corruption and restrained the severity of his
officials, so that capital punishment became a rare thing. He ameliorated
the severities of the law, abolishing mutilating punishments and
the country became prosperous and there were made the accumulations
of wealth and population which enabled Emperor Wu to conquer the
surrounding world. Emperor Wen tried to maintain an even-handed
justice, even getting his mother's younger brother, Po Chao, who had
been responsible for the murder of an imperial attendant, to commit
suicide. Yet he does not seem to have punished his own Heir-apparent,
Liu Ch'i, when the latter killed his cousin, Liu Hsien, in a drunken dispute
over precedence while gambling. While Liu Heng seems to have been
a morally admirable, yet slightly weak character, it is only his due that
he has been extravagently admired ever since.
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao-]Wen
Emperor Hsiao-wen was a son of Kao-tsu, neither
the oldest nor the youngest. His mother was
called the Concubine[1]
[née] Po. In the eleventh
Hsi, pacified the region of Tai, and made [his
son Heng[5] ] the King of Tai, with his capital at
reign as King of Tai], in the autumn, the Empress of
Kao-[tsu] died. The [members of] the Lü [clan]
plotted to make a rebellion, wishing to endanger the
Liu clan, [but] the Lieutenant Chancellor, Ch'en
P'ing, the Grand Commandant, Chou P'o, the Marquis
of Chu-hsü, Liu Chang, and others together executed
them, [then] planned to set up the King of Tai, [Liu
Heng, as the next emperor]. A discussion [of the
foregoing matters] is found in the "Annals of the
Empress of Kao-[tsu]" and in the "Memoirs of the
Five Kings [Who Were Sons of] Kao-[tsu]."
The great officials thereupon sent some people to
invite the King of Tai to come. His Chief of the
Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Chang Wu,[12]
and others
discussed [the matter] and all said, "The great officials
of the Han [court] were all generals of the time
of the deceased Emperor Kao-[tsu], are experienced
in military affairs, and [use] many stratagems and
deceits. Their intentions [may] not stop with this
[proposal]. They feared only the majesty of the
Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the Empress Dowager [née]
Lü. Now they have executed the [members of the
Lü [clan] and have newly tasted blood[13]
in the
King, as a pretext; in reality they cannot be trusted.
We hope that you will announce yourself ill and not
go [to the capital], in order to watch their moves."
The Palace Military Commander [of Tai], Sung
the courtiers is wrong. When the Ch'in [dynasty]
lost its control, braves and heroes arose together,
each one [of whom] thought he would obtain [the imperial
throne]—they could be counted by the ten
thousands. Nevertheless the person who finally
mounted the throne of the Son of Heaven was of
the Liu clan. [These ambitious people of] the
world have given up any hopes [of attaining that
throne. The foregoing is] the first point.
"The Emperor Kao-[tsu] made kings of his sons
and kinsmen. Their territories interlock like the
teeth of a dog;[17]
they are what may be called, `being
founded on a rock.'[18]
The world has submitted to
their power. [The foregoing is] the second point.
"When the Han [dynasty] arose, it did away with
the vexatiousness and harshness of the Ch'in [dynasty],
reduced [the number of] their laws and ordinances,[19]
and showed its virtue and bounty.[20]
or shake [them from their allegiance to the Han
dynasty. The foregoing is] the third point.
"Moreover, although, by means of her power, the
Empress Dowager [née] Lü established three kings
from the Lü [clan] and arrogated to herself the
[imperial] power, [issuing imperial] decrees on her
own authority, yet when the Grand Commandant
[Chou P'o] by means of one credential entered
the Northern Army and once gave a call,
the soldiers all bared their left arms[23]
[to show that
they were] for the Liu clan, rebelled against the Lü
[clan], and finally, for this reason, exterminated
[the Lü clan]. This [triumph] then was bestowed
by Heaven, it was not [achieved] by human power.
Although the great officials should now wish to do
something else [than seat as emperor a scion of the
Liu clan], the people would not permit themselves
to be used by them; how could their faction [seize]
the sole power? Inside [the capital] there are your
relatives, [the Marquis of] Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang],
and [the Marquis of] Tung-mou, [Liu Hsing-chü];
outside [the capital they would have to] fear the
power of [the kingdoms of] Wu, Ch'u, Huai-nan,
Lang-ya, Ch'i, and Tai.[24]
Just now of the sons of the
Emperor Kao-[tsu], there are only the King of Huai-nan
[Liu Ch'ang] and yourself, great King. You,
great King, are moreover the elder [of the two].
Your ability, your sageness, your paternal love, and
your filial piety are known all over the world; hence
the great officials are following the hopes of the world
in desiring to welcome and establish you, great King,
[on the imperial throne]. You, great King, should
not have any doubts."
The King of Tai reported [the matter] to his Queen
Dowager. They discussed it, [but] hesitated and
did not reach a decision. [Then] they divined about
it by means of the tortoise-shell. The lines obtained[27]
were the `great transversal.' The interpretation
was:
I [the recipient of the oracle] will be the Heavenly King.
[Emperor] Ch'i of the Hsia [dynasty] thereby [likewise] glorified [his ancestors by continuing the dynasty]."[29]
how could I again be made a king?" The diviner
replied, "By this phrase, `the Heavenly King,' is
[meant] however the Son of Heaven."
Thereupon the King of Tai then sent Po Chao, the
younger brother of his Queen Dowager, to see the
Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o and
the others told him all their reasons for inviting and
seating the King [of Tai on the imperial throne.[32] Po]
Chao returned and reported, "They are indeed trustworthy.
There is nothing suspicious." The King
of Tai laughingly said to Sung Ch'ang, "It is really
as you, sir, said." Then he ordered Sung Ch'ang to
be his Chariot Companion, Chang Wu and others, six
persons in all, to ride in six `riding chariots,'[33] and
went to Ch'ang-an.
When he came to Kao-ling, he stopped and sent
Sung Ch'ang ahead to Ch'ang-an to observe how
things had turned. When [Sung] Ch'ang reached
the Wei [River] Bridge, all [the officials, including]
the Lieutenant Chancellor and [those ranking] below
[him], welcomed [Sung] Ch'ang. He returned and
[River] Bridge. [There] the officials bowed and paid
their respects to him, calling themselves his subjects.
The King of Tai got down [from his carriage] and
bowed to them. The Grand Commandant, [Chou]
P'o, advanced and said, "I wish to beg for a word in
private." Sung Ch'ang replied, "If what you have
to say is of public [interest], say it publicly; if what
you have to say is of private [concern], a [true] king
has no private [interests]." The Grand Commandant
[Chou] P'o then knelt and offered the imperial
seal [and credentials[35] ] of the Son of Heaven. The
to the prince's lodge[38] and discuss this matter."
In the intercalary month on [the day] chi-yu,[39]
[the
of Tai. The courtiers followed him to [the lodge].
They presented [the results of] their discussion,
saying, "The Lieutenant Chancellor your subject
[Ch'en] P'ing, the Grand Commandant your subject
[Chou] P'o, the General-in-chief your subject [Kuan
Ying[41] ], the Grandee Secretary your subject [Chang]
Ts'ang, the Superintendant of the Imperial House
your subject [Liu] Ying-[k'o], the Marquis of Chu-hsü
your subject [Liu] Chang, the Marquis of
Tung-mou your subject [Liu] Hsing-chü, and the
Director of Guests your subject [Liu] Chieh, making
repeated obeisances, say to your Highness the great
King: the [Imperial] Sons [Lü] Hung and the
others are all not sons of Emperor Hsiao-hui and
have no right to have charge of [the worship in]
the [imperial] ancestral temples. Your subjects have
Queen of King Ch'ing,[45] the King of Lang-ya [Liu
Tse], the marquises, and the officials [ranking at]
two thousand piculs to discuss [this matter, and we
all say]: You, great King, are the son of the Emperor
Kao-[tsu] and are the proper [person] to be
his successor. We hope that you, great King, will
take the throne of the Son of Heaven."
The King of Tai replied, "The upholding [of the
worship] in the Temple of Emperor Kao-[tsu] and
the [imperial] ancestral temples is a weighty matter.
[for this task]. I hope that you will ask the
King of Ch'u [Liu Chiao][47] to consider who is suitable.
I personally do not dare to undertake [this task]."
While all the courtiers prostrated themselves and
insistently begged him, the King of Tai, [Liu Heng,
then] facing the west, refused thrice, and, when
facing the south, refused twice.[50] The Lieutenant
Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, and the others all said,
"Your subjects have humbly deliberated over this
[matter]. You, great King, are the most suitable and
capable [person] to receive [charge of] the Temple
of Kao-tsu and the [imperial] ancestral temples.
Even though the nobles and the people of the world
all consider you suitable, we, your servants, who
have been planning for the sake of the [dynasty's]
ancestral temples and the [dynasty's] gods of the
soils and grains, have not dared to be careless. We
hope that you, great King, will favor us by listening
to your servants. Your servant, respectfully holding
the seals and the credentials of the Son of Heaven,
making repeated obeisances, presents them [to you]."
The King of Tai said, "If the imperial house, the
generals, the chancellors, the kings, and the marquises
consider that there is no one[51]
more suitable
than myself, I would not dare to refuse." Thereupon
he took the throne of the son of Heaven.
The courtiers arranged themselves by him in
accordance with their rank. They sent the Chief
of the Stud, [Hsia-hou] Ying, and the Marquis of
Tung-mou, [Liu] Hsing-chü, first to clear[54] the
palace. [Then] they presented the prescribed equipage
for the Son of Heaven[56] and went to meet [the
new Emperor] at the Prince's Lodge of Tai. The
Emperor, on the same day, at sundown, entered the
Wei-yang Palace.
That night he installed Sung Ch'ang as General
of the Guards, commanding the Southern and Northern
Armies, and Chang Wu as Chief of the Gentlemenat-the-Palace.
[The Emperor] walked through the
[Palace] Halls, [then] returned and seated himself [on
the throne] in the Front Hall, and issued an edict,
which said, "An imperial edict of decree[58]
to the
Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en P'ing], the Grand
Commandant [Chou P'o], and the Grandee Secretary
[Chang Ts'ang]. In the interval [since the last legitimate
ruler], the Lü [clan] has been directing
affairs, arbitrarily assuming the [imperial] authority,
and plotting to commit treason, [thereby] seeking to
Thanks to the generals, the chancellors, the marquises,
the imperial house, and the great ministers,
[the Lü clan] have been executed and have all
suffered for their crimes.[61] We have newly ascended
the throne. Let there be an amnesty [granted] to
the world and let there be granted to the common
people one step in [noble] rank and to the women
of a hundred households an ox and wine, and [let
there be universal] drinking for five days."[62]
In his first year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the temple of Kao-[tsu].[66] He sent the General of
Chariots and Cavalry Po Chao to go to the Empress
Dowager at Tai and invite her [to come to the
capital].
An imperial edict said, "Formerly Lü Ch'an set
himself up as Chancellor of State, [set up] Lü Lu
General Kuan Ying with troops to attack [the army
of] Ch'i, wishing to substitute [the Lü clan] for the
Liu clan. [Kuan] Ying remained at Jung-yang and
planned in unison with the nobles to execute the
Lü clan. Lü[69] Ch'an wished to do evil things,
[but] the Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en] P'ing together
with the Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o and
others planned to snatch away the army of [Lü]
Ch'an and the others. The Marquis of Chu-hsü,
[Liu] Chang, was at the head [of the cabal] and first
arrested and beheaded [Lü] Ch'an; the Grand Commandant
[Chou] P'o in person led the Marquis of
Hsiang-p'ing, [Chi] T'ung, who held a credential
and bore a [false] imperial edict [ordering Chou P'o]
to enter [and take command of] the Northern
Army.[71] The Director of Guests [Liu] Chieh took
away Lü[72] Lu's seal. Let there be added to the
estate of the Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o ten
thousand households and [let him be] granted [the
equivalent of] five thousand catties of gold; to the
estate of the Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en] P'ing
and of General [Kuan] Ying each [let there be
added] three thousand households and [let them be
granted the equivalent of] two thousand catties of
gold; to the estates of the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu]
Chang, the Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, [Chi] T'ung,
[and the Marquis of Tung-mou, Liu Hsing-chü],[73]
to each [let there be added] two thousand households
and [let them be granted the equivalent of] a
[Liu] Chieh be appointed as the Marquis of Yanghsin
and be granted [the equivalent of] a thousand
catties of gold."
In the twelfth month, [the Emperor] made [Liu]
of Chao. He had shifted the King of Lang-ya, [Liu]
Tse, to be the King of Yen.[78] The territory that the
Lü clan had taken away from [the kingdoms of] Ch'i
and Ch'u was all returned to [those kingdoms].[79]
[The Emperor] completely abrogated all the statutes
and orders for the arresting of wives and children
and punishing them with [the criminal].[80]
In the first month the [high] officials begged [the
honor the ancestral temples. His imperial edict read,
"Since We are without virtue, the Lords on High and
the gods have not enjoyed Our sacrifices[82] [to them]
and the people of the empire have not satisfied their
desires. Now even if I cannot search through the
empire thoroughly for the [most] capable, sage, and
virtuous man [to whom I might] resign the empire,[84]
hand is to double my lack of virtue. What shall I
say to the empire [in justification of such an act]?
Be satisfied [with the present situation]."
The [high] officials replied, "To appoint an heir-apparent
beforehand is the means whereby to be mindful
of the ancestral temples and the gods of the soils
and grains and not neglect the empire." The Emperor
said, "The King of Ch'u [Liu Chiao] is my youngest
uncle; since he is advanced in years, he has seen much
of the justice and natural law of the world and has a
clear understanding of the constitution of the state.
The King of Wu [Liu P'i] is to Us as an older
brother.[87]
The King of Huai-nan [Liu Chang] is
[Our] younger brother. All of them are embracing
virtue. [If one of these three men] were made to
reinforce Us, would not that be adequate [provision
for upholding the ancestral temples and the gods]?
Among the vassal kings, the imperial house, my
older and younger brothers [and cousins], and my
meritorious subjects, there are many who are capable
and also virtuous and just; if you select one who is
virtuous to reinforce [Us] in doing what We cannot
accomplish, that would be a blessing from the gods
of the soils and grains and a [piece of] good fortune
for the empire. Now you do not select and present
[one of them], but say that [the heir] must be [Our]
son, [so that] people will think that We have neglected
the capable and virtuous, think only[88]
of [Our]
We will certainly not adopt [this procedure]."
The [high] officials insistently begged [the Emperor],
saying, "In ancient times, when the Yin and
Chou [dynasties] possessed their states, good order
and peace [reigned], and they both [lasted] for
almost a thousand years. [The reason that] none of
[the dynasties] who possessed the empire [lasted]
as long [as they][91]
is because they used this method.
The source [of the practise] of always making
one's successor a son is already very distant. Emperor
established the nobles, is the Great Founder of emperors.
The vassal kings and marquises who first
received their kingdoms are also the founders for their
kingdoms. Their sons and grandsons will succeed
them from generation to generation without end.
This is the greatest moral and political principle in the
world. Hence Emperor Kao-[tsu] established [this
principle] in order that they might [continue] to govern
the whole world. Now to pass by one who is suitable
to be appointed and select someone else from the
nobles or the imperial house is not the will of Emperor
Kao-[tsu]. To deliberate over a change [of
the heir] is inappropriate. Your son Ch'i[93] is your
eldest; he is sincere,[94] liberal, kind, and benevolent.
ent." The Emperor thereupon consented [to do so].
Then he granted one step in noble rank to those
people in the empire who would be the successors
of their fathers. He appointed General Po Chao as
Marquis of Chih.
In the third month, the [high] officials begged [the
Emperor] to appoint the Empress. The Empress
Dowager said, "[The Emperor] should make the
mother of the Heir-apparent, [the lady] née Tou,[98] the
Empress."
An imperial edict said, "Just now it is spring, when
[nature] is harmonious, and the plants and trees and
all living beings have means of enjoying themselves,
yet [among] my subjects there are widowers, widows,
and some at the point of death, but no one goes to
look after their suffering. What should those who
are the fathers and mothers of the common people[100]
do [about this situation]? Let it be discussed what
are the means to aid and lend to them."
[The edict] also said, "Unless the aged have silk,[101]
they will not be warm; unless they have meat, they
will not be well-nourished. Now at the beginning of
the year,[102]
if [We] do not at the right moment send
elders and aged, nor make grants of [linen] cloth,
[plain] silk, wine, or meat [to these people], in what
way can [We] assist the children and grandchildren
of the empire in filial piety to care for their relatives?
"Now [We] have heard that officials when giving
grain to those who should receive gruel[105]
sometimes use
stale millet. How can this befit the intention of caring
for the aged? For all these matters [you should
prepare] ordinances." The [high] officials begged
that [the Emperor] order that [in the] prefectures
and marches[106]
those in their eightieth [year] and above
should be granted per person per month one picul
of rice, twenty catties of meat, five tou[107]
of wine, and
that those in their ninetieth [year] and above should
also be granted per person two bolts of silk and three
catties of silk wadding. For those to whom should
be given goods or a grain allowance of gruel or rice,
the chief officials[108]
[of the prefecture] should supervise
it and the Assistant [Prefect] or Chief of Police should
transmit it. For those who are not fully ninety
an official should transmit it. The [officials whose
positions rank at] two thousand piculs should send
their Director of Officials to travel about [inspecting];
those who are unworthy should be beaten.[110] To those
who have suffered mutilating punishments together
the punishment of] shaving the whiskers or more
serious [crimes],[113] this order should not apply.
[In this month] King Yüan of Ch'u, [Liu] Chiao,
died. In the fourth month there was an earthquake
in Ch'i and Ch'u. Twenty-nine mountains[116] collapsed
on the same day and floods came out from
their sides or welled up.[117] In the sixth month [the
Emperor] ordered that the commanderies and kingdoms
should not come [to the capital] to make offerings
[of tribute]. He showed his grace to the world
and the nobles and the barbarians [of the] four
[quarters], both far and near, rejoiced and were
agreeable.
Then [the Emperor] provided for those meritorious
persons who came [with him] from [the kingdom of]
Tai. His imperial edict said, "At the time when the
great officials had executed the Lü [clan] and invited
Us [to take the throne], We were hesitant and
suspicious like a fox.[119]
All [Our officials] stopped
Us. Only [Our] Palace Military Commander, Sung
Ch'ang, urged Us [to go]. We have therefore[120]
been able to protect the [imperial] ancestral temples.
