Historical collections of Virginia containing a collection of the most interesting facts, traditions, biographical sketches, anecdotes, &c., relating to its history and antiquities, together with geographical and statistical descriptions : to which is appended, an historical and descriptive sketch of the District of Columbia : illustrated by over 100 engravings, giving views of the principal towns, seats of eminent men, public buildings, relics of antiquity, historic localities, natural scenery, etc., etc. |
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| VI. | CHAPTER VI. |
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 | CHAPTER VI. Historical collections of Virginia |  |
CHAPTER VI.
EVENTS FROM THE YEAR 1705 TO THE TERMINATION OF THE FRENCH AND
INDIAN WAR.
Gov. Nicholson superseded by Nott, and he by Jennings.—Administration of Gov.
Spotswood—he effects a passage over the Blue Ridge.—Drysdale governor—succeeded
by Gooch.—Death of Rev. James Blair.—Notice of Col. Wm. Byrd.—Gooch's
charge to the Grand Jury, against Presbyterians, Methodists, &c.—Burning of the
Capitol at Williamsburg.—Revision of the Colonial Laws.—Departure of Gooch.—
Dinwiddie governor.—Encroachments of the French.—Mission of George Washington
beyond the Alleganies, to the French Commandant of a Fort—its inauspicious
results.—Gov. Dinwiddie prepares to repel the encroachments of the French—Expedition
against them under Col. Fry, and the erection of Fort Duquesne.—Washington's
skirmish with Jumonville—he erects Fort Necessity—he surrenders to the
French, and marches back to Virginia.—The Burgesses pass a vote of thanks to him.
Gov. Dinwiddie resolves to prosecute the war—the futility of his projects.—Arrival
of Gen. Braddock.—Braddock's defeat.—Bravery of Washington and the Virginia
troops.—Frontiers open to incursions from the savages.—Fáuquier governor.—
Troops destined for the conquest of Duquesne rendezvous at Raystown.—Defeat of
Major Grant, and heroism of Capt. Bullet.—Fort Duquesne evacuated.—End of the
War.
The first half of the eighteenth century, to the breaking out of
the French and Indian war, is extremely barren of incident in the
history of Virginia. Very little more can be given than a list of
and removals, and a synopsis of their characters. This
brevity arises from the fact that it was mainly a time of peace,
which usually leaves but little of striking incident to record, of
marked interest to the general reader,—although a narration of
laws, and causes which advance or retard the welfare of society,
or those things which exhibit a true portraiture of it, would arrest
the attention of the political economist, and, to some degree, of all.
Again, the annals of Virginia, during this period, are brief and
unsatisfactory; and, doubtless, much highly valuable material is,
in consequence, forever lost. Probably a thorough inspection of
documents in possession of the British government would throw
much light upon this period, and the colonial history of Virginia
generally, and settle some points which, for lack of information,
are now in controversy.
Gov. Nicholson continued in office until 1705, when he was superseded
by Edward Nott, who survived his appointment but a
few months. The death of Nott devolved the government on Edmund
Jennings, the president, and the council. A commission,
meanwhile, had issued, appointing Brigadier Gen. Hunter lieutenant-governor,
under the Earl of Orkney; but he having been
taken on his passage by the French, Col. Alexander Spotswood
was appointed his successor. His administration commenced in
1710. He was an accomplished and enterprising man; and had
his suggestions to the British ministry been fully and promptly
executed, they would have proved highly useful to the interests of
Britain in America, at a time when France was endeavoring to
wrest from her the trade and riches of the new world. Early in
his administration, Spotswood, at the head of a troop of horse,
effected a passage over the Blue Ridge, which had previously been
considered an impenetrable barrier to the ambition of the whites,
and discovered the beautiful valley which lies beyond. In commemoration
of this event, he received from the king the honor of
knighthood, and was presented with a miniature golden horseshoe,
on which was inscribed the motto, "Sic jurat transcendere
montes"—"Thus he swears to cross the mountains."
In 1723, Spotswood was succeeded by Sir Hugh Drysdale. In
1739, when hostilities were commenced against Spain, and soon
after against France, Spotswood was again called into service,
and honored with the command of the colonial troops; but he did
not live to enjoy the returning smiles of royal favor. Drysdale
was succeeded in office by Gooch, a brigadier-general on the British
establishment, who passed acts of the Assembly for the first
time in 1727. During his administration, he commanded the colonial
troops in the unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena. In
1743, died the Rev. James Blair, the first president of William and
Mary. He was an eminent and learned divine, to whose exertions
the institution owed much of its prosperity. His death occasioned
a vacancy in the council, which was filled by William
Byrd, also a member of the council, died about this period. He
was a wealthy gentleman, of extensive acquirements, and one of
the commissioners who had been appointed to run the dividing line
between Virginia and North Carolina. His journal of the survey,
which has descended to our times, is "marked by a spirit of unaffected
humor, that does equal honor to his heart and understanding."
