University of Virginia Library

Notes On The Strike

Politics Of Confrontation And Restraint

By Rob Buford
Cavalier Daily Staff Writer

Pavilion V is locked up tight, its
windows darkened at 3 a.m. on any
normal morning. But yesterday
morning was anything but normal
as University administration leaders
set up their command post in the
West Lawn pavilion which houses
the Office of Public Relations.

Upstairs, Edgar Shannon consulted
with legal and administrative
advisors — they formed an Impressive
entourage, which might at
times have seemed more like a
Founder's Day procession than a
strategy conference. On the first
floor, Messrs. Williams and Canevari
ran interference and negotiated
with student leaders, who sailed
back and forth between occupied
Maury Hall and the pavilion headquarters.

The atmosphere was as tense in
the administration camp as it was
festive in Maury Hall's wardroom,
where free cigarettes and coffee
were distributed to the assembled
forces of occupation. Call it an
occupation, or a sit-in, or a teach-in
or whatever — what was important
was that they were there, and no
one was moving until something
happened.

Political Implications

Mr. Shannon fully realized that
the burden of action rested with
him. The occupation was in clear
violation of his statement last year
regarding the use of University
facilities, Moreover, the heavy political
implications involved compounded
his dilemma. Too late for
the morning newspapers, the story
would, nevertheless, be big on the
radio, and the "reaction in Richmond"
was a specter which must
have had its own unique effect on
the outcome of events.

Violence Potential

Difficult to assess is how close
the situation came to erupting in
violence. The forces working
against such a possibility were
strong in both camps. It was
something nobody really wanted,
but when the demonstrators, numbering
up to 250, voted at 2 a.m. to
"stay all night," it seemed certain.

One source close to President
Shannon alluded to what he termed
an "ultimatum" from Governor
Holton: get them out of there by
six o'clock or the police go in. Now
the pressure was on. Mr. Shannon
was forced to act, and fast: already
he had decided to seek a court
injunction in order to clear the
building of demonstrators, but
would it work? Could violence be
avoided?

Dean Monrad Paulsen of the law
school was one of President Shannon's
many advisors throughout the
night. A comment he made seems
particularly applicable in hindsight.
"The one aspect of this whole thing
which amazes me the most is the
degree to which accident plays a
role." He could not have been
closer to the mark.

Buzzy Waitzkin of Student
Council pointed out one of the
difficulties contributing to the
impasse. Neither side was fully
prepared to take "affirmative action"
due to the problems in
predicting the behavior of the other
side. Administration officials were
uncertain of what they could do to
relieve the situation nonviolently
without making politically dangerous
concessions.

Gardner's Plan

The students, on the other hand,
were looking for a victory of some
kind. At the same time, they
tended to heed Tom Gardner's
assertion that going to jail would be
useless under the circumstances.
Mr. Gardner's thoughts were of
bigger things — "I want to mobilize
a group of people which can effect
a revolution in this country. I want
to win." And getting busted is
nothing new to Tom Gardner; going
to jail is no way to win.

Dean Paulsen already had the
President's solution in sight when
he made his remarks about the role
of chance. The injunction, which
eventually emptied Maury Hall at 5
a.m., provided an out for both
sides. At best it was a chance which
Mr. Shannon had to take. In
surrendering all powers of enforcement
to court authority, he had, in
effect, turned over the entire
situation to the state. A gamble, it
worked well.

Confrontation

The approach succeeded for a
number of reasons. By 3 a.m. both
sides were clearly looking for a way
out short of violence. The injunction
served the two-fold purpose of
giving the administration an outlet
for assertive action, while allowing
the demonstrators their token bust.
The document, which the court
officer stammered out to the
excited, hooting crowd in the
wardroom, comprised the evidence
of "repressive force" which they
sought to confront.

With the statement duly delivered,
there was little more to do
or say. The decision to leave as
soon as the injunction arrived had
already been voted almost unanimously.
Any thoughts of leaving a
skeletal group to undergo arrest
seemed to vanish as rumors filtered
in of state troopers massing for
action nearby. After all, as Alan
Williams glumly pointed out, there
were still three more days of the
Strike to go.

Restraint

Accident or not, the solution
proved viable, which is probably to
the credit of both sides. Restraint
in both camps helped in averting
the violence which seemed so
certain at times. Whether the spirit
of Tuesday morning will prevail
throughout the Strike remains to be
seen. But anyone who denies that
the outcome of this week's demonstrations
will affect much more
than what people in Richmond
think can only be kidding himself.