We have already elevated [Sung] Ch'ang to be General
of the Guards. Let [Sung] Ch'ang be appointed
who came with Us [be elevated] to [the rank of] the
nine great ministers.[123]
[The edict] also said, "The marquises who followed
the Emperor Kao-[tsu] into Shu and Han[124]
were
sixty-eight persons; for each [one of them let there
be] added to their estates three hundred families.
[Among] the officials [of positions ranking as worth]
two thousand piculs and above who followed the
Emperor Kao-[tsu, let there be given to] the Administrator
of Ying-ch'uan, Tsun, and others, ten persons
[in all], the income of six hundred families; to
the Administrator of Huai-yang, Shen-t'u Chia, and
others, ten persons [in all, the income of] five hundred
families; to the Commandant of the [Palace]
Guard, Tsu, and others, ten persons [in all, the
income of] four hundred families." [The Emperor]
appointed Chao Chien, the maternal uncle of the
King of Huai-nan [Liu Ch'ang], as Marquis of Chou-yang,
Szu Chün, the maternal uncle of the King of
Ch'i [Liu Hsiang], as Marquis of Ching-kuo,[125]
and
[former kingdom of] Ch'ang-shan, as Marquis of Fan.
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the nobles, for whom there were established more
than a thousand states,[132] each [actually] governed
his own territory and at the [proper] time paid tribute
[to the sovereign. Then] the people were not
harassed or made to suffer; the superior and inferiors
were content and rejoiced; there was no one who
transgressed against[133] virtue. [But] now the marquises
mostly live in Ch'ang-an, far from their estates,[134]
[so that] their officials and retainers who
transport [to them their taxes and provisions] are
put to expense and suffering. Moreover the marquises-have
thus no means of instructing and teaching
their people. Let it be ordered that the marquises
are to go to their states. As to [those who
are imperial] officials, together with those who are
retained [at the court] by an imperial edict, they
shall send their heirs-apparent [to their states]."[135]
In the eleventh month, on [the day] kuei-mao,
the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the
sun.[139] The imperial edict said, "We have heard
that when Heaven gave birth to the common people,
it established princes for them to take care of and
govern them. When the lord of men is not virtuous
and his dispositions in his government are not
equable, Heaven then informs him [of that fact] by a
he is not governing [rightly]. Now on the last day
of the eleventh month there was an eclipse of the
sun—a reproach[142] visible in the sky—what visitation
could be greater?
"We have secured [the position as] guardian of the
[imperial] ancestral temples; with a feeble and insignificant
person [We] have been entrusted with a
place above the educated[143]
and common people and
the princes and kings. The good or bad government
of the world depends upon Ourself.[144]
Even the two
or three [persons] administering the government are
like my legs and arms. Below Us, [We] have not
been able to govern well and nurture the multitude
of beings; above [Us, We] have thereby affected the
brilliance of the three luminaries.[145]
This lack of
virtue has been great indeed.
"Wherever this order arrives, let all think what are
Our faults and errors together with the inadequacies
of Our knowledge and discernment. We beg that
you will inform and tell Us of it and also present [to
Us] those capable and good persons who are foursquare
and upright and are able to speak frankly and
unflinchingly admonish [Us], so as to correct Our inadequacies.
[Let] everyone be therefore diligent in
his office and duties. Take care to lessen [the
amount of] forced service[146]
and expense in order to
benefit the people.
"Since We are unable to [spread the influence of
Our] virtue to distant [regions], with anxiety [We]
reflect on the iniquitous conduct of foreigners,[149]
against whom, therefore, [We] have made preparations
without ceasing. Now although [We] are
unable to dismiss the encampments and garrison
soldiers at the border, [need We] also be attentive
to [Our personal] troops and make Our guard large?[151]
Let the army of the General of the Guard[152] be abolished.
Of the horses which the Chief of the Stud
has now, [let] there remain just[153] enough; [let] all the
remainder be given for the posts and post-horses."[154]
In the spring, the first month, on [the day] ting-hai,[156]
the foundation of the world. Let the sacred field
be opened. We Ourself lead in plowing in order to
provide millet and grain offerings for the [imperial]
ancestral temple. Those people who are punished
[and made to] work in the prefectural offices, together
with those who have borrowed seed and food,
and have not paid it back, and those who have not
In the second month,[161]
some [high] officials begged
kings. His imperial edict said, "Previously when
King Yu of Chao, [Liu Yu], died from being imprisoned,
We deeply sympathized with him. [We]
have already made his Heir-apparent, [Liu] Sui, the
King of Chao. The younger brother of [Liu] Sui,
[Liu] Pi-ch'iang, together with the sons of King Tao-hui
of Ch'i, [Liu Fei2], the Marquis of Chu-hsü,
[Liu] Chang, and the Marquis of Tung-mou, [Liu]
Hsing-chü, are meritorious [persons] and worthy to
be made kings." So [the Emperor] thereupon[163] established
[Liu] Pi-ch'iang as the King of Ho-chien,
[Liu] Chang as the King of Ch'eng-yang, and [Liu]
Hsing-chü as the King of Chi-pei. Because of [those
appointments], he established his Imperial Sons, [Liu]
Wu as the King of Tai, [Liu] Ts'an as the King of
T'ai-yüan, and [Liu] Yi5 as the King of Liang.
In the fifth month an imperial edict said, "According
in the court there was the banner for initiating
improvements,[165] and the post for speaking ill and
for [good] government and [whereby] remonstrances
were caused to come [to the Emperor]. Now in the
law there are the crimes of speaking evil and criticizing
and of monstrous speech.[170] These [laws] keep
the courtiers from daring to express their whole feelings
so that the sovereign has no means of hearing
about his mistakes and errors. By what means then
[can we make] capable and good [people] from distant
quarters come [to Us]? Let [these laws] be
abrogated.
"If it happens that people make imprecations
against the sovereign and have made pledges to
each other, but later give each other the lie, the
officials consider it treason, and, whatever else
they may say, the officials nevertheless consider
it speaking evil and criticizing. These [acts] are
from the stupidity of unimportant people, who do
[Such punishments are what] We very much do not
want. From the present time on, whenever there
are those who transgress in this manner, do not admit
them to trial."[173]
In the ninth month, there were first made for the
and envoy's bamboo credentials.[175]
An imperial edict said, "Agriculture is the great
on for their [very] life. Nevertheless the people
sometimes do not apply themselves to the fundamental
but occupy themselves with what is least
[important]. As a result their livelihood is deficient.
We are anxious about this state of affairs, hence We
now at this time Ourselves lead [Our] ministers in
agricultural [pursuits] in order to exhort them [to
be granted to the people of the empire this year
half of the land tax on the cultivated fields."[179]
In the third year, in the winter, the tenth month,
on [the day] ting-yu, the last day of the month, there
was an eclipse of the sun.[182] In the eleventh month,
on [the day] ting-mao, the last day of the month,
there was an eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict
said, "Sometime ago an imperial edict ordered the
marquises to go to their states. [But they asked] to
be excused and have not gone. The Lieutenant
Chancellor is [the person] whom We honor [most].
Let him lead the marquises to their states for Us."[185]
Thereupon the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Chou] P'o,
was dismissed and sent to go to his state.
In the twelfth month, the Grand Commandant, the
Marquis of Ying-yin, Kuan Ying, was made Lieutenant
Chancellor[189] and the office of Grand Commandant
was abolished; [his duties] were taken care of by
the Lieutenant Chancellor. In the summer, the
fourth month, the King of Ch'eng-yang, [Liu]
Chang, died. The King of Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang,
killed the Marquis of Pi-yang, Shen Yi-chi.[191]
In the fifth month, the Huns entered and occupied
the Pei-ti [Commandery], south of the [Yellow]
River,[193] whence they marauded. The Emperor
The Emperor] sent the Lieutenant Chancellor Kuan
Ying to attack the Huns,[197] and the Huns left.
[The Emperor] sent[198] the Palace Military Commander,
with skilled soldiers[199] belonging to [the army
of] the General of the Guard, to encamp at Ch'ang-an.
The Emperor went from the Kan-ch'üan [Palace]
to Kao-nu, and, availing himself of the opportunity,
he favored [the kingdom of] T'ai-yüan [by visiting it]
and saw his former officials.[200] He granted [favors]
to them all, promoting those who had distinguished
themselves. He gave favors to the common people,
granting them by hamlets an ox and wine. He
exempted the people of Chin-yang and Chung-tu
from the land tax for three years.[201] He stayed and
amused himself in [the kingdom of] T'ai-yüan for
more than ten days.
When the King of Chi-pei, [Liu] Hsing-chü, heard
self intended to attack the Huns, [the king] rebelled
and mobilized his troops, wishing to surprise Jung-yang.[205]
Thereupon an imperial edict abolished the
troops of the Lieutenant Chancellor[206] and made the
Marquis of Chi-p'u, Ch'ai Wu, the General-in-chief,
leading four generals[207] [with] a multitude [numbering]
a hundred thousand to attack [Liu Hsing-chü].
The Marquis of Ch'i, Tseng Ho, was made a General
and encamped at Jung-yang. In the autumn, the
seventh month,[209] the Emperor [went] from T'ai-yüan
to Ch'ang-an. His edict read, "The King of
Chi-pei [Liu Hsing-chü] has been ungrateful for [Our]
goodness, rebelled against his sovereign, deceived and
led into error his officials and people, and committed
treason. Those among the officials and people of Chi-pei
who stopped [rebelling] of their own accord before
the troops arrived and those who submitted together
with their army, their cities, or their towns, are all
to be pardoned and restored to their official [positions]
and their [aristocratic] ranks. Those who
have been with the King, [Liu] Hsing-chü, leave
him, and come [to Us] will also be pardoned." In
the eighth month the King of Chi-pei, [Liu] Hsing-chü,
was captured and committed suicide.[211] [The
[Liu] Hsing-chü.
In the fourth year,[215]
in the winter, the twelfth
In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor] exempted
from all taxes the families of the [members
of the] Liu [house] who had members enregistered [as
belonging to the imperial house]. He granted estates
to the sons of the vassal kings, to each [the income of]
two thousand households.[220] In the autumn, the
ninth month, [the Emperor] appointed ten[221] sons
of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei2], as marquises.
The Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, committed crime;
he was arrested and brought to the Imperial Prison
of the Commandant of Justice.[223] The Ku-ch'eng
Temple was built.[224]
In the fifth year, in the spring, the second month,
there was an earthquake. In the summer, the fourth
month, the order [against] casting counterfeit cash
was abrogated. [The coinage] was changed and four
shu cash were made.[231]
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
the peach and plum [trees] blossomed. In the eleventh
month, the King of Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang,
plotted a rebellion, was dismissed, exiled to Yen-tao
in the Shu [Commandery], and died [on the way[237] ] at
Yung.
In the seventh year, in the winter, the tenth
month, [the Emperor] ordered that Dowager Marchionesses,
wives of marquises, sons of vassal kings,
together with officials [with positions ranking as
worth] two thousand piculs, were not arbitrarily to
make levies nor arrests. In the summer, the fourth
month, an amnesty was granted to the world. In
the sixth month, on [the day] kuei-yu, there was a
visitation [of fire] in the towers[243] screening the
Eastern Portal of the Wei-yang Palace.
In the eighth year, in the summer, [the Emperor]
enfeoffed as marquises the four sons of King Li of
Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang.[248] A long comet appeared
in the eastern quarter [of the sky].[250]
In the ninth year, in the spring, there was a great
In the tenth year, in the winter, [the Emperor]
[Palace]. General Po Chao died.[256]
In the eleventh year, in the winter, the eleventh
month, [the Emperor] travelled and favored [the
kingdom of] Tai [with a visit]. In the spring, the
first month, the Emperor returned from [the kingdom
of] Tai [to the capital]. In the summer, the
sixth month, the King of Liang, [Liu] Yi5, died.
The Huns pillaged Ti-tao.
In the twelfth year, in the winter, the twelfth
month, the [Yellow] River broke [its dykes] in the
Tung Commandery.[268] In the spring, the first
month, [the Emperor] granted estates of two thousand
families to each of the daughters of the vassal
kings. In the second month, the Beauties in the
Emperor Hsiao-hui's harem were sent [home] and
it was ordered that they might be married. In the
third month, the [customs] barriers were done away
with and passports were no [longer] used.[273]
An imperial edict said, "The road along which to
guide the people is [to make them] devote themselves
to fundamentals. We Ourselves have led the
world in agriculture for ten years down to the present,
yet to the countryside there has not been added
any newly broken land, and [as soon as] one year
has not a good harvest,[276] the people have hungry
looks. This [shows that] those who apply themselves
to [agriculture] are still too few, and that
moreover the officials have not especially put their
attention on it. I have many times put forth edicts,
and yearly have urged the people to plant and sow,[277]
but the results [of my action] have not yet appeared.
This is [because] the officials have not been diligent
in upholding my edicts or [because] they have not
been intelligent in urging the people [to agriculture].
Forsooth, my farmers [have suffered] very bitterly,
and yet the officials have perceived none of it; how
then can [the officials effectively] encourage [agriculture]?
Let there be granted to the farmers this
year half of the land tax and tax on produce."
[The edict] also said, "The Filially Pious and the
Fraternally Respectful are the most advantageous
[persons] in the world. The Cultivators of the
Fields are the fundamental sources of life. The San-lao
are an example to the people. We greatly approve
of the conduct of these few [kinds of] grandees.[280]
"Now in prefectures of ten thousand families it is
said, `There are none who [are able to] conform to
be really [so inadequate]? This is because the
way the officials have of recommending the capable
is not adequate. Let Internuncios be sent to recompense
and make grants: to the San-lao and the Filially
Pious, five pieces of silk per person, to the Fraternally
Respectful and the Cultivators of the Fields,
two pieces, to the honest officials of [the rank of] two
thousand piculs and above, for every hundred piculs,
three pieces. When [the Internuncio] arrives, [let
him] ask the people if there is anything inconvenient
or discontenting, and let him establish the regular
number of San-lao, Filially Pious, Fraternally
Respectful, and Cultivators of the Fields in accordance
with the number of households and people,
and order each to apply himself with all his mind in
order to guide the people [aright]."
In the thirteenth year, in the spring, the second
month, on [the day] chia-yin, an imperial edict said,
"We Ourself lead the world in farming and plowing
in order to offer millet and sacrificial grain [in sacrifice].
The Empress herself raises silk-worms in
order to provide sacrificial clothing. Let ceremonies
and rites be established [for these procedures]."[286]
In the summer, [the Emperor] abolished the secret
invocator.[290] A discussion is in the "Treatise on the
Suburban Sacrifice and Offerings to the Spirits."
In the fifth month, [the Emperor] abolished the
is in the "Treatise on Punishments and
Laws."[293]
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "Agriculture
greater. Now if [anyone] personally follows this
pursuit diligently, he has yet [to pay] the impositions
of the land tax and tax on produce. This is making[296]
no distinction between [the treatment of what
is] fundamental and [what is] least important.[297]
This is not appropriate to [Our] way of encouraging
agriculture. Let there be abolished the land tax and
tax on produce [levied] upon the [cultivated] fields,
and let there be granted to the orphans and widows
of the empire [linen] cloth, silk, and silk wadding, to
each person a definite amount."
In the fourteenth year, in the winter, the Huns
[The Emperor] sent three generals to encamp in the
Lung-hsi, the Pei-ti, and the Shang Commanderies.[304]
The Palace Military Commander Chou Shê was made
General of the Guard; the Chief of the Gentlemen-atthe-Palace
Chang Wu was made General of Chariots
and Cavalry to encamp north of the Wei [River] with
a thousand chariots and a hundred thousand cavalry
and foot-soldiers. The Emperor himself inquired
about the army's welfare and aroused the troops by
reiterated instructions and orders and by making
grants to the officers and soldiers. He himself
wanted to make the expedition against the Huns.
When the courtiers remonstrated, he would not
listen, [but] when the Empress Dowager earnestly
besought him, the Emperor however stopped.
Thereupon [the Emperor] made the Marquis of
Tung-yang, Chang Hsiang-ju, the General-in-chief.
The Marquis of Ch'eng, Tung Ch'ih,[305] the Prefect
of the Capital, and Luan Pu were both made generals
to attack the Huns. The Huns fled.
In the spring, an imperial edict said, "It is now the
fourteenth year that We have had [the opportunity]
to present the sacrificial oxen, the jade tablets, and
the pieces of silk for the service of the Lords on
High and the [imperial] ancestral temples. As the
elapsed time has become longer and longer, and
[We] have been neither intelligent nor brilliant,
yet have controlled and governed the world for a
long time, We Ourselves are very much ashamed [because
We are unworthy]. Let there be extended and
augmented the mounds on which sacrifices are made,
the level places for sacrifice,[311] the jade tablets, and
the pieces of silk at the various sacrifices.
"Formerly the ancient Kings extended [their benefits]
far and wide and did not seek for any recompense;
they performed the sacrifice from a distance
[to the great mountains and rivers],[312]
but did not
pray for their own happiness.
In the place of honor were the sages, in the less
honorable place were their relatives;[313]
The people [came] first, they put themselves last;
[this was] the extreme of the utmost wisdom. Now
for happy omens,[316] they all [endeavor to make] happiness
revert upon Our private person, and do not
[pray] for [Our] subjects. We are very much
ashamed at this. If now, in spite of Our lack of
virtue, [We] nevertheless specially and solely enjoy
the good [coming] from their [prayers for] happiness,
and my subjects have no share in it, that will double
my lack of virtue. Let it be ordered that the sacricial
officials, in presenting their respectful [offerings],
should not beg for anything."
In the fifteenth year, in the spring, a yellow dragon
appeared at Ch'eng-chi.[319] The Emperor thereupon
issued an edict [ordering] the discussion of the sacrifice
in the suburbs and [other] sacrifices. Kung-sun
Ch'en made clear the colors of the [sacrificial]
robes; Hsin-yüan P'ing established the five
temples.[322] A discussion [of the foregoing matters]
is in the "Treatise on the Suburban Sacrifice and
Offerings to the Spirits."
In the summer, the fourth month, the Emperor
favored Yung [by a visit] and for the first time was
presented to the Five Lords [on High] by means of a
suburban sacrifice. An amnesty [was granted] to the
world. [The Emperor] renewed the sacrifices to the
famous mountains and the great rivers, which had
stopped. The officers charged therewith [were ordered
to] perform the [proper] rites [at the right time
of] the year and season.