In April, 1745, Gov. Gooch made an address to the grand jury
of the General Court, in opposition to the Presbyterians, Methodists,
and other denominations of Christians, who had at this time
become numerous in Virginia. It illustrates the state of religious
intolerance at that time, and, singular as it may seem to us of the
present day, it met with the approval of the most gifted minds in
the colony, "among whom were some that afterwards became distinguished
champions of an unqualified freedom in every thing that
related to the human mind."[115]
In the year 1746, the public buildings in Williamsburg were
burnt; and the subject was shortly after agitated of removing the
seat of government to some more central part of the colony. In
the session of 1748, the assembly appointed the following named
gentlemen a committee to revise the colonial laws:—Peyton Randolph,
Philip Ludwell, Beverly Whiting, Carter Burwell, and Benjamin
Waller. Gooch, who had been governor of Virginia for
upwards of 20 years, sailed for England in 1749, "amidst the blessings
and tears of the people, among whom he had lived as a
wise and beneficent father." The government now devolved on
Robinson, the president of the council. At his death a few days
after, Thomas Lee, who had succeeded him in the presidency, was
advanced to the chair of government.
In the year 1752, Governor Dinwiddie arrived in Virginia. Since
the failure of De Callier's design upon New York, in 1692, the
French in Canada and Louisiana, acting in concert, continued to
extend their forts and strengthen their power by alliances with the
Indians: thus at once endeavoring to unite their possessions, to
monopolize the Indian trade, and to limit the British settlements.
Gov. Dinwiddie, viewing with just alarm the encroachments of
the French, in Oct., 1753, dispatched George Washington, then
but 21 years of age, on a mission to the French commandant of
a fort on a branch of French Creek, about 15 miles south of
Lake Erie.
This commission was delicate and hazardous, and required experience in the modes
of travelling through the woods, and a knowledge of the Indian character. The distance
was nearly 600 miles, over rugged mountains and mostly through a howling wilderness.
The party consisted of eight persons: Jacob Vanbraam, interpreter, Mr.
Gist, guide, and four others, two of whom were Indian traders. After much toil in an
inclement season, in marching over snow-covered mountains and crossing rivers on frail
rafts, they at length reached the junction of the Monongahela with the Allegany.
Washington examined the place, and by his recommendation the fortification was erected
there that afterwards became so much celebrated.
Twenty miles below the Forks of the Ohio, at Logstown, he called together some of
the Indian chiefs and delivered to them the governor's message, soliciting a guard to the
French encampments. The principal sachem was Tanacharison, alias the Half-King.
The sachems having met in council, Washington addressed them, explaining the objects
of his mission. The Half-King made a pacific reply, and, in company with him and
three other Indians, Washington finally set off and reached the French fort. M. de St.
Pierre, the commandant, received him courteously. Washington presented his commission
and letter from Gov. Dinwiddie. This letter asserted that the lands on the Ohio
belonged to the British crown, and urged a speedy and peaceful departure of the French.
St. Pierre's reply was respectful, but uncomplying and determined. He said that the
message should have been sent to the French governor in Canada, and that he would
not retire unless ordered by him. While there, Washington was very politely entertained;
but the French commandant used artifice to detain the Indians. Finally, after
much perplexity, the whole party embarked in a canoe on their return, and proceeded
down as far as Venango, which they reached in six days. The passage was full of
peril from rocks, shallows, and drifting trees. At Venango they found their horses, in
an emaciated condition. To lighten their burden, Washington proceeded on foot, in an
Indian walking dress, in company with Messrs. Gist and Vanbraam, the horses being
under the direction of the drivers. After three days travel, Washington, with Mr. Gist,
left the party and went on ahead, each with a loaded knapsack and a gun. The next
day they met an Indian, whom they engaged to pilot them to the forks of the Allegany.
The Indian acted very suspiciously, and it was soon conjectured from his conduct that
he intended to murder them. They managed, however, to get rid of him, and travelled
all night. The next evening, at dusk, they arrived at the Allegany river. Weary and
exhausted, they passed the night on the bank, making their bed on the snow, and exposed
to the inclemencies of the weather. When morning arrived they prepared to
cross the river.
"There was no way of getting over," says Washington, "but on a raft; which we
set about making with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sunsetting. This
was a whole day's work. We next got it launched, and went on board of it; then set
off. But, before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice in such a manner,
that we expected every moment our raft would sink, and ourselves perish. I put out
my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by; when the rapidity of
the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into
ten feet water. But I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raftlogs.
Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get the raft to either shore, but
were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it."
This was a desert island. They passed the night in extreme suffering, from the intense
cold, and Mr. Gist's hands and feet were frozen. When morning dawned, a
gleam of hope appeared. The ice had congealed to the eastern shore sufficiently hard
to allow them to cross to it. At length, after an absence of sixteen weeks, they arrived
at Williamsburg.
The intentions of the French being now understood, the Governor
of Virginia acted with energy to resist their encroachments.