In the ninth month, an imperial edict [ordered]
administrators to present [to the Emperor]
those who were capable and good, and could speak
frankly and admonish [their superiors] unflinchingly.
The Emperor in person questioned them [by setting
a literary exercise]. They set forth in [written]
words their ideas for adoption.[329] A discussion is in
the "Memoir of Ch'ao Ts'o."
In the sixteenth year, in the summer, the fourth
Five Lords [on High] at [the altars] to the north of the
Wei [River]. In the fifth month, [the Emperor] appointed
six sons of King Tao-hui of Ch'i [Liu Fei2],
and three sons of King Li of Huai-nan [Liu Ch'ang],
as kings.[335] In the autumn, the ninth month, there
was found a jade cup with the inscription, "Prolonged
life to the Lord of Men."[337] [The Emperor]
all over] the empire. The next year [the Emperor]
changed the beginning [of the count for the years
of his rule].
In the latter [part of his reign],[341] the first year,
in the winter, the tenth month, the deceits of Hsin-yüan
P'ing were discovered; he plotted rebellion, and
was exterminated with his three [sets of] relatives.[344]
In the spring, the third month, the Empress née Chang
of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui died.[347]
An imperial edict said, "Recently for many years
there have continually been no good harvests.
Moreover there have been visitations of floods,
droughts, sickness, and epidemics. We have been
very much worried because of them. We are ignorant
and not perspicacious and do not yet understand
just what is to blame. We have been thinking:
is there some fault in Our [way of] government or is
there some defect in [Our] conduct? Or is it that
[We] have not obeyed the Way of Heaven or have
perhaps not obtained the advantages of Earth, or
are the affairs of men in great discord,[350] or have the
spirits and divinities been neglected [so that] they
have not enjoyed [Our offerings]? How has this
been brought about? Or is it that the salaries of the
officials are perhaps too lavish, or that useless activities
are perhaps too many? How is it that the
people's food is scarce and lacking?
"Now when the fields are measured, they have not
has not increased, [so that] the amount of land per
person is greater than in ancient times. Yet there is
very much too little food; where does the blame for
it lie? Is it that Our subjects devote themselves to
what is least important,[353] whereby those [persons] who
injure agriculture are multiplied? [Is it due to the
fact that] they make wine and lees, thereby wasting
much grain and that masses of food are given to the
six [kinds of] domestic animals? I have not yet
been able to attain the proper mean between what
is immaterial and what is important. Let [this
matter] be discussed with the Lieutenant Chancellor,
the marquises, the officials [of ranks worth] two
thousand piculs, and the Erudits. Should there be
anything that might be of assistance to Our subjects,
let them apply themselves with all their minds[355] and
think deeply [about the matter]. Let them not
hide anything [from Us]."[356]
In the second year, in the summer, [the Emperor]
traveled and favored [by a visit] the Yü-yang
Palace at Yung. In the sixth month, the King of
Tai, [Liu] Ts'an, died.
The Huns [asked for] peace and friendship.[361]
cious, We have been unable to [extend the influence
of Our] virtue to distant [regions]. This has caused
states outside the borders sometimes to be disquiet
and discontented. Now when [the people] outside
the four wildernesses [at the borders][364]
do not live
quietly, [the people] within the fiefs and the imperial
domain[365] toil, suffer, and are not in repose. The responsibility
for [trouble] both [inside and outside
the borders] lies altogether in the scantiness of Our
virtue and its inability to penetrate to distant
[regions].
"In recent times, for many years in succession,
the Huns have simultaneously ravaged the border
regions; they have killed many of the officials and
people. Our subjects at the border, the soldiers and
officers, have moreover[366]
not been able to enlighten
them[367]
concerning [Our] inner intentions, thereby
aggravating my lack of virtue. Since thus for a long
time the Central [Empire] and the outer kingdoms[368]
have been tied up in difficulties and continued hostilities,
how can they themselves be contented [with
this situation]?
"Now We `have risen early and gone to sleep
[We] have been solicitous and unhappy about all the
people; for them We have been compassionate, sad,
and disquieted; not for one day has [this matter] left
[Our] mind. Hence [We] have sent envoys [in rapid
succession, so that] the caps and [carriage] coverings
[of one caravan] were in sight [of the second], and
their wheel tracks[373] were uninterrupted [on the
road], in order to enlighten the Shan-yü concerning
Our intentions.
"Now the Shan-yü has returned[374]
to the path of
the ancients; he has sought for the peace of [Our] gods
of the soils and grains; [his proposal] is advantageous
for the interests of all the people. Recently, [together]
with Us, we have [both] given up altogether
the slight wrongs [we have done to each other]; hand
in hand we are marching upon the road of high
[principle]. We have bound ourselves together in
the relationship of brotherhood in order to conserve
the good[375]
people of the world. The peace and
friendship has been fixed upon to begin from the
present year."[376]
In the third year, in the spring, the second month,
[the Emperor] travelled and favored [the kingdom
of] Tai [by a visit].[380]
In the fourth year, in the summer, the fourth
month, on [the day] ping-yin, the last day of the
month, there was an eclipse of the sun.[385] In the
fifth month, an amnesty was granted to the world.
[The Emperor] freed the government male and
female slaves and made them ordinary people. [The
Emperor] travelled and favored Yung [by a visit].
In the fifth year, in the spring, the first month,
[Commandery with a visit]. In the third month,
he travelled and favored Yung [with a visit]. In the
autumn, the seventh month, he travelled and favored
[the kingdom of] Tai [with a visit].
In the sixth year, in the winter, thirty thousand
thirty thousand [Hun] horsemen entered the
Yün-chung [Commandery]. The Chief of the
Palace Grandees, Mien,[396] was made General of
Chariots and Cavalry, and stationed at Fei-hu; the
former Chancellor of [the kingdom of] Ch'u, Su Yi,
General Chang Wu was stationed in the Pei-ti [Commandery];
the Administrator[401] of Ho-nei, Chou
Ya-fu, was made a General and encamped temporarily[403]
at Hsi-liu. The Superintendant of the Imperial
House, Liu Li, was made a General and encamped
temporarily at Pa-shang; the Marquis of
Chu-tzu, Hsü Li, was made a General and encamped
temporarily at Chi-men, in order to be ready for
the Hu.
In the summer, the fourth month, there was a great
drouth and locusts.[406] [The Emperor] ordered that
the nobles should not pay tribute. He opened [to
the common people] the mountains and marshes,[407]
reduced the [imperial] robes and the imperial officers,
diminished the [regular] number of Gentlemen and
officials, and opened the granaries[408] in order to succor
the people. The people were allowed to sell
[aristocratic] ranks.[410]
In the seventh year, in the summer, the sixth month,
on [the day] chi-hai, the Emperor died in the Wei-yang
Palace. His testamentary decree said, "We have
sprout from or are born to any of the beings in the
world, all of them, it seems, have to die. Death is a
law of Heaven and Earth, and the nature of things.
[Then] how could it be [so] greatly lamentable?
[But] in the present age all esteem life and hate
death; they elaborate burials, thereby ruining their
estates; they perform a rigorous mourning, thereby
injuring their health. I disapprove of this very
much.
"Moreover since We have not been virtuous and
have not been able to assist Our subjects, if now that
[We] are dead, [We] also cause [people] to perform
rigorous mourning and lament for a prolonged period,
causing them to suffer [extreme] cold and heat for
several [years, We would] make old and young to be
afflicted [by our death], and would hurt the feelings of
the elders [of the people].[416]
To diminish their drink
and food, to interrupt the sacrifices to the manes
and divinities, thereby aggravating my lack of virtue—what
[could We] say to the world [about that]?
"We have had the opportunity to protect the [imperial]
ancestral temples, and, [in spite of Our] insignificant
person, [We] have been entrusted for already
more than twenty years [with a position] above the
world's princes and kings. By the aid of the blessing
of Heaven [and Earth[417]
] and the benediction of the
gods of the soils and grains, within the [four] quarters
[of the world] there has been peace and contentment
and no war.[418]
Since We are not intelligent,
faulty action, thereby dishonoring the virtue handed
down by the deceased emperors, [Our father and
elder brother]. In truth, as the years have lengthened
out, [We] have been afraid of coming to a bad
end, but now [We] have [ended[422] ] happily the years
[assigned to Us by] Heaven, and are permitted to
return to and receive offerings in the [ancestral]
temple of Kao-[tsu].[423] When Our lack of wisdom
is [thus][424] recompensed, how can there be any
thoughts of mourning?
"Let it be ordered that, when [this] order reaches
them, the officials and people of the empire should
lament for three days [and then] all take off their
mourning garments. Let there be no prohibition of
taking a wife or of marrying off a daughter, of making
sacrifices or of drinking wine or eating meat. As to
those who must themselves take part in mourning
let none of them wear unhemmed [mourning] garments;[427]
their headbands of hemp or white linen
strands[429] and girdles should not be more than
three inches [wide]. Do not make a display of
chariots or soldiers' weapons,[430] and do not send
people to wail and lament in the palaces or halls.
Those in the [Palace] Hall who must lament shall
all raise their voices fifteen times each morning and
evening.[431] When the rites are ended, [this practise]
evening time for lamenting, let [people] be forbidden
to wail[434] without special permission. [When the
coffin is] already[435] buried, let there be worn deep
mourning for fifteen days, light mourning for fourteen
days, and thin [garments] for seven days; [then]
take off the mourning garments.[437] Whatever is not
[mentioned] in this order, let it all be done in accordance
with [the spirit of] this order, and let it be published
and told to the world in order that Our will
may be clearly known.
"Let the mountain and stream at the Pa Tomb[438]
concubines of the Emperor], the Ladies[441] and those
[ranking] lower, down to the Junior Maids, be sent
back [to their homes]. Let it be ordered that the
Palace Military Commander [Chou] Ya-fu be made
General of Chariots and Cavalry,[442] that the [Director
of] Dependent States [Hsü] Tao be made General
In Charge of Encampments,[443] and that the Chief of
the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace Chang Wu be made the
General [In Charge of] Replacing the Earth.[445] Let
there be mobilized [for the funeral] sixteen thousand
soldiers from the neighboring prefectures and fifteen
thousand soldiers of the Prefect of the Capital.[446]
The burial of the outer coffin, the opening and replacing
of the earth shall be in charge of General
[Chang] Wu. Let there be granted to the vassal
kings and to those [ranking] below [them] down to
the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and
and silk, to each a definite amount."
On [the day] yi-szu [the Emperor] was buried in
the Pa Tomb.
In eulogy we say:[450]
Emperor Hsiao-wen occupied
the throne for twenty-three years. In his palaces
and apartments, in his pastures and enclosures, in his
carriages and saddle-horses, in his garments and
daily needs, he made no addition or increase [over
the requirements of his predecessors]. If there was
[any activity] that was not convenient [for the
people], he at once abandoned it in order to benefit
his people. At one time he wanted to make a roofless
terrace. He summoned the artisans to count up its
[cost], and it would cost [the equivalent of] a
hundred [catties of] gold. The Emperor said, "A
hundred [catties of] gold is the estate of ten families
apartments of the deceased emperors and have constantly
been afraid that I should disgrace them; what
is the use of building this terrace?"[452]
He personally dressed in thick black[453]
silk. The
not trail on the ground. His curtains and canopies
had no ornaments or embroidery, thereby showing
that in naturalness and simplicity he was the
leader of the world. When he constructed the Pa
Tomb, he altogether [used] objects of pottery and
did not allow the use of gold, silver, copper, or tin as
ornaments.[455] He took advantage of [the rise of]
the hill [where] his [grave was built], and did not
raise a mound [upon his tomb].
When the Commandant of Nan-yüeh, [Chao] T'o,
set himself up as Emperor, [Emperor Wen] summoned
and honored [Chao] T'o's older and younger cousins
and enveloped them with his goodness; thereupon
[Chao] T'o declared himself his subject.[456]
After he
had made peace and friendship with the Huns, and
they had gone contrary to their covenant and entered
[his territory] to rob, he ordered that the borders
deep into [the Hun territory], for fear of burdening
his subjects.
When the King of Wu, [Liu P'i], feigned illness
and did not come to court, [the Emperor] granted
him a stool and a cane.[459]
When the officials, Yüan
Ang and others, remonstrated [with him], although
their words were cutting, he often pardoned them,
accepted [their advice], and put it into practise.[460]
gold or cash, and [the fact] was discovered, [the
Emperor] gave to them still more presents and
grants, in order to shame them.
His sole care was to improve the people by means
of his virtue; for this reason [all the country] within
the [four] seas was prosperous and opulent and advanced
towards proper conduct and right relationships.[462]
[During his reign] there were pronounced
verdicts [of capital punishment] in [only] several
setting aside punishments [without using them].[464]
Alas! How benevolent he was![465]
She is entitled here a yi [OMITTED]. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) writes, "The Han Ch'ih-lu Ling
[prob. written in Han times, now lost] and the Mao-ling-shu [lost before 312] both [say
that the yi was] an official in the court, ranking as equivalent to a position of two thousand
piculs, in position next below the Favorite Beauty [cf. Glossary sub voce] and
above the Eighth [Rank] Ladies [OMITTED] [fourth rank concubines]." Yen Shih-ku (581-645)
says that yi is merely a complimentary term for `concubine', not an official title, for HS
97A: 2a enumerates the ranks in the imperial harem, but does not mention any rank yi.
Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) says, "[OMITTED] is pronounced [OMITTED] yi2 and is a common term for the
ordinary concubines," on which statement Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) remarks, "At the
time of the Six Dynasties [265-618], people called their fathers' concubines yi2, which
is this word. But they did not know that [OMITTED] had the pronunciation yi2, hence they
changed the writing [of the word] to [OMITTED]." Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) adds, "[OMITTED] meaning
concubine has one signification; [the same word] meaning a surname is a different signification.
These two significations have the different pronunciations [yi and chi]. [Fu]
Tsan's explanation was based upon the official documents of his [own] time; how could
he have imaginatively fabricated it?" Ch. 97 also uses yi as a title; the mother of Emperor
Ching's heir was at first styled the Yi née Wang. For names of persons, places,
and official titles, cf. the Glossary.
Cf. 1B: 17a. Ch'en Hsi was not killed until the end of 196 B.C., in the twelfth
year, but Liu Heng was made King of Tai in Feb./Mar. 196 B.C., in the eleventh year.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) contains the words [OMITTED],
which have been translated in brackets. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that the
Academy ed. (1124) also contains these words, but that the Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii
cent.) does not. He says that these words are not original, because the annals of an
emperor do not use his given name, since it became taboo when he ascended the throne.
Chang Wu later became a general against the Huns. Chief of the Gentlemen-atthe-Palace
was the title given him after Liu Heng had ascended the throne as Emperor
(cf. 4: 4b), but the vassal courts had functionaries with the same titles as those
used in the imperial court, so that Chang Wu might possibly have had this title in the
state of Tai before he went to the capital.
Those bound together by an oath sealed the oath by annointing their lips with the
blood of a victim. Cf. Mh II, 414, n. 1; SC ch. 76. The SC ch. 10 writes ch'ieh-hsūeh [OMITTED]
and the HS writes tieh-hsüeh [OMITTED]. The two phrases have the same meaning. There are
however two interpretations of this phrase. (1) Chavannes (Mh II, 414 & n. 1), following
Yen Shih-ku, translates the phrase "march in blood." Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "[OMITTED]
should be pronounced tieh, the tieh meaning `to trample on,' " and Ju Shun says, "When,
in killing people, a vast amount of blood is shed it is tieh-hsüeh," so that Yen Shih-ku
seemingly has grounds for his statement. (2) Nevertheless Chou Shou-ch'ang (18141884)
writes, "In my opinion, tieh is itself the tieh [in the phrase] ch'ieh-tieh [OMITTED]. It
is used in HS ch. 57 and the commentator says, `It means the noise made by fowl when
eating.' Its derived meaning is tieh-hsüeh, and it is interpreted `to taste with the mouth.'
SC ch. 90 says tieh-hsüeh and the Shih-chi Chi-chieh [written by P'ei Yin, fl. 465-472]
quotes Hsu Kuang (352-425) [as saying], `Tieh is also written ch'ieh,' which is sufficient
proof that these two characters were originally interchanged. But [OMITTED] [which Fu
Ch'ien used to give the pronunciation of tieh, and which Yen Shih-ku and Chavannes
misunderstood to give the meaning of tieh] has the radical [OMITTED], and Hsü Shen [fl. 100]
interprets it as `trample.' So [OMITTED] cannot be written as [OMITTED]." Then tieh-hsüeh does
not mean "to march in blood." Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) approves of Chou
Shou-ch'ang's interpretation.
The Chinese figure of speech is quite parallel to the Jewish figure used in the translation.
The figure implies that the establishment of the dynasty is as secure as if it
were held down by a large mill-stone. Cf. Mh II, 445, n. 3.
The King of Wu was Liu P'i, a first cousin of Liu Heng; the King of Ch'u was Liu
Chiao, his uncle; the King of Huai-nan was Liu Ch`ang, his half-brother; the King of
Lang-ya was Liu Tse, a cousin; the King of Ch'i was Liu Hsiang, a nephew; Tai was
his own kingdom.
Ying Shao (fl. ca. 140-206) says, "When a tortoise [is used], [divination] is called
[OMITTED]; when stalks of plants [are used], it is called [OMITTED]. In divination by the tortoise one
uses a rod to make the tortoise-[shell] glow; the lines were exactly transversal."
These three lines rime and are each of four characters. They seem to be a passage quoted from an ancient and lost book of divination in which this response is mentioned as having been given to King Ch'i of the Hsia dynasty. That there were other books of divination using the hexagrams besides the ones that have come down to us is shown by a tablet of the first cent. B.C., containing an interpretation of one of the hexagrams, which interpretation is not found in Book of Changes (cf. Chavannes, Documents chinois decouverts par Aurel Stein, p. 25). The last word of the first line should be pronounced kang to complete the rime. Karlgren, Analytic Dictionary, 316, gives the T'ang pronunciation kang. The meaning of the first line is obscure. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says that the last two characters mean "crosswise." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Transversal lines [mean] `there was not a thought but did him homage' [Book of Odes III, I, x, 6, (Legge, p. 463)]. Keng [OMITTED] is [OMITTED] to change. It says that he should leave [the condition of] a noble and ascend the imperial throne. Before this time, when the Five Emperors ruled the world and [became] aged, they resigned [the throne] to a capable [person]. In the time of [Emperor] Ch'i of the Hsia [dynasty], [the son of the great Yü], for the first time [a father] passed on his title [to his son, Emperor Ch'i], and was moreover able to rule gloriously over the patrimony founded by his deceased lord. Emperor Wen also succeeded to the heritage of his father. It says that he is one like [Emperor] Ch'i." Cf. Mh II, 447, n. 1.