The journal of Washington was also published. It was reprinted
in London, and considered by the government as unfolding the
hostile views of the French, and the first proof of their intentions.
A regiment was raised in Virginia, under the command of Colonel
Joshua Fry, for the purpose of erecting a fort at the forks of the
Ohio. Washington was appointed second in command, with the
rank of lieutenant-colonel. A small party of Captain Trent's
company was hastily sent forward to commence the fort, but were
interrupted by the arrival of Captain Contrecœur, with a thousand
French and Indians, who drove away the English, and erected
Fort Duquesne. This was the first act of open hostility. The news
reached Colonel Washington while he was posted at Will's creek
(at which place Fort Cumberland was afterwards erected) with
three companies, waiting the arrival of Colonel Fry with the
for reinforcements, and pushed forward with his companies
towards the Monongahela, as fast as the process of cutting a new
road through the wilderness would permit. His intention was to
reach the mouth of Redstone, there to wait for the arrival of the
artillery and reinforcements under Colonel Fry, and then drop
down the Monongahela by water, to the Forks. He had designed
to descend the Yough'ogheny, but after an examination of the
falls, abandoned the design.
"Learning that the French were coming out to meet him, Washington hurried forward
to the Great Meadows, and threw up a hasty intrenchment. This place is ten
miles east from Uniontown, a few rods south of the present national road, between the
fifty-second and fifty-third miles from Cumberland. Commanded, as it is, by elevated
ground on both sides, within one hundred yards of the fort, it would seem to be injudiciously
chosen for defence; but Washington knew the French and Indians could bring
no artillery, and the meadows being entirely free from timber, the enemy would be compelled
to emerge upon the open plain, beyond the protection of the woods, before he
could efficiently attack the fort. Washington learned from Tanacharison, the half-king,
a chief of the Six Nations, and from Mr. Gist, that La Force was out, from Fort
Duquesne, with a party of French and Indians, and their tracks had been seen within
five miles of the Great Meadows. He immediately dispatched a party of seventy-five
on horseback, to reconnoitre their position, but they were not to be found. Washington
writes on 29th May, 1754:
"About nine o'clock the same night, I received an express from the half-king, who
was encamped with several of his people about six miles off, that he had seen the tracks
of two Frenchmen crossing the road; and that, behind, the whole body were lying not
far off, as he had an account of that number passing Mr. Gist's. I set out with forty
men before ten, and it was from that time till near sunrise before we reached the Indians'
camp, having marched in small paths through a heavy rain, and a night as dark
as it is possible to conceive. We were frequently tumbling one over another, and
often so lost that fifteen or twenty minutes' search would not find the path again."
"When we came to the half-king, I counselled with him, and got his assent to go hand
in hand and strike the French. Accordingly he, Monocawacha, and a few other Indians,
set out with us, and when we came to the place where the tracks were, the half-king
sent two Indians to follow their tracks, and discover their lodgment, which they
did at half a mile from the road, in a very obscure place surrounded with rocks. I
thereupon, in conjunction with the half-king and Monocawacha, formed a disposition
to attack them on all sides—which we accordingly did; and, after an engagement of
about fifteen minutes, we killed ten, wounded one, and took twenty-one prisoners. The
principal officers taken, are M. Drouillon and M. La Force, of whom your honor has
often heard me speak, as a bold, enterprising man, and a person of great subtlety and
cunning. With these are two cadets."
"In this engagement we had only one man killed, and two or three wounded, (among
whom was Lieutenant Waggener, slightly)—a most miraculous escape, as our right
wing was much exposed to their fire, and received it all."
In his journal he had also noted:
"As I marched on with the prisoners, (after the action,) they informed me that they
had been sent with a summons for me to depart—a specious pretext, that they might
discover our camp, and reconnoitre our force and situation. This was so evident, that
I was astonished at their assurance in telling me that they came as an embassy. By
their instructions, they were to obtain a knowledge of the roads, rivers, and country, as
far as the Potomac. Instead of coming as ambassadors—public, and in an open manner—they
came secretly, and sought out the most hidden retreats, much better suited for
deserters than ambassadors. Here they encamped; here they remained concealed for
whole days together, within five miles of us. They sent out spies to reconnoitre our
camp. The whole body then moved back two miles. Thence they sent messengers,
as directed in the instructions, to acquaint M. Contrecœur with the place we were in,
and with our disposition, that he might forward his detachments to enforce the summons
as soon as it should be given. An ambassador has no need of spies; his character is
always sacred. Since they had so good an intention, why should they remain two
which related to their embassy? This alone would be sufficient to raise the strongest
suspicions; and the justice is certainly due them, that, as they wished to conceal
themselves, they could not have chosen better places than they did."
"They pretend that they called to us, as soon as we were discovered; which is absolutely
false—for I was at the head of the party in approaching them, and I can affirm,
that as soon as they saw us they ran to their arms, without calling, which I should have
heard if they had done so."