Chavannes remarks that in the Tso-chuan, the phrase "the Heavenly King [OMITTED]" always refers to the son of Heaven of the Chou dynasty. Cf. Mh II, 447, n. 2.
We have emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED] in accordance with the suggestion of Wang Hsien-shen
(1859-1922), for the SC reads the latter character and Yen Shih-ku uses it in his explanation,
so that it was in his text. The reason the great ministers had for selecting Kao-tsu's
younger son rather than his eldest grandson, the King of Ch'i, was that they
feared the family of the wife of the King of Ch'i would cause such trouble as the Lü
family had caused. Cf. Mh II, 439.
The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) at this point adds the word [OMITTED]; later
in this passage (p. 4a) the HS also has it; hence it was originally in the text here, according
to Wang Hsien-ch'ien.
Yen Shih-ku says, "The sojourning quarters at the capital for those at court from
commanderies or kingdoms are usually named [OMITTED] [the princes' lodges]. This word [means]
to arrive, meaning the place to which one comes." Cf. Mh II, 412, n. 1.
The text writes at this point Wu. The SC 10: 3b writes Ch'en Wu [OMITTED]. Fu
Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says this is Ch'ai Wu [OMITTED], for on p. 12a, Ch'ai Wu is said to have
been made Commander-in-chief in 177 B.C. In the passage corresponding to p. 12a,
the SC and the Han-ti Nien-chi (before 275) both write Ch'en Wu; Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285)
says that he had two surnames.
But Ch'en (or Ch'ai) Wu did not become General-in-chief until three years after
this time. Lü Ch'an had made Kuan Ying General-in-chief and sent him to attack
the army of Ch'i; he however revolted against the Lü family and joined the Liu cabal;
cf. 3: 5b. Hence he is the person who had this title at this time and should be mentioned
here. Because he was appointed by the Lü family, who were usurpers, he is
not mentioned in the table of officials in 19B: 6b. In the distribution of rewards (cf. 4:
5a, b) "General Kuan Ying" was awarded a territory of 3000 families and the equivalent
of 2000 catties of gold. Hence we are fairly safe in following Ch'ien Ta-chao in saying
that the HS has made a slip here.
The SC So-yin (by Szu-ma Cheng, fl. 713-742) says that Su Ling (fl. 196-227),
Hsü Kuang (352-425) and Wei Chao (197-273/4) think that the Marquise of Yin-an and
the Queen of King Ch'ing were different persons; Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) and Wang
Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) agree, because the SC, by adding the words "the Marquis"
before the name of King Ch'ing makes it plain that they were two persons. Szu-ma
Cheng explains that King Ch'ing, Liu Chung, was, at his death, merely a marquis,
since he had resigned his kingdom. (Cf. Mh II, 449, n. 2.) Su Ling says that the
Marquise of Yin-an was "the wife of Kao-tsu's eldest brother, Liu Po, and the mother
of [Liu Hsin, who was] the Marquis of Keng-chieh," and that the Queen of King Ch'ing
was "the wife of Kao-tsu's elder brother, Liu Chung." HS 36: 2a also tells that the
mother of Liu Hsin, the Marquis of Keng-chieh, was the wife of Liu Po. Ju Shun
however identifies this Marquise and the Queen as the same person. He says, "When
the Queen of King Ch'ing was appointed as the Marquise of Yin-an, Lü Hsü was the
Marquise of Lin-kuang and the wife of Hsiao Ho was also the Marquise of Tso. Moreover
the Table of marquises of the imperial family [ch. 15] has no Marquis [or Marquise]
of Yin-an for this period, so that we can thereby know that she was the Queen of King
Ch'ing. In my opinion the chief priestess [in the ancestral sacrifices] at the Han [temple]
was the Marquise of Yin-an, the wife of Emperor Kao-[tsu's] older brother." It is
however possible that the absence of this marquise's name from the table of marquises
is because of her sex; we have followed the majority of the commentators in considering
them as two persons. Chavannes disagrees.
Liu Chiao, a younger brother of Kao-tsu, was the then oldest male member of the
imperial family. Cf. Mh II, 450, n. 1. He was not mentioned in the memorial asking
Liu Heng to take the throne, probably because he was ill and not in the capital. Ho
Ch'uo says that this request to consult Liu Chiao is according to the proprieties, for
"the Marquise of Yin-an [the wife of Kao-tsu's oldest brother] and the Queen of King
Ch'ing [the wife of Kao-tsu's second older brother] were both women and the King of
Lang-ya, [Lin Tse], was a distant relative."
Ju Shun says, "Someone says that the seats of guest and host face east and west;
the seats of prince and minister face south and north." Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) contradicts
the opinion of Ju Shun (which Chavannes adopted, cf. Mh II, 450, n. 2) to
the effect that Liu Heng, by turning towards the south, was showing himself more
complaisant to his subject's wishes. He says, "Probably when the King entered the
prince's lodge of Tai, the courtiers of the Han court followed and came to the King,
and he treated them in accordance with the proprieties of guest and host, hence he
faced west, and when the courtiers urged him to take a higher position, he refused
thrice. The courtiers thereupon supported the King to a seat facing due south, [south
is the direction the emperor's throne always faces], and the King again refused twice.
Therefore the turning to the south was not what the King could help, but the courtiers,
supporting him, made him face south. If we assume that he eagerly seated himself
facing the south, would that have been possible?"
Reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] in accordance with the SC and the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun
(1744-1832).
According to 38:7a, Liu Hsing-chü especially asked to go with Hsia-hou Ying and
clear the palace. Ying Shao says, "According to the old code, to whatever place the
Son of Heaven is to go and favor by visiting it, there must first be sent the Chief
Forerunner [OMITTED] [cf. Han-kuan Ta-wen, 3: 11b] to go and investigate, to
clear and pacify the [Palace] Hall in order to take precautions against untoward
events." According to the SC (cf. Mh II, 440 f), the Young Emperor was still living
in the forbidden apartments of the palace, and had to be ejected. He was moved to
the apartments of the Privy Treasurer and killed later in the night after Emperor
Wen had taken the throne.
Ju Shun says, "The prescribed equipage is with the Palace Attendants, the [imperial]
Chariot Companion, and the [Chief Commandant] Custodian of the [Imperial]
Equipages and the Gentlemen driving 36 auxiliary carriages."
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Ching-te ed. (1004-1005) does not have
the words [OMITTED]. The SC also does not have them nor the three titles following
them. These titles have probably the same significance as the titles in the edict on
1B: 17b, 18a.
It has been debated just who these women were. Yao Ts'a (533-606) thinks that
they were the wives of those who were granted ranks. Li Hsien (651-684) thinks they
were families of women which had no male members: in those families which had males,
the head of the family was given a rank; to those families which had no males, meat
and wine were given. But Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) replies that there would be few
families without male members, so that it would be difficult to divide an ox among
them. No amount of meat and wine is specified; in SC 28:32b it is said, "To a hundred
families, one ox and 10 piculs of wine." Cf. Mh II, 503. Possibly the emperor wanted
everyone to enjoy himself, so, as Su Lin (fl. 196-227) said, "To the men were granted
noble ranks [Yen Shih-ku explains that the head of the household received the step;
2: 4a says that one step in rank was given to a family] and to the women were granted
an ox and wine [for the families to enjoy]." This practise was later common, cf. 6: 27a,
32a, 36a, etc. Cf. Mh II, 452, n. 1.
Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "[According to] the Han Code, when three or more
people gather to drink wine without [adequate] motive, they shall be fined [the equivalent
of] four taels of gold." The Emperor's edict permitting drinking was then an extraordinary
privilege. Cf. Mh II, 452, n. 2. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed.
(ca. x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) read [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED].
This was the second day after the emperor had entered the capital and taken the
throne. The presentation in the imperial ancestral temple was an important feature of
the coronation.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. (x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii
cent.) omit the surname here.
The SC at this point adds "of the Marquis of Tung-mou, Liu Hsing-chü." HS 38:
6b also states that Liu Hsing-chü was made the same grant as Liu Chang; those six
words seem to have dropped out of the HS text.
The SC dates this appointment on Nov. 15, two months previously. Possibly the
HS mentions it now because of its importance in connection with the enlarging of Ch'i
and Ch'u. Cf. n. 2.
Wang Ch'i-yüan (xix cent.) says, "Liu Tse's kingdom, Lang-ya, was a commandery
taken from Ch'i; when Lü T'ai was made King of Lü with P'eng-ch'eng as his kingdom,
[his territory] was taken from Ch'u. Now the Lü family had been executed, the kingdom
of Lü ended, and the appointment of [Liu] Tse shifted too, hence this territory
was returned to Ch'i and Ch'u, to which it had previously [belonged]." Cf. 38: 6b.
Cf. Mh II, 454-455. The long edict in the SC accompanying this abrogation has
been transferred in the HS to ch. 23. Ying Shao says, "[OMITTED] [means] children [OMITTED]. According
to the Ch'in [dynasty] laws, when a person committed a crime they joined with
him [in punishment] his house and family. Now [the Emperor] abrogated this law."
Cf. 5: n. 2.1. The practise nevertheless continued; cf. 5: 4a.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. and the Chekiang ed. do not have the
character [OMITTED] at this point; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that these editions are correct, for
the SC is also without this character.
The Emperor was thinking of the example given by Yao and Shun, who each passed
over their children and appointed an able person from outside their family as their
successor. But cf. Mh II, 455, n. 1. The SC does not have the word [OMITTED], so that
this passage appears there as a speech of the Emperor. Probably this passage is taken
from an exchange of edicts and memorials. It is then illuminating in that it shows the
manner of intercourse between the officials and the emperor.
Liu P'i was actually a cousin of the Emperor. He was the son of Liu Chung, an
older brother of Kao-tsu.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]; Wang Hsien-ch'ien
adds that that edition is wrong, for the SC reads as the text does here.
Liu Ch'i was not the eldest son of the Emperor, for his first wife had had three
sons, but she and her sons had all died before this time. Cf. Mh II, 496. Liu Ch'i
later became the Emperor Ching. SC 10: 7a uses [OMITTED] for his given name, because of
the taboo on it; the HS mentions the name here and uses the same word again on p. 9a.
Yet in the chapter on the Emperor Ching and in its later annals the HS rarely uses this
word. Cf. 6: 24a, 8: 13a. Su Yü (fl. 1913) remarks that in Pan Ku's time the emperor
was only distantly related to the emperors of the Former Han period, hence
taboos were no longer stressed. The foregoing is typical of the way Szu-ma Ch'ien
and Pan Ku regarded the taboo on the personal names of emperors.
The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) write [OMITTED]; the HS and the Han-chi
(ii cent.) write the first character of this phrase [OMITTED].
The emperor and officials were supposed to be the fathers and mothers of the
people. This phrase is used as early as the Book of History, V, iv, 16 (Legge, p. 333).
This edict is merely summarized in the SC. Cf. Mh II, 458.
This edict of an emperor the Chinese have considered "truly virtuous" deserves to be
contrasted with the legendary reaction of Gautama the Buddha to his "four encounters"
(sickness, age, death, and the hermit). Hsiao-wen tried to relieve suffering; Gautama
concluded it was inevitable. This edict probably initiated the practise of government
loans to poor people.
Cotton was not brought to China until later. Silk and linen (including hemp) were
used for clothing.
This sentence might seem to contradict the conclusion arrived at in 1: App. II.
But the emperor is not here thinking of the calendar year, since the edict was issued in
the "third month." He is thinking of the seasons, which were thought to begin with
the spring.
Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes that [OMITTED] has two meanings: in addition to
its usual meaning "to examine" it is also used to mean "beat" and is interchanged
with [OMITTED]. This beating was performed without baring the body. HS 76: 7b, col. 8
definitely establishes this meaning.
Cf. p. 118, n. 1. Those aged who had committed more serious crimes than this
were not to receive any pension. The SC (Mh II, 458) states that orphans under their
ninth year were also to receive grants.
HS 27Ca: 10a says, "In Ch'i and Ch'u there was an earthquake and mountains fell
in 29 places on the same day. All [of them] sent out high water which broke through
the sides up or welled up."
Yen Shih-ku says, "The fox in his character as an animal is by nature very suspicious.
Every time he crosses a river on ice he listens as he crosses. Hence we talk of a
suspicious person and call him `as suspicious as a fox.' " Cf. Mh II, 458, n. 2.
Reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] with the SC, at the suggestion of Su Yü (xx cent.). He says
that these two characters were interchanged.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that, because of the phrasing, the last clause of this
sentence is not given in the original wording of the edict, but is a summary made by the
historian. The SC has the same wording. For a list of the "nine great ministers" under
the Han dynasty, cf. Mh II, 459, n. 2.
Chavannes explains that because Emperor Wen had given his own maternal uncle,
Po Chao, an appointment, he also appointed these other maternal uncles to avoid
jealousy. Cf. Mh II, 460, n. 1. In spite of all his care, Liu Hsing-chü finally revolted.
Ch'ien Ta-chao writes, "In [recording] the death of a Lieutenant Chancellor, the
general rule is to record the day but not write his surname. Only for Ch'en P'ing and
Kuan Ying the surname is written but the day is not written. For Shen-t'u Chia the
day is not recorded. For Ti Fang-chin, both surname and day are written." SC 10:
8a adds that the Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, was made Lieutenant Chancellor.
SC 10: 8a says instead that they "established their states for more than a thousand
years." Cf. Mh II, 460.
Wang Ch'i-yüan (xix cent.) says, "The three imperial commanderies [the capital
commandery, Tso-p'ing-yi, Yu-fu-feng] were not used for enfeoffing marquises. The
nearest estates of the marquises were several hundred li from Ch'ang-an; the distant
ones were then a thousand li or several thousand li [away]. Only the Kuan-nei Marquises
had the income of towns in Kuan-chung."
Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "[According to] the Han [dynastic] Code, the oldest
sons of kings and marquises were all called `Heirs-apparent' [OMITTED]; the mothers of
the kings were called `Dowager Queens' [OMITTED]; [these titles were] not necessarily
[held only by the oldest son and mother] of the Son of Heaven."
Yen Shih-ku says, "[OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED], i.e., `a reproach.' " Ho Ch'uo
(1661-1722) remarks, "Ever since the Ch'in dynasty no awe had been felt at [events in]
the sky; at the time of the Emperor Wen we first hear of this sort of speech." However
the Empress née Lü was very much worried by a total eclipse; cf. 3: App., ii; Mh II, 423.
Instead of [OMITTED] `educated people,' the SC has [OMITTED] `million [people]'; [OMITTED] may however
be a compound noun, meaning merely `people.'
The phrase [OMITTED] was used by the Emperor of himself; its connotation was not
that of praising the Emperor, as in the translation "I, the Unique Man," but "humble.
He wants to say that the [Emperor's] own ability is equivalent to that of one
person." Po-hu-t'ung (i or iii cent.), A:7b.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) says that `foreigners' here refers to the Hu and
Yüeh peoples, to the northwest and southeast of Central China respectively.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the last clause in this sentence refers to the troops
and guard at the capital.
The army at the capital, over which Sung Ch'ang had been appointed. But that
army was not altogether disbanded; it is mentioned again on p. 11b.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that [OMITTED] means [OMITTED], and that [OMITTED] is the same as [OMITTED], which
means [OMITTED] `a little.'
The Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) says that [OMITTED] is [OMITTED]. Cf. Mh II, 462, n. 4.
Shen Ch'in-han notes that the History of the Southern Ch'i Dynasty, ch. 9, p. 27b
says that the Emperor Wu of that dynasty (483-494) was advised to and did plow the
sacred field on the day ting-hai Feb. 14, 485. Wang Chien (452-489) says that in the
classics there is no mention of a hai day. Ho T'ung-chih (449-503) replies, "[Emperor]
Wen of the Han [dynasty] used this day to till the sacred [field] and worship the God of
Agriculture. Later kings, following his example, used it. There is no further meaning
[to the day ting-hai]." For a discussion of the Sacred Field, cf. App. II.
They were not to be punished for the crime committed when they failed to repay
and were forgiven the repayment.
The text writes "third month," but HS 14: 6b, 7b, 10b, 13a lists all these appointments
in the second month on the day yi-mao, Mar. 15. We have accordingly emended
[OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. Cf. Mh II, 464, n. 2.
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that [OMITTED] (which we have translated "thereupon") is an
interpolation from the preceding sentence. The SC does not have it.
This banner was supposed to have hung where five roads met at the court of Yao;
anyone who had an improvement to propose stood under it. Cf. Mh II, 465, n. 1. In
the Wen-yüan Ying-hua (written ca. 978, by Li Fang) ch. 362, p. 6b, Lu Shih (fl. dur.
48-33 B.C.) in his own comment on his Hua-chien [Painted Admonishments], is quoted
as saying, "[According to] the stories of the two Han dynasties, in the third year of the
Emperor Wen [177 B.C.] there were painted at the Yung-ming Hall [his text says it was
inside the Wei-yang Palace, but, according to the San-fu Huang-t'u, (iii to vi cent.) in
the Wei-yang Palace there was a Hsien-ming Hall, but no Yung-ming Hall] the five
colored objects: the plant that curbs negligence [which grew in the court of Yao and
bent its head each time a slanderous flatterer entered the palace], the banner for initiating
improvement, the post for speaking ill and criticizing [cf. below], the drum for
daring to admonish [the prince], and the single horned monster [which gores wicked
people when it sees them]."
This legend seems to have originated in the Shih-tzu. Szu-ma Cheng quotes the
Shih-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) as saying "Yao established the post for speaking ill and criticizing."
The Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (possibly forged by Kao Yu, fl. 205-212, according to
Maspero, TP 20: 231) 24: 31 (Wilhelm's trans. p. 422) however says that this post
belonged to Shun. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "Yao made them. [They were] posts
with a cross-piece [on the] bridges." Ying Shao says, "They were boards at the side
of the bridges on which to write the errors and faults of the government. At [the time of]
the Ch'in [dynasty], they were done away with; now they were reestablished." Yen
Shih-ku approves of the latter explanation. Shen Ch'in-han says, "Ts'ui Pao (fl. dur.