And in a subsequent letter to Governor Dinwiddie, Washington says, speaking of
some deserters from the French: "These deserters corroborate what the others said,
and we suspected. La Force's party were sent out as spies, and were to show that
summons if discovered or overpowered by a superior party of ours. They say the
commander was blamed for sending so small a party."[116]
"Washington having sent his prisoners to the governor, prepared his intrenchments, by
erecting a stockade, for receiving a more formidable attack from the French, which he
had good reason to expect, after they should have heard of the loss of Jumonville's
party. To this stockade he gave the name of Fort Necessity. Colonel Fry had died
in Virginia, and the chief command devolved on Colonel Washington. Captain Mackay,
of the royal army, with an independent company of one hundred men, arrived at the
Great Meadows. Washington, leaving him in command of the fort, pushed on over
Laurel-hill, cutting the road with extreme labor through the wilderness, as far as Gist's
plantation. This tedious march occupied them two weeks. During the march, they
were joined by the Half-king, and a numerous body of Indians, with their families, who
had espoused the English cause.
"A strong detachment was at length announced, as being on their march from Fort
Duquesne, under the command of Monsieur de Villiers. It was at first determined to
receive them at Gist's; but on further information of the enemy's force, supposed to
to Wills' creek. Their provisions were short, their horses worn down, and it was
with excessive labor and fatigue that they reached the fort, after a forced march of two
days. Here only a small quantity of flour was found; but supplies were hourly expected,
and it was therefore determined to fortify the place as well as circumstances
would permit, and abide the event.
"On the 3d July the enemy appeared, and commenced firing from the woods, but
without effect. Washington had drawn up his men outside of the fort, with the
view of inviting an encounter in the open field. This the French and Indians
declined, hoping to draw him into the woods. It rained constantly during the day,
and the muskets became wet, and were used with difficulty. Washington's troops
withdrew within the trenches, and fired as opportunities occurred. In the evening
the French proposed a parley, which Washington at first declined, suspecting a design
to gain an entrance to the fort, and discover his weakness; but he afterwards consented
to send an officer to them. Captain Vanbraam, a Dutchman, who pretended to understand
French, was sent to them, and returned with proposals, in the French language,
for capitulation. These proposals, after being modified in some particulars by
the besieged party, were agreed to. The garrison was to be permitted to leave the fort
with the honors of war, taking their baggage, except their artillery, with them. They
were not to be molested by the French, nor, as far as it could be prevented, by the Indians.
Since their cattle and horses had been killed in the action, they were to be permitted
to conceal such of their effects as could not be carried away, and to leave a guard with
them until they could return with horses to take them away; but on condition that
they should not, within one year, attempt any establishment there, or on that side of the
mountains. The prisoners taken at the time of Jumonville's death,[117]
were to be returned,
and Captains Vanbraam and Stobo were to be retained by the French as hostages,
until the return of the prisoners.[118]
On the following morning, Washington, with
the wounded upon their backs. The Indians, contrary to the stipulation, annoyed them
exceedingly, and pilfered their baggage. After a toilsome march, they at length arrived
at Wills' creek, where they found rest and refreshment."
From thence Washington proceeded to Williamsburg, and communicated
the events of the campaign to Governor Dinwiddie.
As soon as the House of Burgesses assembled, they passed a
vote of thanks to Col. Washington and his officers, for their bravery
and gallant conduct. Thus ended the first campaign of Washington.
"Although as yet a mere youth, with small experience,
unskilled in war, and relying on his own resources, he had behaved
with the prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran
commander. Rigid in discipline, but sharing the hardships, and
solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he had secured their obedience
and won their esteem, amidst privations, sufferings, and
perils, that have seldom been surpassed."
Gov. Dinwiddie resolved to prosecute the war, but being wholly
ignorant of military affairs, his preliminary measures, in undertaking
to organize an army, were injudicious. In August, he wrote
to Washington, who was at Winchester, to fill up the companies
of his regiment by enlistment, and lead them without delay to
Wills' creek, where Col. Innes, with some troops from the Carolinas
and New York, were building Fort Cumberland. From
thence, it was the governor's project that the united forces should
immediately cross the Alleganies and drive the French from Fort
Duquesne, or build another fort beyond the mountains. Washington,
astonished at the absurdity of the scheme, contemplated at a
season when the mountains would be covered with snow, and the
army enfeebled and destitute of supplies, made such a strong remonstrance
that the project was abandoned.
The governor was opposed by the assembly, who would not yield
to all his demands, and he never ceased to complain of their "republican
way of thinking." He had lately prorogued them, to
punish their obstinacy, and wrote to the ministry that he was satisfied
the French would never be effectually opposed unless the
colonies were compelled, independently of assemblies, to contribute
to the common cause. When the Burgesses again met, they contributed
£20,000 for the public service, which was soon increased
to £30,000 by specie sent from England.
In possession of funds, the governor now enlarged the army to
ten companies of 100 men each, and placed them upon the establishment
of independent companies, by which the highest officers
in the Virginia regiment, among whom was Washington, would be
the service.
Early in the ensuing spring, (1755,) Major-Gen. Edward Braddock
arrived in the country with the 44th and 48th regiments of
royal troops, under Sir Peter Halkett and Col. Dunbar. The people
seemed elated with joy, and in their imagination the intruding
French seemed about to be driven back like a torrent upon the
frontiers of Canada. Col. Washington, who now was to take an
active part in the fearful scenes to be enacted, accepted the appointment
of aid-de-camp to Gen. Braddock. At Wills' Creek,
(Fort Cumberland,) the royal forces were joined by about 1000
Virginians, but the army was detained for want of horses, wagons,
and forage. By the energy of Dr. Franklin, then postmaster-general
of the provinces, the deficiency was supplied. The army moved
at length on the 8th and 9th of June, but soon found themselves
so encumbered with baggage and wagons, that it was determined,
at the suggestion of Washington, to divide the force,
pushing forward a small, but chosen band, with such artillery and
light stores as were necessary, leaving the heavy artillery, baggage,
&c., to follow by slow and easy marches.
The general, with 1,200 chosen men, and Sir Peter Halkett, as brigadier, Lieut. Col.
Gage, (afterwards Gen. Gage,) Lieut. Col. Burton, and Major Sparks, went forward,
leaving Col. Dunbar to follow with the remainder of the troops and baggage. Col.
Washington, who had been very ill with a fever, was left in charge of Col. Dunbar, but
with a promise from Gen. Braddock that he should be brought up with the advanced
corps before they reached Fort Duquesne. He joined it at the mouth of the Yough'ogheny,
on the 8th July. On the 9th, the day of Braddock's defeat, he says, "I attended
the general on horseback, though very low and weak. The army crossed to the
left bank of the Monogahela, a little below the mouth of Yough'ogheny, being prevented
by rugged hills from continuing along the right bank to the fort."
"Washington was often heard to say during his lifetime, that the most beautiful spectacle
he ever beheld was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning.—
Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform; the soldiers were arranged in columns
and marched in exact order; the sun gleamed from their burnished arms; the river
flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn
grandeur on their left. Officers and men were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and
confident anticipations."
"In this manner they marched forward until about noon, when they arrived at the
second crossing place, ten miles from Fort Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and
then began to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed
they came upon a level plain, elevated only a few feet above the surface of the river, and
extending northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a gradual
ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable
height at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Duquesne
led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven country
at that time covered with wood.
"By the order of march, a body of 300 men under Col. Gage made the advanced
party, which was immediately followed by another of 200. Next came the general with
the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock,
the whole had crossed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon
the advanced parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had proceeded about a hundred
yards from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was
poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of
an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another on the right flank. They were
filled with the greater consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to
proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in turn, however, but quite at random, and
obviously without effect.
"The general hastened forward to the relief of the advanced parties; but before he
could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery
and the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the
whole mass with such a panic that no order could afterwards be restored. The general
and the officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the men,
and bring them to order, but all in vain. In this state they continued nearly three hours,
huddled together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers
and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia[119]
provincials were
the only troops who seemed to retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and
resolution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode, and fought each
man for himself, behind a tree. This was prohibited by the general, who endeavored to
form his men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manœuvring on the plains
of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind
trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out their objects,
taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of
modern warfare. The general himself received a mortal wound,[120]
and many of his best
officers fell by his side.
"During the whole of the action, as reported by an officer who witnessed his conduct,
Col. Washington behaved with `the greatest courage and resolution.' Captains Orme
and Morris, the two other aids-de-camp, were wounded and disabled, and the duty of
distributing the general's orders devolved on him alone. He rode in every direction, and
was a conspicuous mark for the enemy's sharpshooters. `By the all-powerful dispensations
all human probability or expectation, for I had four bullets through my coat, and two
horses shot under me, yet I escaped unhurt, although death was levelling my companions
on every side of me.'[121] So bloody a contest has rarely been witnessed. The number of
officers in the engagement was 86, of whom 26 were killed, and 37 were wounded.
The killed and wounded of the privates amounted to 714. On the other hand, the
enemy's loss was small. Their force amounted, at least, to 850 men, of whom 600 were
Indians. According to the returns, not more than 40 were killed. They fought in
deep ravines, concealed by the bushes, and the balls of the English passed over their
heads.
"The remnant of Braddock's army being put to flight, and having re-crossed the
river, Col. Washington hastened to meet Col. Dunbar, and order up horses and wagons
for the wounded. Three days were occupied in retreating to Gist's plantation. The
enemy did not pursue them. Satiated with carnage and plunder, the Indians could not
be tempted from the battle-field, and the French were too few to act without their aid.