265-420) in his Ku-chin-chu [C: 7a, b, makes] Ch'en Ya ask, `What [likeness] had the posts
for speaking ill and criticizing that Yao erected?' He answered, `[Like] the present ornamental
pillars, with a cross-piece on the post like a flower and shaped like a well-sweep.
On the large roads where thoroughfares meet they were everywhere placed. Some
people call them "sign-posts [OMITTED]." They are a sign that the kings receive admonition
and also to point out the roads. The Ch'in [dynasty] however abolished them
and the Han [dynasty] first reestablished them. Now in the Western Capital [Ch'ang-an]
they are called "posts with cross-pieces [OMITTED]" ' [OMITTED]."
The Empress née Lü had abolished this latter crime; evidently it had been revived.
Cf. 3: 2a and p. 193, n. 2, also 11: 3a. Yen Shih-ku says that [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] are
synonymous.
Ying Shao says, "Bronze [or copper] tiger credentials were of the first to the fifth
[in number]. When the state must mobilize its troops, [the Emperor] sent a messenger
to the commanderies who matched his [half of] the credential [with the other half held
by the commandery official]. If the credential matched, then [the official in charge]
listened to and accepted [the envoy]. The bamboo envoy's credentials all use five stalks
of arrow-bamboo [a small species of bamboo]. They are five inches long and are engraved
in seal characters number one to number five." The Han-chiu-yi (i cent.) says,
"A commandery or a state was given three bronze tiger credentials and five bamboo
envoy credentials." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "The credentials were substituted
for the ancient kuei [OMITTED] [a long narrow jade used as insignia] and chang [OMITTED] [the lengthwise
half of a kuei], because they were simpler and easier." Yen Shih-ku says, " `To
make credentials for the commandery administrators' means: each one was divided into
two halves [lengthwise]. The right [half] was left in the capital; the left [half] was used
to give to him [the commandery administrator]." Ch'ien Ta-chao says, "The Shuo-wen
[ca. 100, says] [OMITTED] is an auspicious jade [tablet used for] mobilizing forth troops. [On it]
is the carving of a tiger. He who employs troops uses his majesty and bravery, hence
[he uses] jade. Bronze [ones] always use [the character] [OMITTED]." Cf. 3: 7a. In Mh II,
466, n. 1, there is a picture of one with Chavannes' account of them. He must be wrong
when he says that "la partie gauche était remise à celui qu'on voulait charger d'une
mission;" the inscription he prints says that it was given to the commandery Administrator.
The SC (Mh II, 465) writes that these credentials were made for "the Administrators
or Chancellors of commanderies or kingdoms."
The Southern Academy ed. (1528-30), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed.
(1739) and the SC all write [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED]. We have adopted this reading.
Usually appointments and dismissals of even the highest officials were not recorded
in the Annals; in this case, because the Grand Commandant's office was abolished in
consequence, an appointment was recorded.
This was the Ordos region in the north of the present Shensi, south of the great
northern bend of the Yellow River. It had been conquered by Meng T'ien, a general
of the First Emperor (cf. Mh II, 167) and was taken away from the Huns again by
Wei Ch'ing in 127 B.C.; cf. 6: 10b.
Ju Shun quotes Ts'ai Yung (133-192) as saying, "Where the chariots and equipage
of the Son of Heaven go, the people and the officials consider it an unhoped for piece of
good fortune, hence it is called `the favor of a visit [OMITTED].' The chief magistrate [of the
prefecture], the San-lao, and their official subordinates themselves visit [the emperor's]
coach. Music is played and they are granted wine, food, silk, bonnets of linen or of
linen woven with white nettle [the Sung Ch'i ed. says that the words for `wine' and
`linen' were not in the Yüeh ed (xi-xii cent.)], ornaments worn at the girdle, girdles,
and the like. The common people [are granted by the emperor] steps in noble rank by
number or the half of the land tax on the fields. Hence they therefore call it `a favor [OMITTED].' "
HS 94A: 10a says that he ordered out border officers, chariots, and cavalry,
[altogether] 80,000 [in number] to go to Kao-nu. HS 27Ba: 23b says there were ordered
out chariots, cavalry, and soldiers, [altogether] 85,000 [in number]. Cf. de Groot, Die
Hunnen, pp. 74-76.
Chavannes (Mh II, 469, n. 3) suggests emending [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The word for "abolish"
in this sense (cf. above) is however [OMITTED]. In the "Treatise on Offices" (ch. 19) there is no
record of this office having been abolished at this time; the text's reading is preferable.
For "skilled soldiers", who were cavalry and cross-bowmen handling the heaviest
cross-bows, cf. p. 80, n. 2; SC 57: 1b; HS 42: 6a; 49: 11a; Mh II, 469, n. 4.
T'ai-yüen had been part of Emperor Wen's former Kingdom of Tai. At this time
the Emperor's son Liu Ts'an had been made its King.
Chin-yang and Chung-tu had been the capitals of the kingdom of Tai when
Emperor Wen had been its King.
He felt that he had not been adequately rewarded by the Emperor Wen, for,
although he had done more than anyone else in overthrowing the Lü faction, he had
been given only a small territory. He belonged to the party that wished to enthrone
the King of Ch'i, Liu Hsiang, and took the opportunity given by the Emperor's absence
from the capital to start a rebellion.
He had been commanding the troops formerly under the control of the Grand
Commandant. Cf. 4: 11b.
Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that these four generals were (1) the Marquis
of Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing (cf. Mh III, 141, no. 107), (2) the Marquis of Kung, Lu Pa-shih
(cf. Mh III, 133, no. 52), (3) the Marquis of Ning, Wei Su (cf. Mh III, 137, no. 75),
and (4) the Marquis of Shen-tse, Chao Chiang-yeh (Mh III, 127, no. 4). Cf. SC 22: 7b.
The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (prob. vi cent.) says, "When [Liu] Hsing-chü first raised his
troops, a great wind came blowing straight from the east. It blew straight his banners
and flags right up in the sky into a cloud and [a flag] dropped into a well in the western
part of his [capital] city. His horses all neighed sorrowfully and would not advance.
[His followers] on the left and right, [including] Li K'uo and others, admonished him,
but he would not listen. Therefore he later committed suicide."
The text reads, "seven sons," but HS 15 A: 3b-5b enumerates ten sons of King
Tao-hui as all appointed in the fifth month on the day chia-yin (July 1, 176 B.C.).
Sun Yüeh's Han-chi follows ch. 15. HS 38:7b also says "seven sons." In their ancient
form, "seven" and "ten" are easily confused.
Chou P'o was arrested on the report that he planned to rebel. At the intercession
of the Empress Dowager née Po, the Emperor Wen finally freed Chou P'o. He returned
to his state and died in 169 B.C.
The Ku-ch'eng Temple was the temple for Emperor Wen's posthumous
worship. Ju Shun says, "He made his temple while he was alive. [The meaning
of its name] is like [the phrase] in the Book of History [IV, V, i, 2; Legge, p. 199]
`he regarded (Ku) [continually the bright] requirements [of Heaven,' implying that Ku-ch'eng
means, `he regards the performance of Heaven's requirements']. The temple of
the Emperor Ching was called Te-yang [OMITTED], that of the Emperor Wu was called
Lung-yüan [OMITTED], that of the Emperor Chao was called P'ai-hui [OMITTED], that of
the Emperor Hsüan was called Lo-yu [OMITTED], that of the Emperor Yüan was called
Ch'ang-shou [OMITTED], that of the Emperor Ch'eng was called Yang-ch'ih [OMITTED]."
After the burning of these temples in the period between the two Han dynasties, the
first emperor of the Later Han Dynasty built one temple for all these emperors, with
separate compartments (called "temples") for each emperor. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195)
says, "The [Ku-ch'eng] Temple was south of the city of Ch'ang-an, and was built by
Emperor Wen. By turning round one can see the city wall, hence it is named [ku-ch'eng,
lit. `looking back on the city wall']." Yen Shih-ku replies that this interpretation
is senseless and does not do justice to the words. He prefers Ying Shao's interpretation,
which is that Emperor Wen, "when he made a temple for himself, made it
humble and low, so it could be completed while watching it," (i.e., in a short time).
Chia Yi (198-165 B.C.) said, "Through the Ku-ch'eng Temple he became the Great
Exemplar of the empire, as unsurpassed as the Han [dynasty]."
Four shu was ⅙ of an ounce. These cash then weighed ⅓ of what the Ch'in dynasty's
cash did. Chia Yi and Chia Shan both protested against this coinage; cf. ch. 24 and 51.
Adding the word [OMITTED], at the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832), to
correspond with the wording in HS 27Bb: 13a and SC 22: 8a. Yen Shih-ku's comment
implies that it was in his text. The HS in this sentence condenses a page of the SC
and adds the name of the place where Liu Ch'ang died. The omitted material is put
in the HS into the "Memoir of Liu Ch'ang." He starved himself to death in his sealed
prisoner's cart. To clear himself of the suspicion of fratricide, the Emperor executed
the chiefs of the prefectures on the road who had not attended to Liu Ch'ang and buried
him with the honors of a marquis. Cf. SC ch. 18, HS ch. 44; Glossary sub voce.
The SC does not record anything after the sixth year down to the thirteenth year.
Ju Shun says, "The eastern [palace] portal with the towers on both sides of it
all burnt." Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "Only the towers of the eastern gate burnt."
Yen Shih-ku says, "The screen towers are small towers connecting the portals [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. They are used to cover places where there are double openings
in the walls. [Because of] their shape, they are called fou-szu (net) like. They are also
called screens [OMITTED]. [The first word of this name] is pronounced [the same as] [OMITTED]."
Sung Ch'i says that the Chiang-nan ed. (before 976) writes the second word of this
name as [OMITTED]. Wang Nien-sun says that this edition is correct, for the Shuo-wen has
not the word szu [OMITTED]. In various places the name of this screening wall is written
[OMITTED] (as in ch. 27), [OMITTED], or [OMITTED]. In modern times the `net' radical has
been added to the second character. Yen Shih-ku's comment gives no pronunciation
for the second character, showing that in his time it was written without the `net' radical.
Cheng Hsüan, in a note to Chou-li 41:34a, sub Chiang-jen, says, "The corner of a city
wall is called a [OMITTED]." Wang Hsien-ch'ien concludes, "Then the fou-szu is a small
building with an upper storey [OMITTED], for on the corners of city walls and above the portals
there always are such [buildings]. Then above this screening wall there was also a
building to cover and screen the wall."
These four were Liu An, made Marquis of Fou-ling, Liu P'o, Marquis of An-yang,
Liu T'zu, Marquis of Yang-chou, and Liu Liang, Marquis of Tung-ch'eng. These
appointments were all made on June 2. Cf. 15A:6a, b. This appointment was the cause
of a fruitless admonition by Chia Yi; cf. ch. 48.
Wen Ying (fl. ca 196-220) says, "The three [kinds of special] stars [i.e. comets] are
the bushy ones [OMITTED] [lit. `shooting out,' like vegetation], the brooms [OMITTED], and the long [OMITTED]
ones. In their prognostications they are somewhat alike, however in their shape they are
slightly different. The light rays of bushy comets are short; their light goes out in [all]
four [directions], [it is] bushy and shooting out. The light rays of broom comets are long
and tufted like a broom. With long comets there is one straight light ray, which points
sometimes to the end of the sky, sometimes a hundred feet [long], sometimes thirty feet,
sometimes twenty feet, without any regularity. [According to the] Ta-fa [OMITTED] [seemingly
the name of an unknown book], bushy and broom comets are mostly [signs of] doing
away with the old and spreading the new, [or] of fire visitations; long comets are mostly
[signs of] war."
HS 18: 6a says, "He was sentenced for killing a messenger [of the Han emperor]
and committed suicide." Cheng Te (fl. dur. 265-317) says, "[Po] Chao killed a
messenger of the Han [emperor]. The Emperor Wen could not bear to execute him.
[so] sent the high ministers to drink wine with him, wishing to cause him to commit
suicide. [Po] Chao was not willing [to do so. Hence the Emperor] sent officials
wearing mourning garments to go and weep for him; then he committed suicide. He
had committed a crime, hence it is said that he `died' [OMITTED]," instead of the word ordinarily
used for the death of a marquis, [OMITTED] (cf. 2: 6a for an example of the latter). Ju Shun
adds, "It is also said that when [Po] Chao lost while gaming with the Emperor Wen
and had to drink wine [as a punishment for losing], a Gentleman-in-attendance poured
out [too] little [wine] for [Po] Chao while another Gentleman-in-attendance reprimanded
and roared at him, and that while this Gentleman was gone down to wash [his hair, Po]
Chao sent a man to kill him [because of his lack of manners]. For this reason Emperor
Wen caused him to commit suicide."
Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Passports (chuan4 [OMITTED]) are credentials [OMITTED],
like the present `passport' (ko-so [OMITTED])." Ju Shun says, "Two columns of writing
on silk are divided; by holding one of them, when you go in or out of the [customs]
barrier, if it matches [with the other of the pair], then you are permitted to pass. It is
called a chuan." Li Ch'i (fl. dur. 221-265) says, "A passport (chuan) is a ch'i [OMITTED]"
[a wooden staff with a little flag, divided like a tally]. Yen Shih-ku adds, "Chang
[Yen's] explanation is correct. Anciently some used a ch'i and some used silk. The
ch'i was an engraved stick [the halves of which] matched and made a credential." She
Ch'in-han says, "In the Chou-li [15:11a, sub] the Szu-kuan [cf. Biot's trans. I, p. 330], the
commentator, [Cheng Hsüan, says], `A chuan is like the present ko-so documents
which are transmitted.' The Shih-ming [written by Liu Hsi (Han period), 6:3a, sub]
[OMITTED] [says], `To show. With a ko-so, when you come to a barrier or ford, it is used to
show to them.' The saying of Ju [Shun], `Two columns of writing on silk are divided,'
comes from a comment of Cheng [Hsüan on the Chou-li 3:6b, sub] the Hsiao-tsai [cf.
Biot's trans. of Chou-li, I, p. 42 who also says], `Chih-chi means `two similar writings on
one tablet which are separated.' [The latter] is the present contract [OMITTED] [which is also
divided]. The Shih-ming [6:2b], says, `[OMITTED] is to divide. A large writing on a tablet is
broken in the middle and divided.' This [article] is also like the chuan of the Chou-li.
They are divided and written on silk, hence HS 64B:7b calls them hsü [OMITTED]
[`passports']. Today they are called lu-yin [OMITTED]."
"Grandees", denoting the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the Cultivators
of the Fields, the San-lao and honest officials, is here merely a term of respect.
Yen Shih-ku says, "There were no Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, or
Cultivators of the Fields who deserved to be sought out and recommended in conformity
with [the Emperor's] order."
HS 25A:19a reads, "When the Emperor Wen had been on the throne to the thirteenth
year, he gave an edict saying, `The Office of secret invocator is to bear away [the
Emperor's] faults to someone below [the Emperor]. We very much disapprove of [this
sort of thing]. Let [this office] be abolished." For this official, cf. Mh III, 448; II,
473, n. 7. Ying Shao says, "The state tabooed him, hence he was called `secret.' "
Hung Liang-chi (1746-1809) says, "He is probably the Tien-shih [OMITTED] of the Chou-li,"
who takes the responsibility for faults and misfortunes upon himself instead of the
Emperor. Cf. Biot's trans., I, 85; HS 25A:17a.
The HS has shifted the explanatory material which is in the SC at this point to
ch. 23. Cf. Mh II, 474 ff.
Liu Pin (1022-1088) says, "I suspect that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]"; Wang Hsien-ch'ien
remarks that the SC writes the second character, and that anciently these two characters
were interchanged.
Li Ch'i (fl. dur. 220-265) says, "The fundamental is agriculture. The least important
is merchandizing. It says that agriculture and merchandizing both pay the
land tax and are not different. Hence he did away with the land tax on the [cultivated]
fields." The land tax on cultivated fields was reëstablished in 156 B.C. Cf. 5: 3a.
HS 94A: 13a, b says that the Shan-yü with 140,000 horsemen entered Chao, Pa,
and the Hsiao Pass as far as P'eng-yang, burnt the Hui-chung Palace, and rode to Kan-ch'üan,
in sight of Ch'ang-an. This was the greatest of the Hun raids.
According to 94 A: 13b, the Marquis of Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing, was the general sent to
the Shang Commandery; the Marquis of Ning, Wei Su, was the general sent to Pei-ti;
the Marquis of Lung-lü, Chou Tsao, was the general sent to Lung-hsi.
According to 16: 16b, Tung Ch'ih was Marquis of Ch'eng [OMITTED]; the SC in this
passage also says "Marquis of Ch'eng"; HS 94: i, 13b writes the same. The text at
this point however writes [OMITTED]; the first character is then an interpolation. We have
omitted it.
HS 16: 16b says that Tung Ch'ih [OMITTED] was the son of Tung Tieh and was appointed
Marquis of Ch'eng. The SC at this point also writes Ch'ih; HS 19B: 8b writes that in
this year the Prefect of the Capital was Tung Ch'ih. HS 94A: 13b also writes Tung
Ch'ih. The text here however writes his given name as Ho [OMITTED]. In ancient times,
according to Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) Ho and Ch'ih were interchanged. Since Ch'ih
is written more frequently, we read it here.
SC 10: 13b says that the Marquis of Ch'eng, Ch'ih, was made the Prefect of the
Capital and that Luan Pu was made general. HS 19B: 8b notes that in this year
the Prefect of the Capital was Tung Ch'ih. According to SC ch. 100, Luan Pu was
never Prefect of the Capital, and HS ch. 19 does not record it. According to HS
94A: 13b, the Marquis of Ch'eng, Tung Ch'ih, was made General, and his being Prefect
of the Capital is not mentioned. The statement that anyone was made Prefect of the
Capital is quite irrelevant to the military campaign. Wang Hsien-ch'ien suspects that
the mention of Tung Ch'ih being Prefect of the Capital is an interpolation in the SC.
The natural translation of the HS at this point would seem to be, "The Chien-ch'eng
Marquis, Tung Ho, and the Prefect of the Capital, Luan Pu, were both made generals."
We have adapted our translation to the facts.
Yen Shih-ku says, "Heaping up earth makes a [OMITTED]; to sweep clean the ground
makes a [OMITTED] is silk for worshipping the spirits." For Chavannes' interpretation of
this passage, cf. Mh II, 478, n. 2.
This sacrifice to the illustrious mountains and the great rivers, called [OMITTED], was
supposedly very ancient. Its ceremony is described in Mh I, 62, n. 3.