The unfortunate general, dying of his wounds, was transported first in a tumbril, then
on a horse, and at last was carried by the soldiers. He expired the fourth day, and was
buried in the road near Fort Necessity. A new panic seized the troops; disorder and
confusion reigned; the artillery was destroyed; the public stores and heavy baggage
were burnt, no one could tell by whose orders; nor were discipline and tranquillity restored,
till the straggling and bewildered companies arrived at Fort Cumberland.
"Such was the termination of an enterprise, one of the most memorable in American
history, and almost unparalleled for its disasters and the universal disappointment and
consternation it occasioned. Notwithstanding its total and even disgraceful failure, the
bitter invectives everywhere poured out against its principal conductors, and the reproaches
heaped upon the memory of its ill-fated commander, yet the fame and character
of Washington were greatly enhanced by it. It was known that he gave prudent
counsel to General Braddock, which was little heeded. During the march, a body of
Indians offered their services, which, at the earnest request and recommendation of Washington,
were accepted, but in so cold a manner, and the Indians were treated with so
much neglect, that they withdrew, one after another, in disgust. On the evening preceding
the action, they came again to camp and renewed their offer. Again Col. Washington
interposed, and urged the importance of these men as scouts and outguards, their
knowledge of the grounds and skill in fighting among woods. Relying on the prowess
of his regular troops, and disdaining such allies, the general peremptorily refused to receive
them, in a tone not more decided than ungracious. Had a scouting party of a dozen
Indians preceded the army after it crossed the Monongahela, they would have detected
the enemy in the ravines, and reversed the fortunes of the day."[122]
After the defeat of Braddock, Col. Dunbar, who succeeded to the
command, marched his troops to Philadelphia. The whole frontier,
even to the Blue Ridge, was now harassed and horror-stricken
by the bloody incursions of the French Indians. Col. Washington,
in his capacity as adjutant-general of militia, circulated
orders for them to assemble in their respective districts for exercise
and review. Volunteer companies were organized, and the
martial spirit of the people revived. Addresses were made to
them from the pulpit, in one of which, the eloquent Samuel Davies
of Hanover, after complimenting the bravery shown by the Virginia
troops, added the following encomium, which seems almost
the public that heroic youth, Col. Washington, whom I cannot but
hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for
some important service to his country."
In consequence of the desperate state of affairs, Gov. Dinwiddie
convened the Assembly on the 4th of August. They voted £40,000
for the public service, and enlarged their regiment to sixteen
companies. Money was also granted to Col. Washington and the
other officers and privates, "for their gallant behavior and losses,"
in the late disastrous battle. To Col. Washington was given the
command of all the forces raised and to be raised in Virginia,
with the unusual privilege of selecting his own field-officers. He
now applied himself with his wonted energy to the discharge of
the high responsibility conferred upon him. Lieut. Col. Adam Stephens,
and Major Andrew Lewis, were the field officers next in
rank. Washington's head quarters were at Winchester. After
putting affairs in train, he performed a tour of inspection among
the mountains, visiting all the outposts in the frontier, from Fort
Cumberland to Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's river. He then started
for Williamsburg, to confer with the governor on the plan of
operations, when he was overtaken below Fredericksburg by an
express, announcing a new irruption of the savages upon the back
settlements. He hastened back, mustered a force, and gave a
timely and effectual check to the invaders, but not such as to quiet
the fears of the settlers, many of whom, with their families, fled
into the lower country, and increased the general terror.
The defects of the militia system were such as to put the patience
of Col. Washington to a severe trial. He represented in
strong language, to the government of the colony, these defects,
and their fatal consequences, and at last prevailed. A new law
was passed providing a remedy, but too late in the year for him to
undertake offensive operations.
In April of the ensuing year, (1756,) when the Assembly again
met at Williamsburg, Col. Washington hastened thither to mature
a plan for defence during the summer. Had the several colonies
united, the intruding French might have been driven from the
Ohio; but local jealousies prevented a union, and Virginia saw
that the most strenuous exertions were necessary to defend their
long line of frontier. The Assembly determined to augment the
army to 1500 men. A bill was passed for drafting militia to supply
the deficiency of recruits. Col. Washington returned to Winchester.
But a few men were stationed there, most of the regiment
being scattered at different posts for the better protection of
the frontiers. The enemy, encouraged by the successes of the preceding
year, were continually on the alert, and accounts were
daily received of fresh massacres by them. Scouting parties, and
even forts were attacked, and some of the bravest troops killed.
Serious apprehensions were felt for the safety of Winchester. The
number of troops was wholly insufficient for the protection of the
addressed a letter to the governor, in which he said:
"I see their situation, I know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without
having it in my power to give them further relief than uncertain promises. In short, I
see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous measures are taken
by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants now in
forts must unavoidably fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe.
In fine, the melancholy situation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross
and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting on me in particular,
for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kind, and the distant prospect,
if any, of gaining reputation in the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me
a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger,
to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which I never expect to
reap either honor or benefit; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of
incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account
here.
"The supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the men, melt me
with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer
myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to
the people's ease."