Lit. "on the right" and "on the left." The right was usually the place of honor.
Cf. p. 123, n. 1.
These two lines are of four characters each and rime.
Ju Shung says, "[OMITTED] [means] happiness [OMITTED]." Yen Shih-ku says that this character's
"original form is [OMITTED]; this is a borrowed use. Both are pronounced hsi1."
Cf. Mh II, 479, n. 2.
Shen Ch'in-han tells that the Ts'ê-fu Yüan-kuei (completed 1013) adds that the
character wang [OMITTED] appeared in the sun. The Yü-hai (compiled by Wang Ying-lin,
1223-1296), ch. 195, p. 2a quotes the Wang-Ch'i-ch'ing (existed dur. 502-556), "In the
time of the Emperor Wen, in the sun there was the word wang."
The SC (Mh II, 481) says that these five altars were the Temples to the Five Lords
[on High] north of the River Wei. Ch. 25 tells that they were northeast of Ch'ang-an,
north of the road, at the Ch'ang-men T'ing. Cf. Mh III, 458. Kung-sun Ch'en had
told the Emperor that northeast of Ch'ang-an (where these temples were later located)
there was a supernatural emanation in five colors.
This event seems to have been one of the beginnings of the examination system.
Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "This was the first time the Han court set literary exercises for
the [prospective] officials. Before this, in the second year that he was on the throne,
an imperial edict [ordered] the presentation of the capable and good persons, who were
four-square and upright, able to speak frankly and admonish unflinchingly [cf. p. 9a],
[but] we do not hear who was presented. At the [present] time [the authorities] for the
first time [set] literary exercises for the [prospective] officials, using the three sets of
virtues, [filial piety and brotherly respect, sageness and goodness, perfect virtue and
uprightness], and Ch'ao Ts'o [who later became Grandee Secretary], because he had
the highest grade, was promoted from [the position of] the Heir-apparent's Household
Steward to Palace Grandee." HS 49: 17a ff. records Emperor Wen's questions and
Ch'ao Ts'o's reply. The Emperor invited the capable and good persons to advise him
about the state of the government, human relations, and to give frank admonitions.
The state of Ch'i was divided into six parts for these six kingdoms. Cf. 14: 7-9.
It became the imperial policy to enfeeble its nobles by dividing their fiefs among their
children.
Hsin-yüan P'ing feigned it was found and ordered it presented to the Emperor,
according to Ying Shao. Hsin-yüen P'ing also said that the tripods of the Chou dynasty,
which had been lost in the Szu River, were in the Yellow River at Fen-yin, because he
had seen the emanation of precious metals there. Search was made, but nothing was
found. So the Emperor built a temple on the southern bank of the River there with
the intent of praying them out. Cf. Mh II, 481, n. 3; III, 460.
Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Hsin-yüan P'ing observed the sun twice at its
meridian [on the same day] and considered it a good omen, hence [the Emperor] changed
the beginning [of the count of the] years [of the imperial rule] in order to obtain the
blessing of lengthened years." Cf. Mh III, 459. The SC (Mh II, 481) records a
"seventeenth" year, and says that the Son of Heaven changed this year to be the first
year of his reign. It says nothing about a "Ch'ien" or "Hou" year-period in his reign,
merely mentioning "the second year in the latter [part of the reign] [OMITTED]," etc.
Then Emperor Wen merely had two "first" years; the historians were the first to speak
of the "Hou" years in his reign. This was not the first time, according to the histories,
that the numbering of years in a ruler's reign was changed: in 334 B.C., according to
the Bamboo Books (composed about the end of iv cent. B.C., buried until found in 281
A.D., but altered later; cf. Legge, Shoo-king, I, p. 174) King Hui-ch'eng of Weih changed
the beginning [of his reign] and called his thirty-sixth year his first year; in 324 B.C.
King Hui-wen of Ch'in changed his fourteenth year to the first year. The SC (Mh
II, 70) also records the latter change. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) thinks that
these changes were modelled by the historians after the one made by Emperor Wen,
although they may have been made when these rulers adopted the title of "king" in
those years. The reason for this change seems to have been that the number of years
being thus decreased, the ruler would live longer—King Hui-ch'eng is recorded as having
ruled sixteen years after he changed the numbering of his years!
Information concerning his deceits was given the emperor. Yen Shih-ku says,
"Because his false acts were discovered, he was afraid he would be executed; hence he
plotted a rebellion."
The word used for her death here is hung [OMITTED], not the word appropriate for an
Empress's death, which is peng [OMITTED]. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) said, "The Empress
leagued with the Lü clan, was dismissed, and lived in the Northern Palace [outside
the Wei-yang Palace, a mark of disgrace; the Empress Dowager usually lived in the Wei-yang
Palace], hence it is not said that she peng." Cf. 97 A: 5b. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722)
replies, "She was not mourned and buried in accordance with the rites for an Empress,
hence it is not said that she peng. She is recorded as `Empress,' hence although she had
nevertheless retired and lived alone, she had not been dismissed. Chang [Yen] is following
ch. 97." Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) says, "A dismissed Empress's death is not
recorded. Of the Empress [née] Po of the Emperor Ching [but cf. 5: n. 6.6] and of the
Empress [née] Hsü of the Emperor Ch'eng it is recorded that they were dismissed, but
not recorded that they died. This was the [set] practise of the historians. Although
the Empress of Hsiao-hui was dismissed and established in a separate palace, as a matter
of fact there was no known imperial edict ordering her dismissal, hence it was nevertheless
recorded that she hung."
Cowell and Crommelin calculate that Halley's comet passed perihelion in May of
this year; it is interesting that it was not recorded. Cf. Monthly Notices of the Royal
Astronomical Society, 68: 670. Since eclipses are also not mentioned during this decade,
it looks as though the recorders of phenomena deliberately refused to record eclipses
or comets, for the good reign of Emperor Wen made them think that Heaven was
sending no admonitions, hence they concluded that there were no "visitations."
Interpreting shuai [OMITTED] by hsi [OMITTED], in accordance with the suggestion of Wang Hsien-ch'ien,
who says that these two words are alliterative, hence the second was changed
to the first. [In Hunan both words are pronounced with an initial s; Karlgren gives
the T'ang pronunciations siĕt and shiuĕt.] The phrase shuai-yi [OMITTED] was previously
used in 4: 14b; ch. 9 and 10 frequently use hsi-yi. Shuai has the meaning of hsi.
Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that the word [OMITTED] follows the last word of this clause
in one ed.; Ch'ien Ta-chao reports that this word is in the Fukien ed. (1594).
HS 94A: 13b, 14a says, "Yearly they entered the border, killed and captured very
many people, most of all in the Yün-chung and Liao-tung [Commanderies], more than
10,000 people in a commandery. The Chinese [Emperor] was much worried about them,
so he sent an envoy to bear and transmit a letter to the Huns. The Shan-yu also
. . . replied saying [that he wanted] peace and friendship." Ch. 94 thereupon cites the
Emperor Wen's edict, but not the portion in this chapter. The agreement was that the
Great Wall should separate the two countries; neither should overpass it.
According to the Book of History, Yu divided the world into five concentric domains,
the outermost of which was the wilderness domain [OMITTED]. Yen Shih-ku
says, "The Jung and Ti [occupied] the wilderness domain, hence it is said, `The four
wildernesses.' It says that it is a wilderness, [where] they suddenly go and come without
any regularity. The Erh-ya says that Ku-chu [in the north], Pei-hu [in the south],
Hsi-wang-mu [a place in the west], and Jih-hsia [in the east] are called the four wildernesses."
Yen Shih-ku says, "The region which the emperor governs by himself [extends]
for a thousand li [from the capital]; `not being in repose' [means] not to secure a peaceful
dwelling-place."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the Official ed. writes yu [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], which is the
correct emendation. The SC also reads yu.
The Han empire and the Hun and other nations. The Han dynasty did not
consider itself as a kingdom, but as the empire which included all the kingdoms.
Ch'ien Ta-chao says that [OMITTED] is the ancient [OMITTED], and that the Southern Academy
ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549) write the second character. The Official ed. also
writes the second character; the SC has [OMITTED].
Cf. Mh II, 483, n. 2. Yen Shih-ku's note seems to indicate that his text had [OMITTED]
instead of the present [OMITTED].
In the correspondence between Emperor Wen and the Shan-yü (translated in de
Groot, Die Hunnen, pp. 86 ff.) there is no evidence of any marriage to cement this peace;
a girl of the imperial house had previously been sent to be married to the Shan-yü
when Shan-yü Lao-chang came to the throne.
The SC records nothing from this year to the sixth year. HS 27A: 21b adds,
"In the autumn there was a great rain day and night, which did not end until the thirty-fifth
day. In the Lan-t'ien [prefecture] the rivers from the mountains carried away more
than nine hundred families and the Han [River] destroyed the houses of more than eight
thousand common people. More than three hundred people were killed."
Yen Shih-ku says that this man's title is Palace Grandee, and his surname is Ling.
Hsü Kuang (352-425) had however said that the title was Chief of the Palace Grandees;
Yen Shih-ku replies that the surnames of all the officials are given in this passage
and that there was not at this time any Chief of the Palace Grandees, for the title was
not instituted until 156 B.C. Chavannes follows Yen Shih-ku; cf. Mh II, 484, n. 2.
But Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) replies that 19B: 4b says that in 188 B.C. a Mien
was appointed as Master of Ceremonies, and, in his comment on that passage, Yen Shih-ku
says that Mien was his given name. Then he is probably the person referred to here,
and the historian has merely lost his surname. With regard to Yen Shih-ku's statement
about surnames being given, Chou Shou-ch'ang replies that there was no fixed principle
about citing surnames, and gives examples to prove his point. With regard to the title of
Chief of the Palace Grandees not being in use at this time, he replies that there are many
such anachronisms. When Ying Pu was still King of Chiu-chiang, he was called King of
Huai-nan. The title of Grand Chief of Agriculture was changed in 104 B.C. to Grand
Minister of Agriculture, but in ch. 24 the latter title is sometimes used in dealing of
events before 104 B.C. and the former title is used after 104 B.C. Hence Hsü Kuang
is right in saying that his title was Chief of the Palace Grandees.
HS 94A: 15b says that the kingdom of Tai garrisoned Chü-chu and the kingdom
of Chao garrisoned the Fei-hu defile.
The present text reads [OMITTED]; but commandery administrators were not called by
this title until 148 B.C. Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) thinks that the first word is an
interpolation and should be omitted. The SC at this point does not have the first
character. We have omitted it in the translation.
Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says, "To stay one night [at a place] is called [OMITTED]; to stay a
second night is called hsin [OMITTED]; more than hsin is tz'u [OMITTED]." Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says,
"T'un [OMITTED] [to be stationed] is different from tz'u. For a t'un there is an apportioned
region; [an army] that tz'u is ready to be transferred."
HS 27Ba: 24a says, "In the spring there was a great drouth [all over] the world."
Yen Shih-ku says, "Locusts are [OMITTED]; they eat the sprouts, and cause a visitation [OMITTED].
Today they are popularly called po-chung1 [OMITTED]."
Ying Shao says, "Granaries [to which grain is] transported by water are called
[OMITTED]." Cf. also Mh II, 485, n. 4.
Ts'ui Hao (381-450) comments, "Rich people wanted [aristocratic] ranks; poor
people wanted money, hence [the Emperor] permitted buying and selling [ranks]."
SC 10:17a has [OMITTED] for the HS [OMITTED] and Chavannes (Mh II, 488) translates, "que
les esprits des vieux comme des jeunes soient aigris."
Wang Hsien-shen says that the word [OMITTED] should be inserted in the text after [OMITTED];
the parallelism requires it and the SC has it.
Wang Nien-sun says that after the word [OMITTED] there has dropped out the word [OMITTED];
the comments of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) and Yen Shih-ku show that it should be
added here and in the corresponding passage of the SC. Chavannes has supplied this
word in his translation; cf. Mh II, 489. This word is of course implied; but adding
it is unnecessary and it spoils the rhythm. The notion behind this saying is that he
has died a natural death, for something must be wrong with anyone who comes to a
violent end.
Yen Shih-ku says that yü [OMITTED] should here be read as [OMITTED], which marks a question.
Liu Pin (1022-1088) and Liu Chang (1017-1068) agree. But Wang Nien-sun points
out that Yen Shih-ku, in editing the comments on this passage, has excised four words
of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265), which are preserved in the Shih-chi Chi-chieh (written by
P'ei Yin, fl. 465-472), "Yü is an expletive [OMITTED]." Wang Nien-sun says that yü
in this passage is not to be interpreted as [OMITTED], but as an auxiliary word, without
meaning. As examples of this use of yü he quotes sentences from HS 1B: 2b; from
the Tso-chuan (prob. iv cent. B.C.), Duke Hsi, 23rd year; ibid., Dk. Hsiang, 29th yr.;
ibid., Dk. Chao, 17th yr.; from the Kuo-yü (prob. iii cent. B.C.), ch. I, p. 6b; ibid. on
Chin (twice); ibid. on Chou; and ibid. on Yüeh; in all of which yü is merely an auxiliary
meaningless word. It is a conjunctive conveying emphasis. HS 6: 8b has the phrase
[OMITTED], but that has a different meaning, "am happy to be with; here yü is equivalent to [OMITTED].
Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) and Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) explain [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "to
walk barefoot"; Yen Shih-ku approves; Chavannes and Wieger, Textes Historiques,
follow. The Han-chi and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien write the second character directly.
But Fu Yen (prob. ii cent.) says that the first character above means "to cut off. [The
sentence means not to use unhemmed mourning garments [OMITTED]." Shen
Ch'in-han points out, "In the Book of History, [where,] in the Introduction, [it says
that] King Ch'eng [OMITTED], Cheng [Hsüan, 127-200] reads [the first word] as [OMITTED]. The
Shih-ming [Han period] says, `The mourning garments for the three years [of mourning]
are called "cut off"; do not hem it, merely cut it off [OMITTED].' This was the ancient
meaning of people in Han times. Fu [Yen's] interpretation is right." Wang Hsien-shen
(1859-1922) adds that this interpretation corresponds with the sense of the next
sentence. The HHS, Treatise 26: 3b, says "The Accessory Officials [and officers] below
[that grade], with linen clothes, with cap and mourning hat and mourning cloth girdle not
wider than three inches, shall lament in the hall; military officials, with a linen mourning
hat and great [ceremonial] cap." Wang Hsien-shen says that with these ceremonial
garments, it goes without saying that they would not be barefoot. Hence Fu Yen's
interpretation is the correct one.
Ch'ien Ta-chao says that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]; the Southern Academy ed. (1528), the
Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed., the SC, and the Han-chi all write the second character.
Ying Shao says, "Do not use linen cloth to cover the chariots together with the
soldier's weapons." But Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "Do not send out light chariots,
[used on formal occasions; they had no cloth canopies], and armed soldiers." Yen
Shih-ku approves Ying Shao's interpretation, but Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) agrees with
Fu Ch'ien, "The ancient chariots with canopies all used linen. For the mourning ceremonies,
plain chariots with white linen cloth would not have been prohibited. This
[passage] of course speaks of displaying chariots and arms. If we take Ying [Shao's]
explanation, then it is difficult to explain `soldiers' weapons'; how could the soldiers'
weapons be covered with linen?"
Chavannes, (Mh II, 489) translates this sentence to mean that fifteen persons
shall wail morning and night, but HHS, Tr. 6: 5b, in describing the mourning for an
emperor, says that after the presentation of his posthumous name, "the Grand Master
of Ceremonies kneels and says, `Wail.' The Grand Herald transmits [the order], `Wail.'
Fifteen [times he says], `Raise your voices,' [then], `Stop wailing.' "
Li Tz'u-ming says that the SC has no second [OMITTED] after [OMITTED], and since this word
should not be repeated, the second one in the HS is an interpolation. Hsün Yüeh's
(148-209) Han-chi likewise has not this word. Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) notes that
the Later Han dynasty followed the practises here specified.
Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The HS regularily uses [OMITTED]." Yen Shih-ku
says these two words are interchanged. "These mourning practises were made up
by the Emperor Wen following his own ideas, and were not taken from the Chou-li."
Sometimes more than a hundred days elapsed between the death and burial of the Han
emperors, so that mourning was worn considerably more than the thirty-six days herein
ordered. Ti Fang-chin followed this practise; cf. 84: 4b. The Confucian theory had
been to mourn to the third year, which period was ended at the beginning of the third
year (27 months in all). Yen Jo-ch'ü (1636-1704) says, "This rule of the [Emperor] Wen
of the Han [dynasty] was followed for three hundred and seventy years. Emperor
Wu [died 220] of the Wei [dynasty] first ordered that with the burial [the ceremonies]
had been completed, and abolished [the Han rule, ordering that] there should be no
thirty-six days of [wearing] mourning. We do not know later what period used thirty-six
days as the date for taking off mourning without considering [whether the deceased
had been] buried or not. In the mourning for Yüan-[tsung, 713-755] and Su-tsung
[756-762] of the T'ang [dynasty], [the period for mourning] was again reduced [from]
thirty-six days to twenty-seven days. Then the saying [that Emperor Wen, in determining
the length of mourning] changed the days for the months [of the Chou period
of mourning, which had been twenty-seven months] arose first from this [event]."
The Pa Tomb was the sepulcher of the Emperor Wen, which he had, following
custom, prepared for himself. The point of this order was that there should be no
mound raised or any interference with the stream.
Ying Shao says, "Below the Ladies [OMITTED] [who were outranked only by the Empress]
there were the Beauties [OMITTED], the Sweet Ladies [OMITTED], the Eighth [Rank] Ladies
[OMITTED], the Seventh [Rank] Ladies [OMITTED], the Senior Maids [OMITTED], and the Junior Maids
[OMITTED]. All were sent back to their homes. He considered important the cutting short
of their family lines," i.e. he did not wish them to remain without children. Cf. 97A:2a.
The Han-chi says, "His favorite, the Lady [née] Shen, and those below, down to the Junior
Maids, received an order to be married." Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the Emperor
was probably thinking about political matters—the way that the Empress Dowager did
away with her husband's concubines and that supposed children of the Emperor Hui
were brought forward after his death. For an account of the Emperor's harem, cf.
Han-kuan Ta-wen, ch. 4, p. 5 ff; Mh II, 533; 490, n. 2.
According to the SC 22:11a, the Supervisor of the Household of the Empress and
Heir-apparent, Jung Nu, was also made General of Chariots and Cavalry to attend upon
the Empress Dowager.