These agonizing sensations were heightened by base calumnies
against the army, and indirectly against the commander-in-chief,
which seemed for a while to gain public credence.
"By degrees," says Sparks, "the plot was unravelled. The governor, being a Scotchman,
was surrounded by a knot of his Caledonian friends, who wished to profit by this
alliance, and obtain for themselves a larger share of consideration than they could command
in the present order of things. The discontented, and such as thought their
merits undervalued, naturally fell into this faction. To create dissatisfaction in the
army, and cause the officers to resign from disgust, would not only distract the councils
of the ruling party, but make room for new promotions. Col. Innes, the governor's
favorite, would ascend to the chief command, and the subordinate places would be reserved
for his adherents. Hence false rumors were set afloat, and the pen of detraction
was busy to disseminate them. The artifice was easily seen through, and its aims were
defeated by the leaders on the patriotic side, who looked to Col. Washington as a pillar
to support their cause."
The campaign being solely a defensive one, no opportunities
were allowed for obtaining laurels. The scenes of the past year
were re-enacted, the savages continued their murderous incursions,
there was the same tardiness in enlistments, the same troubles with
the militia, and to increase the difficulties, the governor, tenacious
of his authority, intrusted insufficient power to Col. Washington.
"Totally unskilled in military affairs, and residing 200 miles from
the scene of action, he yet undertook to regulate the principal
operations; sending expresses back and forth, and issuing vague,
contradictory orders, seldom adapted to circumstances—frequently
impracticable. The summer and autumn were passed in skirmishes
with the Indians, repairing the old forts, and building new ones.
By the advice of Col. Washington, a large fort was begun at
Winchester, as a depository for the military stores, and a rallying
point for the settlers and troops, should they be driven from the
frontiers. It was called Fort Loudoun, in honor of the Earl of
Loudoun, who had now succeeded Gen. Shirley in the American
command." Traces of this fortification remain to the present day.
As the year drew to a close, Col. Washington drew up a paper
Lord Loudoun. It contained a history of the war and valuable
suggestions for future operations. It was courteously received.
In March, (1757,) Washington attended a meeting, at Philadelphia,
of several governors and principal officers, summoned by Lord
Loudoun, to consult upon a comprehensive plan for the next campaign.
It was decided that the principal efforts should be made
on the lakes and Canada border, while the southern and middle
colonies were left on the defensive. Col. Washington strenuously
recommended an expedition against Fort Duquesne. Had his
views been adopted it would have saved the expense of another
campaign, and secured the borders from the savage incursions.
From this conference Washington returned to Winchester, where
he had spent the two preceding years. His routine of duties was
the same. The Indians still continued their hostilities.
The assembly, prorogued to the 27th of October, (1757,) was dissolved
on the 9th of November, and writs were issued for a new
assembly to meet on the 22d of the same month. A day of
fasting and prayer was appointed.
While the Assembly were deliberating upon measures of defence,
the French general, Montcalm, took the posts of Oswego
and Ontario, and his savage allies continued their murderous inroads
upon the frontiers. Col. Armstrong, at the head of about
300 provincials, attacked one of their towns situated about 25
miles above Fort Duquesne, killed 40 Indians, and rescued eleven
prisoners.
Dinwiddie sailed for England in January, 1758, much to the
satisfaction of the people of Virginia. Originally a petty clerk of
customs in the West Indies, he had brought himself under the
notice of government by the detection of an enormous system of
fraud on the part of his principal, and was thereupon immediately
rewarded by the appointment of governor of Virginia. In this
situation, charges were brought against him of extorting illegal
fees, and appropriating the public funds to his private purposes.
His public course was vacillating, his deportment arrogant, and he
was wholly devoid of those qualities becoming his station, and
particularly requisite at the perilous time he was intrusted with
such high powers. Lord Loudoun had been commissioned as
his successor, but his military duties at the north prevented him
from entering upon the duties of his office. His place was filled,
temporarily, by John Blair, president of the council, until the arrival,
on the 7th of June, of Gov. Francis Fauquier.
Mr. Pitt having acceded to the British ministry in the spring of
this year, (1758,) he resolved to prosecute the war with energy in
America. Gen. Forbes was appointed to the command of an expedition
against Fort Duquesne. To further his plans, he wrote
a circular letter to several of the colonies to incite them to action,
and offering certain supplies at the expense of the king. The
Virginia Assembly augmented their force to 2000 men. They
who still continued commander-in-chief of all the Virginia
troops; the second under Col. Byrd. Early in July, Washington
marched from Winchester with the principal part of the Virginia
troops, to Fort Cumberland. Six companies of the 1st regiment
proceeded by another route, and joined Col. Boquet at Raystown,
the general place of rendezvous for the 6000 troops destined for
the conquest of Duquesne. While at Fort Cumberland, Col.