Yen Shih-ku says that the General In Charge of Encampments was to be "in
charge of the encamped armies, in order to be prepared for any unexpected [rebellion
or danger]."
Ju Shun says, "He was in charge of opening the grave and filling up and burying."
Cf. Mh II, 203, n. 1.
This eulogy (except for the last two sentences) is found in SC 10:16a-17a verbatim
(except for a few verbal differences) and translated in Mh II, 485-487. Its presence
there, interrupting the account, seems to show that it was interpolated into the SC
from the HS, but the differences between the two versions seem to indicate that the SC
version is the earlier and the HS version the more polished one. Perhaps someone
interpolated into the SC an earlier version of Pan Ku's eulogy.
Szu-ma Cheng (fl. 713-742) quotes Ku Yeh-wang (519-581) as saying, "On top
of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng there are still the ancient foundations of a
terrace." Yen Shih-ku says, "Today on the top of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng
Hsien there is a Lu-t'ai Village [Roofless Terrace Village], which is very high and
conspicuous. There is still the place where the Emperor Wen wished to build a
terrace." The Li Mountain [OMITTED] is located, according to the Shina Redikai Chimei
Yoran, 2 li southeast of the present Lin-t'ung [OMITTED], in the Ch'ing dynasty's Hsi-an
Fu, Shensi.
Chia Yi (200-168 B.C.) in his memorial to Emperor Wen, entitled Lun-shih-chen-su,
in Han, Wei, Liu-ch'ao Pei San-min Chia-chi writes [OMITTED]. Shen Ch'in-han suspects
that instead of [OMITTED] we should read [OMITTED], making the sentence read, "He personally
wore thick silk," and adds, "Why should he have fixed upon black for his clothes? The
Ku-chin-chu [prob. written dur. 265-420] writes, `Emperor Wen attended court wearing
straw sandals.' "
Such pottery mortuary objects are found in museums today. Shen Ch'in-han
writes, "The Chin Dynastic History [written by Fang Hsüan-ling, 578-648], in the
Memoir of So Ch'en, says, `The people of the three [parts of the territory of ancient]
Ch'in robbed and opened the two Han tombs of Pa and Tu [those of Emperors Wen
Hsüan; the latter was 50 li south of Ch'ang-an] and got many jewels and precious things.
Emperor Min [313-317] asked [So] Ch'en, "How is it then that there are so many things
in the Han tombs?" [So] Ch'en replied, "When the Han [dynasty] Sons of Heaven had
been on the throne for one year, they made their tombs. The tribute and taxes of the
empire were divided into three parts: one provided for the ancestral temple; one provided
for [the entertainment of] guests; one provided for the tomb. The years that the
Emperor Wu of the Han [dynasty] enjoyed were many and long; when he died, the Mou
Tomb could not contain any more articles and its trees were already two spans [in
circumference]. The `Red Eyebrows' [a group of bandits, ca. 23 A.D.] took the articles
from the tomb, but could not diminish them by half. Today the decayed silk is
still left there, and the pearls and jade have not yet been exhausted. These two tombs
were parsimonious ones." ' According to what the present Annal says, then, after this
Emperor died, his subjects and sons disregarded his acknowledged will."
The Emperor Wen's letter to Chao T'o is considered one of the great pieces of
Chinese literature. It is in 95: 9a-10a.
Chavannes translates this phrase, "aux commandants préposés à la garde des
frontières," but I do not find any officials by this title. Cf. Mh II, 486.
Presents made to an honored official over the age of sixty-six. Cf. Li-chi, ch. L,
pt. i, art. i, sect. 29; Mh II, 487, n. 1. Liu P'i rebelled after the Emperor's death.
Cf. 5: 4a.
Shen Ch'in-han points out that the Feng-su T'ung-yi (written by Ying Shao, ca.
140-206), ch. Cheng-shih, says, "The Emperor Hsiao-ch'eng [32-6 B.C.] asked Liu Hsiang
[76-8 B.C.], saying, `Later generations all say that Emperor Wen ruled the world
until it almost attained perfect peace, and that his virtue equalled that of King Wen
of the Chou [dynasty]. From what did this saying arise?' [Liu Hsiang] replied,
`It arose from his practise regarding advice. Emperor Wen respected those who
offered advice, in order not to hurt their feelings. When the officials, whether great or
small, came [to him], then they could speak to him with ease, and the Emperor would
stop his carriage and listen to them. If their advice could be [followed], he called it
"Good"; if it could not be [followed], he merely smiled pleasantly. Most of these
advisors praised him. Later people saw their transmitted writings, and so considered
him to have been as [the writings said].' "
HS 72: 14a says, "[Kung] Yü [a high official, lived 124-43 B.C.] also said, `In
the time of Emperor Hsiao-wen, he honored probity and purity and despized avariciousness
and impurity. The adopted sons-in-law of merchants and officials who
were sentenced for bribery were always imprisoned and could not become officials.
He rewarded goodness and punished wickedness, and did not make his relatives and kin
his chief officials. When [anyone's] crime was plain, [the Emperor ordered that person]
to suffer his punishment; when it was doubtful, he gave [the criminal] to the people
[for public opinion upon his crime; cf. Chou-Li, 35: 26, Biot p. 322 f]. He had no law
for commuting crimes [by the payment of a fine], hence his orders were carried out and
his prohibitions were effective, and the [land] within the [four] seas was greatly influenced
[by his example]. In the empire there were pronounced verdicts upon [only] four hundred
[cases], which was no different from setting aside punishments [without using them].' "
This concluding sentence is the positive form of the last sentence in the SC's
chapter. Cf. Mh II, 495. This eulogy of Emperor Wen is largely a criticism of Emperor
Wu, who did very much the opposite of what Emperor Wen is here represented as
having done. Cf. 6: 39b, the last sentence.
CHAPTER IV
Appendix I
STANDARD WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OF HAN TIMES
The standard weights and measures are given in HS 21A: 15b-20a
as follows:
"The measures of length are the fen [OMITTED], the inch [OMITTED], the foot [OMITTED], the
chang [OMITTED], and the yin [OMITTED]. They are used to measure length. They
arose originally from the length of the huang-chung [a sonorous tube;
cf. Mh III, 302, 314-316]. Using medium sized kernels of black millet
[OMITTED] [which the Erh-ya III, p. 8a, defines as black millet], with the width
of one [kernel of] millet measure ninety fen—[that is] the length of the
huang-chung.[1]
One [kernel of millet] is one fen; ten fen are an inch; ten
inches are a foot; ten feet are a chang; ten chang are a yin—thus the five
measures of length are clearly defined. . . .
"The measures of capacity are the yo [OMITTED], the ko [OMITTED], the sheng [OMITTED], the
tou [OMITTED], and the hu [OMITTED]. They are used to measure amounts. They
arose originally from the yo of the huang-chung. They are used to
measure quantities and therein to define its volume. Using medium
sized kernels of black millet, 1200 [kernels] fill its yo, using [clear] well
water to level off the grains which stick out above the top of the measure.
Double a yo makes a ko [a pun; the word for ko is used to mean `double'];
ten ko make a sheng; ten sheng make a tou; ten tou make a hu. Then the
five measures of capacity are excellent [standard instruments].
"The method of [construction of the standard measure is as follows]:
Using bronze, [take] a square [which is] a foot [on each side] and circumscribe
[a circle] outside of it, [on each] side making a [slight] additional
space. Its top is the hu, its bottom is the tou, its left ear is the sheng,
and its right ear is the ko and the yo. Its shape is like a bird-cup (chio).
. . . Its weight is two chün, . . . double 11,520 [shu]. . . . The persons who
hold the offices of the Great Granarian and of the Grand Minister of
Agriculture have charge of them. . . .
"The weights used with a balance are the shu [OMITTED], the tael [OMITTED], the
catty [OMITTED], the chün [OMITTED], and the picul [OMITTED]. They are used to weigh
things; with a level [balance] as a standard, to know their weight. They
contents of the huang-chung] contains 1200 [kernels of] millet and
weighs 12 shu. Double it is a tael [a pun, the word for `tael' also means
`double']. Twenty-four shu make a tael; sixteen taels make a catty;
thirty catties make a chün; four chün make a picul."
Fortunately we are not ignorant of the units contained in this table.
There has been preserved in the imperial palace at Peking an imperial
standard measure that is dated by its inscription in 9 A.D., during the
reign of Wang Mang. It came to light in 1924. A hundred of these
standard measures are said to have been made and distributed about
the empire, of which only this one remains. This measure is plainly
alluded to in the passage of the HS translated above. The inscription
on the hu of this standard measure is translated here:
[The area of its base is obtained by taking] a square [which is] a foot [on each side] and circumscribing [a circle] outside of it.
The additional space on [each] side is 0.095 inch.
The area [of the base] is 162 [square] inches.
Its depth is a foot.
Its volume is 1620 [cubic] inches.
Its capacity is ten sheng."
This standard measure is a bronze right cylinder in shape, with a membrane
across it one inch from one end, thus making of the two ends a hu
and a tou measure respectively. On one side is attached a similar cylinder
containing a sheng; on the other side is another cylinder, arranged
like the large one, making a ko and a yo measure. A drawing of this
measure is to be found in the Hsi-ch'ing Ku-chien [OMITTED], ch. 34;
an account of it is in Wang Kuo-wei, Kuan-t'ang Chi-lin [OMITTED],
no. 19. An account of the mathematics involved is to be found in the
Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, Dec. 1930, no. 8, p. 1493 ff. An
excellent description, with photographs, is to be found in Ma Heng,
The Fifteen Different Classes of Measures as Given in the Lü Li Chih of
the Sui Dynasty History, translated by John C. Ferguson, Peiping, 1932.
Mr. H. Ma [OMITTED] of the National Palace Museum, Peiping, has very
kindly supplied me with measurements of this important standard
measure. The hu, which is said to be 1 ancient foot deep, measures
0.2310 meters in depth. The other measures are in proportion. The
volume of the hu is 19968.753 cc. with the others in proportion.
Mr. Ma Heng also very kindly sent me a copy of a paper by the
late Dr. Fu Liu [OMITTED], in which Dr. Liu tells that he examined four
of the Peiping [OMITTED]. These four weights are evidently
of 3, 6, 9, and 60 catties respectively, and weighed 730.050 g.,
1446.150 g., 2222.870 g., and 14775.000 g., respectively. The first two
have no inscription; the third is marked "[OMITTED] Nine Legal Catties,"
and the fourth is marked "[OMITTED] Two Legal [Chün]." The legal weight
of a catty in Wang Mang times, as determined by these four weights,
was 243.350 g., 241.025 g., 246.986 g., and 246.250 g., respectively, the
average being 244.028 g. Dr. Liu thinks this weight is quite reliable;
we may then take 244 g. as the weight of the ancient catty.
Dr. Liu had previously weighed the standard measure of Wang Mang,
which the HS says (in the passage quoted above) weighs two chün.
From that weight he calculated the catty as 226.667 g. I have also
checked that weight by millet grains. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the
millet in terms of which these measures and weights are given is p'ei [OMITTED],
which is said by the Erh-ya to have two kernels in one husk. But the
Erh-ya seems to distinguish between p'ei and chü [OMITTED] (the word used
in the HS); seed experts moreover doubt the existence of any such millet
as the supposed p'ei, for all known millets have only one seed in a spikelet.
It may be a rare sport. Panicum miliaceum is of the right size to
be the millet referred to; the black veronesh variety is a dark brown
and could easily be denoted by the definition of chü in the Erh-ya,
"black millet." Ten of its seeds set side by side measure 21.8 mm.,
which is only a little smaller than the Han inch. Stein (Serindia, I,
374) measured the inch of later Han times as 22.9 mm. Data found
on a piece of silk of Han times (cf. Chavannes, Documents decouverts
par Aurel Stein, p. 118) indicate that the Han inch was 22.7 mm.
Twenty average size seeds were weighed by an expert and the weight
of a seed (average of three weighings) was found to be 0.00590 grams,
so that the ancient tael weighed about 218 gr. or 14 g. According to
the size, this weight should be a little under the standard Wang Mang
weight. To check this weight, 111 ancient cash, all with the inscription,
"Half tael," and dating from Ch'in and Han times, loaned by Dr. A. W.
Hummel, were weighed. Four large cash averaged 96.1 gr. each. The
two best medium sized cash averaged 95.7 gr. each. Thirteen medium
sized cash averaged 74.8 gr. each. Nine small cash seemingly in good
condition averaged 42.2 gr. each. Eighty-five ordinary small cash averaged
38.3 gr. each. Since the Han dynasty regularly issued light-weight
cash and permitted private coinage, it is natural that there should have
been large variations in the weight of cash. If we take the weight of
says, the ancient tael weighed 192 gr., not far from the weight found
from the miliaceum seeds. Something should be added to this weight
because of the wear and tear on coins. Chavannes (Mh II, 103, n. 2)
reports a statement in the Chin-shih-so (sect. Chin-sou, B) that the ancient
catty weighed 6 taels of the present weight or 225 grams, which checks
well with the weight we found.
To check the volumetric data, the volume of 9600 miliaceum seeds
was measured and found to be 81 ml., so that the volume of a yo would
be 10.1 cc., an amount slightly larger than that in the Wang Mang
measure. Laufer (Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty, p. 293) however
notes a pottery ewer inscribed "Contains one sheng; weighs 14 taels;
52 B.C. No. 5." He reports its capacity as 790 cc., which is much too
large; its weight, about 18 ounces, is also too large; this measure must
be rejected as representing a marked variant.
Stein (ibid. II, 660, 669) found several foot-rules of Han times in the
desert, which measured about 9 inches (Eng. meas.) in length. Wang
Kuo-wei (Jour. N. C. Br. R. A. S., 59: 111 ff) reports a foot-measure of
the Wang Mang period a little over 9 inches (Eng. meas.) in length; he
checked its length by the `trousers cash,' four of which made a foot.
Using the above data from the Wang Mang standard measure and
from the weights, the following table of Han standard measures is obtained:
LENGTH
1 fen = 2.31 mm. = 0.091 in. Eng. meas.
10 fen = 1 inch = 23.10 mm. = 0.909 in. Eng. meas.
10 inches = 1 foot = 231.0 mm. = 9.094 in. Eng. meas.
10 feet = 1 chang = 2.31 meters = 7 ft. 6.94 in. Eng. meas.
10 chang = 1 yin = 23.10 meters = 75 ft. 9.4 in. Eng. meas.
CAPACITY
1 yo = 9.98437 cc. = 0.60927 cu. in.
2 yo = 1 ko = 19.9687 cc. = 1.2185 cu. in.
10 ko = 1 sheng = 199.687 cc. = 12.1856 cu. in. = 0.36 U. S.
dry pint.
10 sheng = 1 tou = 1996.875 cc. = 121.8561 cu. in. = 1.81 U. S.
dry quart.
10 tou = 1 hu = 19968.753 cc. = 1218.5608 cu. in. = 0.565 U. S.
bushels = 19.9682 liters.
WEIGHT
1 shu = 9.8 gr. = 0.64 g.
24 shu = 1 tael = 235.4 gr. = 15.25 g.
16 taels = 1 catty = 8.6 oz. avoir. = 244 g.
30 catties = 1 chün = 16 lb. 2.2 oz. avoir. = 7.32 kilograms.
4 chün = 1 picul = 64 lb. 8.8 oz. avoir. = 29.3 kilograms.
These measures are all smaller than present day measures. Wang
Kuo-wei (cf. Jour. N. C. Br. R. A. S.) has described the causes and manner
in which the foot measure was lengthened. Probably similar causes
operated with other measures. Whereas in Han times 10 tou made a hu,
later five tou made a hu. The very existence of a standard measure
illustrates forcibly the degree of imperial organization at that time.
SC 25: 8a (Mh III, 314) says that the huang-chung is 8.1 Chinese inches long; but Liu
Hsin (i cent. B.C.), Cheng Hsüan (127-200), the Sui Dynastic History, and other
authorities all give the length of the huang-chung as 9 inches.
CHAPTER IV
Appendix II
THE SACRED FIELD
This was the field in which the emperor opened the agricultural season
by himself turning several furrows. Chavannes discussed the derivation
and meaning of this word; cf. Mh II, 463, n. 2. The Commentator
Tsan whom he mentions is Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285). Cf. also Maspero,
La Chine antique, p. 231-232.
Ying Shao, in a comment to HS 4: 9b, says, "Anciently the Son of
Heaven plowed 10 mou of the sacred field for the world." Wei Chao
adds, "[OMITTED] is to borrow. He borrows the strength of the people to
cultivate it in order to uphold the ancestral temple and moreover to
encourage and lead the empire, causing them to emphasize agriculture."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that, anciently [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged; according
to the comment of Ying Shao on HS 4: 9b, his text had the
latter character; Wei Chao's comment (197-273/4) shows that his text
had the former. The Official ed. has the latter character at that point.
The word should be written correctly as [OMITTED]. In the Shuo-wen under
this last character "it says, `The emperor's Sacred Field [contains] 1000
mou. In ancient times [the government] employed the people like borrowing
them. Hence it was called [OMITTED], from [OMITTED] [to plow] and [OMITTED] giving
the pronunciation.' Under [OMITTED] [the Shuo-wen] says, `The sacrificial pad
[made of Myriophyllum [OMITTED] or Imperata [OMITTED], on which an offering was
placed].' It also says, `Grass which is not plaited is a wolf's litter (i.e. in
great disorder) [OMITTED].' Under [OMITTED] it says, `An account book.' "
Then Wei Chao's interpretation, which Chavannes rejects, is correct.
HS 65: 10b says, "The Ku-ch'eng Temple is distant, with no place
for sojourning; moreover [the place is entirely] occupied by catalpas,
bamboos, and the Sacred Field." Fu Ch'ien [ca. 125-195] comments
on a sentence on 4: 12b [cf. p. 249], "The Ku-ch'eng Temple was south
of the city of Ch'ang-an." Wang Ch'i-yüan (xix cent.) says, commenting
on 4: 9b, "This was the fixed place of the Han [dynasty's] sacred field.
Emperor Hsiao-wu plowed [the sacred field] in the Shang-lin [Park; Emperor]
Hsiao-chao plowed [the sacred field] in the amusement park [within
the Wei-yang Palace] of the Intendant of the Imperial Palace Parks.
Hence the annals especially record it [because it was not the usual practise.
Chia Yi to open the sacred field the first time.' " But from the dates
in Chia Yi's memorial (24A: 10b), this latter statement seems incorrect.
Tu Yu (735-812) in his T'ung-tien, ch. 46, has a long historical account
dealing with the practise of plowing the sacred field, beginning with
the Chou and ending with the T'ang dynasty. We append a translation
of his account dealing with the first two dynasties: "[According to]
the regulations of the Chou [dynasty], `the Son of Heaven in the first
month of spring selected [the day] of the first conjunction [of the sun
and moon] and, himself carrying the plow and plowshare, placed them
in the right [side] of his chariot. Leading the great ministers of the first
and second ranks, the nobles, and the grandees, he personally plowed
in the sacred field of a thousand mou in the southern suburbs [of the
capital]. With his [ceremonial] cap with vermillion cap-strings, he himself
held the plow, and the Son of Heaven [turned] three furrows' [the
foregoing sentences are taken from the Book of Rites, Bk. IV, sect. I,
pt. I, par. 13] in order to use it to serve Heaven, Earth, the mountains,
the streams, the gods of the land and of the grains, and the deceased
rulers, using [its products] to make sweet wine, rice or millet wine, millet,
and sacrificial grain. Thereupon these products were taken to the Neichai
[the superintendant of the inner apartments in the palace] and `an
imperial edict [summoned] the Empress to lead the persons in the six
palaces [within the imperial palace] to make the late and early [varieties
of] seed to grow in order to present them to the ancestors' [these sentences
are taken from the Chou-li, cf. Biot's trans. I, p. 148]. She ordered the
ladies of the harem to store the seed to grow it again. The Tien-szu [the
officer in charge of the laborers] `put himself at the head of his subordinates
and tilled and hoed the King's field, and in season brought [to
him its products]' [this sentence is also taken from the Chou-li; cf. Biot's
trans. I, p. 84].
"Under the Han [dynasty], the decree of Emperor Wen reads,
`Agriculture is the foundation of the world. Let the sacred field be
opened. We Ourself lead in plowing in order to provide millet and grain
offerings for the [imperial] ancestral temples.' The [Han-]chiu-yi [composed
by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57, pt. II, p. 6b, 7a] says, `In the beginning
of spring, [the Emperor] himself plows in the sacred field east [of the
capital]. The officials sacrifice to the God of Agriculture. (The God
of Agriculture is Shen-nung, Emperor Yen.) They offer one ox, one
ram, and one pig. The many officials all follow him. The Emperor
[plows] three furrows, the three highest ministers [plow] five [furrows],
[plow] ten ]furrows], the gentlemen and the common people [finish plowing]
the entire mou. [The Emperor] grants to [the people of] the three
[capital] commanderies within 200 li, to the Filially Pious, Fraternally
Respectful, and Cultivators of the Fields and to the San-lao, cloth, silk
and ten thousand hu of seeds of all kinds of grains, in order to establish for
them the granary of the sacred field. He establishes a Chief and Assistants
for the granary. The grains are all used for the grain offerings at the
worship in the sacrifices to Heaven, Earth, in the ancestral temple, and
to the many spirits of mountains and rivers.' The Emperor Ching's imperial
edict said, `We Ourselves plow to lead the world [in plowing].'
The Emperor Chao, when young, ascended the throne and plowed in
the amusement park of the Intendant of the Imperial Palace Parks
[within the Wei-yang Palace]."
The ancient word for the Sacred Field implies that this field was one
which `borrows' the forces of the people for its cultivation. The Emperor
himself only plowed a few furrows, the actual cultivation was done
by others. In Han times, the Imperial Sacred Field was located at the
Ku-ch'eng Temple, south of Ch'ang-an, although, on occasion, other
places were plowed. The products of the Imperial Field were used for
sacrifices in the imperial ancestral temples.
CHAPTER IV
Appendix III
ECLIPSES DURING THE REIGN OF EMPEROR WEN
During this period, six eclipses were recorded in the SC and HS.
We discuss them in chronological order.
i. In the second year, the eleventh month, on the day kuei-mao, the
last day of the month, an eclipse was recorded (4: 8b). P. Hoang gives
this date as Jan. 2, 178 B.C., on which Oppolzer calculated his solar
eclipse no. 2447. This was a partial eclipse; calculation shows that at
Ch'ang-an it reached a magnitude of 0.20 at 2:48 p.m., local time. The
longitude of the sun was 279.0° = 278.2° R.A. HS 27 Cb: 13b says
that it was one degree in the constellation Wu-nü, of whose stars ε and μ
Aquarii were then in 281.7° and 283.0° R.A. respectively.
ii. In the SC, after the record of the above eclipse, there is the following
statement (cf. Mh II, 461), "In the twelfth month, on the day of full
moon [the fifteenth of the month], there was an eclipse of the sun."
This date was, according to Hoang, Jan. 17, 178 B.C.; but eclipses of
the sun cannot happen on the day of full moon. They happen only at
new moon, whereas eclipses of the moon happen at full moon. Hsü
Kuang (352-425) says that the HS does not record this eclipse [it is now
neither in chap. 4 nor chap. 27], and tells that one copy [of the SC]
says it was an eclipse of the moon, but that the histories do not record
eclipses of the moon. The conjectural emenation of that copy is correct
—Oppolzer calculated his lunar eclipse no. 1580 on the evening of Jan. 16,
178 B.C. at Ch'ang-an. If the historian misread in the astronomical
records a poorly written [OMITTED] as being [OMITTED], this mistake could easily occur.
This passage seems to show that the court astronomers kept a record of
lunar as well as of solar eclipses. The discrepancy in dates indicates that
Hoang's calendar is a day in error here.
iii. In the third year, the tenth month, on the day ting-yu, the last
day of the month, a third eclipse was recorded (4: 11a). This date was
Dec. 22, 178 B.C., for which Oppolzer calculated his solar eclipse no.
2449. He charts the umbra of the moon as passing through the Malay
peninsula; calculation shows that the eclipse at Ch'ang-an reached a
magnitude of 0.35 at 1:58 p.m., local time. The sun was in long.
267.4° = 267.1° R.A. HS 27 Cb: 13b adds, "It was 23 degrees in
[the constellation] Tou," of whose stars μ, λ, φ, σ, τ and ζ Aquarii were
then in R.A. 241.1°, 243.5°, 247.2°, 249.8°, 253.3° and 250.6°, respectively.
iv. In the third year, the eleventh month, on the day ting-mao, the
last day of the month, a fourth eclipse is listed (4: 11a). P. Hoang gives
this date as Jan. 20, 177 B.C., the first day of the twelfth month. HS
27 Cb: 13b adds, "It was 8 degrees in [the constellation] Hsü," whose
stars, α Equulei and β Aquarii, were then in R.A. 291.4° and 293.4°.
The Han-chi 7: 7b dates this eclipse on "[the day] yi-mao, the last
day of the month," 12 days before the HS's date and on the 18th day
of that month.
There was no eclipse on that date, for Oppolzer gives none. In the
22 years from the preceding eclipse to the next correctly dated eclipse
in 154 B.C., in which period the HS lists 3 eclipses, there occurred 56
eclipses, of which only 10 were visible in China.[1]
In this period, 9 umbral eclipses were visible in China: (1) no. 2452,
on June 6, 176 B.C., 23 days after a ting-mao day, sun in long. 70.7° =
69.3° R.A.; (2) no. 2459, on Oct. 10, 174 B.C., 39 days after such a day,
sun in long. 193.2°; (3) no. 2460, on May 4, 173 B.C., 36 days after such
a day, sun in long. 10.6°; (4) no. 2470, on July 17, 169 B.C., 41 days
after such a day, sun in long. 110.2°; (5) no. 2475, on May 28, 167 B.C.,
1 day after such a day, sun in long. 61.9°; (6) no. 2477, on May 17, 166
B.C., 55 days after such a day, sun in long. 51.4°; (7) no. 2486, on Mar. 5,
162 B.C., 3 days after such a day, sun in long. 340.9°; but the umbral
path of this eclipse ran so far south that I calculated it, and found it
invisible in the present Ch'ang-an, Pei-p'ing, Shantung, and Ch'ang-sha.
In Wu (present Soochow), the eclipse reached a magnitude of only 0.02
at 4:34 p.m. local time, so that it was practically invisible; (8) no. 2489,
on Aug. 16, 161 B.C., 53 days after such a day, sun in long. 140.1° =
142.5° R.A.; the umbral path of this eclipse ran so far north that I
calculated it and found that in Ch'ang-an it reached a magnitude of
0.17 at 5:16 a.m. local time; (9) no. 2505, on Oct. 10, 155 B.C., 19 days
after such a day, sun in long. 193.4°; the umbral path of this eclipse ran
so far south that I calculated it and found that in Ch'ang-an the eclipse
reached a magnitude of 0.17 at 9:32 a.m., local time. Westwards and
southwards its magnitude was greater.
In this period, 11 partial eclipses occurred in the northern hemisphere,
of which only one was visible in ancient China: no. 2481, on Mar. 26,
164 B.C., 13 days after a ting-mao day, sun in long. 165.7°. At Ch'ang-an
the eclipse reached a magnitude of only 0.02 at 7:12 a.m., with visibility
40°, in the Ordos region, the magnitude of the eclipse reached 0.14.[2]
It is probable that the eclipse intended by the text was the first umbral
eclipse listed above, on June 6, 176 B.C. Then the ting [OMITTED]- mao of the
text is an error for hsin [OMITTED]- mao (a natural mistake) and Hoang's calendar
is two days in error; this date was the first day of the fifth month, in
the fourth year. The heavenly location given for this eclipse is then
greatly in error.
v. In the latter part of the reign, the fourth year, the fourth month,
on the day ping-yin, the last day of the month, a fifth eclipse is listed
(4: 17b). The Han-chi 8: 15a has the same reading. But there was
no ping-yin day in that month. HS 27 Cb: 13b dates it on the day
ping-ch'en, and adds, "It was 13 degrees in [the constellation] Tung-ching."
This latter date was June 9, 160 B.C., according to P. Hoang.
The first star in Tung-ching, μ Gemini, was then in 63.4° R.A. But
Oppolzer lists no eclipse on this date.
For the eclipses occurring about this time, cf. the discussion under
the preceding eclipse. As to their cyclical days, ping-yin is the day
before ting-mao, and ping-ch'en is 11 days before ting-mao.
Very possibly the eighth umbral eclipse mentioned previously, on
Aug. 16, 161 B.C., is the eclipse referred to in the text. It occurred on a
keng-shen day, in the third year, the sixth month, the day before the
last day of the month, according to Hoang's calendar. This identification
would require no alteration in the order of events of HS ch. 4,
merely a redating of one event; the cyclical day is already in doubt
because of the difference between the two recordings. The location of
the eclipse in the heavens is about 60° in error.
vi. HS 27 Cb: 13b adds, "In the seventh year, the first month, on
[the day] hsin-wei, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse of
the sun." The Han-chi has the same recording. P. Hoang gives this
date as Feb. 9, 157 B.C. But no eclipse occurred on that date.
For eclipses occurring about this time, cf. sub eclipse iv. Hsin-wei is
4 days after ting-mao. There was no eclipse visible in China in Emperor
Wen's reign after the date we adopted for the preceding eclipse. It
seems that Pan Ku considered this eclipse doubtful, for he did not put
it into his "Annals," although it got into his chapter on the "Five Elements,"
It looks as though someone considered that an eclipse was due at this
time in order to predict the death of Emperor Wen, so placed an eclipse
five months (about an eclipse season) before his death. Pan Ku's rejection
of this eclipse in his Annals is a good testimony to his historical
judgment.
But the solar eclipse of Oct. 10, 155 B.C., which Hoang dates in Emperor
Ching's second year, the ninth month, the day yi-yu, the last day
of the month, was the only eclipse visible in China after the one identified
for the preceding eclipse and before the next and correctly dated
eclipse. Since Hoang's calendar may be a day in error, this date may
have been the tenth month, the first day, the day ping-hsü. It seems
stretching things to identify this eclipse with the one listed in ch. 27, yet
it is peculiar that, in a period during which only one eclipse was listed,
there should have been only one eclipse visible.
Besides those located in Oppolzer, the following 9 partial eclipses were invisible in
China because they belonged to initial (i.) or terminal (t.) runs in exeligmos series whose
nearest umbral eclipses was located near the south pole: no. 2454 (t.); no. 2457 (i.),
no. 2464 (i.), no. 2473 (t.), no. 2498 (t.), no. 2474 (t.), no. 2482 (i.), no. 2483 (t.), and
no. 2501 (i.).
The other ten eclipses were all calculated approximately and found to be invisible
in China. They were: no. 2455, on May 26, 175 B.C.; no. 2456, on Oct. 20, 175 B.C.;
no. 2465, on Mar. 14, 171 B.C.; no. 2466, on Aug. 8, 171 B.C.; no. 2471, on Jan. 10, 168
B.C.; no. 2472, on June 7, 168 B.C.; no. 2490, on Jan. 12, 160 B.C.; no. 2492, on Aug. 6,
160 B.C.; 2499, on June 5, 157 B.C.; and no. 2500, on Oct. 31, 157 B.C.
CHAPTER IV
Appendix IV
SOLAR ECLIPSES DURING THE FIRST FIFTY YEARS OF
THE FORMER HAN DYNASTY
Since exactly fifty years elapsed from the accession of Kao-tsu in
206 B.C. down to and including the year of Emperor Wen's death,
157 B.C., it may be useful to summarize the results we have obtained
in the discussion of the eclipses during that period. Out of the total
number of 119 eclipses occurring, only 23 were visible in China. Four
of these were so barely visible that we can hardly expect them to have
been noticed. Excluding these, only 19 eclipses were visible in Ch'ang-an
in this half-century. Six of them were recorded correctly. For three
more listings we were able to suggest plausible dates. If these suggestions
are accepted, only 9 out of a possible 19 eclipses were recorded—
about half of the total eclipses visible, weather permitting.
In these four reigns, we found 13 records of solar eclipses. Nine
referred to actual solar eclipses (accepting the suggested corrections for
their dates). One plainly referred to an actual lunar eclipse. In the
case of the three remaining we found great difficulties in suggesting any
date. For one, we found reason to suspect that it was a later interpolation.
For a second, we found that the general opposition on the
part of the officials to the Empress Dowager's acts made it possible that
an eclipse was fabricated to warn her. The third we found textually
doubtful, since Pan Ku had not included it in his "Annals."
The ten plainly visible eclipses that were not recorded were the following:
in the reign of Kao-tsu, four: July 6, 206 B.C., Jan. 1, 205,
July 26, 197, June 6, 195; in the reign of Emperor Hui, one: Sept. 29,
192; in the reign of the Empress of Kao-tsu, none; in the reign of Emperor
Wen, five: Oct. 10, 174, Apr. 4, 173, July 17, 169, May 28, 167,
and May 17, 166 B.C. The four others which were barely visible or
visible only outside of Ch'ang-an were those of Oct. 8, 201 B.C., May 6,
184, Mar. 26, 164, and Mar. 5, 162 B.C.
Bad weather is a possible cause for the failure to record some of these
eclipses. But in Sian (Ch'ang-an), Shensi, during the period 1924-1934,
the number of overcast days, as reported by Fr. E. Gherzi, S.J., the
Director of the Zikawei Observatory, averaged almost the same for each
and October. The monthly variation of the weather thus cannot account
for the omission of these eclipses. Reports could moreover have been
secured from places outside the capital.
It is however noticeable that during the years 188 to 175 B.C. all the
visible eclipses were recorded,[1]
whereas between 175 and 162 B.C. five
eclipses were visible and none were recorded. None of these were total
in Ch'ang-an; they might easily have been missed if no one was looking
for them. Why were they missed? Was it because of a change in the
responsible astronomer, who was negligent in his duties? Or was it
because it was considered that the good reign of Emperor Wen left
Heaven without any necessity of sending eclipses? Emperor Wen in
an edict said that an eclipse was an admonition from Heaven (4: 9a).
Neugebauer (op. cit. II, 73) says that an eclipse is not conspicuous unless
it reaches a magnitude of at least 0.75, or, at sunrise or sunset, 0.33, so
that, unless people were looking for eclipses, they might easily be missed.
Yet Halley's comet appeared in 163 B.C. (cf. p. 261, note), and it too
was not recorded. Such a spectacle could hardly have been missed.
Perhaps comets were not then being regularly recorded; cf. 5: n. 1.3.
In later periods of good rule, such as that of Emperor Hsüan, eclipses
are similarily lacking in the records.
Several conclusions emerge from a consideration of these eclipses:
First, the Chinese accounts are predominatingly reliable, even for the
beginning of the Han period. In the later parts of this period, we shall
find them much more reliable.
Secondly, there are errors of recording or transmission of the text.
One eclipse (the second one in Kao-tsu's reign) is probably a later interpolation;
three others were incorrectly dated, possibly before Pan Ku
used them. In the case of the lunar eclipse we found positive evidence
that an error had been made in transcribing from the original astronomical
records.
Thirdly, we found that the court astronomers, in some cases at least,
kept records of lunar as well as of solar eclipses, although the historians
did not consider them worth recording.
Fourthly, we found that in one case at least (cf. ch. 2: App., ii) astronomical
reports were gathered from places outside the capital. The
divergences between the list in the "Annals" and that in ch. 27 regarding
this eclipse suggest that the list in ch. 27 came from the court
astronomers at the capital.
Fifthly, we found that Pan Ku must have had records of eclipses not
found in the SC, which he inserted into that material.
Sixthly, eclipses were considered as warnings to the ruler from Heaven,
so that during an unpopular reign all visible eclipses were recorded, while
during a decade in a "good" reign no eclipses were recorded, not even
a conspicuous comet.
Seventhly, our tables of correspondences between European and Chinese
dates are quite accurate for Han times, but they may be two days
in error.
Eighthly, the records of the position of the sun at the time of an eclipse
are not reliable. In the case of the six correctly recorded eclipses, that
location is fairly good, but in the only one which was total in Ch'ang-an,
that of 181 B.C., in which alone the position of the sun among the stars
could have been observed at the time of the eclipse, that position is in
error by 14°. In the case of the three eclipses for which we suggested
emendations in their date, the location of the sun is grossly in error.
In the case of the one which seems a later interpolation, the location of
the sun was plainly calculated from the calendar. We suspect that all
of these records were so calculated. These locations are moreover not
given in the "Annals," but only in the "Treatise on the Five Elements,"
and in two cases not at all. They are thus of little help in identifying
an eclipse.
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