Washington learned that Gen. Forbes thought of constructing a
new road to Duquesne, instead of following the one made by
Braddock. He made the most strenuous objection against the
plan, "when," as he said, there was "scarce time left to tread the
beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage through
the mountains." His efforts were in vain. Col. Boquet was ordered
by Gen. Forbes, who was absent, to send forward parties to
work upon the new road. "Six weeks had been thus spent, when
Gen. Forbes arrived at Raystown, about the middle of September.
Forty-five miles only had been gained by the advanced party, then
constructing a fort at Loyal Hanna, the main army being still at
Raystown, and the larger part of the Virginia troops at Fort Cumberland.
At that moment the whole army might have been before
the walls of Fort Duquesne, if they had marched as advised by
Washington. An easy victory would have ensued; for it was
ascertained that the French at that time, including Indians, numbered
not more than 800 men."
From Loyal Hanna, Colonel Boquet rashly detached Major
Grant, a British officer, with a force of 800 men, to reconnoitre in
the vicinity of Fort Duquesne.
"This officer reached a hill near the fort during the night, and having posted his men
in different columns, he sent forward a party to examine the works and discover the
situation of the enemy. He also detached Major Andrew Lewis with a baggage guard
about two miles in his rear; and having made such other arrangements as he deemed
necessary, he believed himself secure, and, with more parade than prudence, ordered the
réveille, or alarm, to be beaten. During all this time silence reigned in the fort, which
Grant imputed to the terrors imposed by his appearance. But the calm was a dreadful
precursor of a storm, which burst with resistless fury and unexpected ruin. The moment
the Indians and French were ready for the attack, they issued from the fort, spreading
death and dismay among the provincial troops. As soon as the attack was announced
by the firing of guns, Major Lewis, with his rear-guard, advanced to the assistance
of Grant, leaving only fifty men, under the command of Captain Bullet, to guard the
baggage. Their united forces, however, were unable to withstand the impetuous assault
of the savages, whose warwhoop is always a forerunner of havoc and destruction. The
fire of the rifle requires coolness and deliberation, whereas the tomahawk and scalping-knife
are fitted for sanguinary dispatch. No quarter was given by the Indians. Major
Grant saved his life only by surrendering to a French officer. In the same way the
brave Major Lewis escaped, after defending himself against several Indians successively.
The two principal officers being now in the hands of the enemy, the rout became
general among their troops. In their pursuit, the Indians exercised every cruelty
which savage ferocity could inflict upon the hapless victims whom the sad fortune of
the day delivered into their hands. The situation of the retreating troops, at this time,
must appear truly desperate. They were in an enemy's country, far from any English
settlement, as well as from any immediate prospect of succor; routed and dispersed by
a bloody and vindictive foe, whose intimate knowledge of the woods and superior agility
seemed to threaten a total destruction of the party. Their escape, however, was effected
by the prudence and heroism of Captain Bullet, of the baggage guard, by a manœuvre
discovering the rout of the troops, dispatched on the strongest horses the most necessary
part of the baggage, and disposing the remainder on an advantageous part of the
road, as a kind of breastwork, he posted his men behind it, and endeavored not only to
rally the fugitives as they came up, but by a well-directed fire to check the violence of
the pursuers. Finding the enemy growing too strong to be withstood by his feeble
force, he ordered his men, according to previous agreement, to reverse their arms and
march up in front of their assailants, holding out a signal for capitulation, as if going to
surrender. The impatience of the Indians to bathe their tomahawks in English blood,
would scarcely allow them to suspend their attacks, while the latter appeared in the act
of suing for mercy. The moment they had arrived within about eighty yards of the
enemy, Bullet gave the word to fire:—a dreadful volley was instantly poured upon the
Indians, and was followed by a furious charge with fixed bayonets. The enemy were
unable to resist this bold and unexpected attack, and believing that the army of the
English was at hand, they fled with precipitation; nor did they stop until they reached
the French regulars. Bullet, instead of pursuing them, wisely retreated towards the
main body of the army, collecting in his march the wounded and wandering soldiers,
who had escaped from the field of battle without knowing whither to direct their course.
In this fatal action, about twenty officers, and two hundred and seventy-three private
soldiers, were either killed or taken prisoners.
"The Virginia troops on this occasion behaved with courage, and suffered severely in
the action; but the gallant conduct of Captain Bullet is almost without a parallel in
American history. His situation, after the defeat of Grant, to an officer of less discernment
must have appeared desperate. To resist the triumphant savages with a handful
of men, would seem madness; and to have fled without any hopes of escape, would
have been folly. In this dilemma, with scarcely time to deliberate, Bullet adopted the
only plan which could preserve himself and his men from the most cruel death, or the
most distressing captivity."
The dilatory and unwise method of carrying on the expedition
alarmed the Virginia Assembly for the fate of the expedition, and
they resolved to recall their troops and place them upon the protection
of their own frontier. But subsequent information occasioned
them to revoke these resolves.
On General Forbes' arrival at Raystown he called a council of
war, and, at his desire, Col. Washington drew up a line of march.
Washington, at his own request, was placed in the advance, with
a division of 1000 men. "The month of November had set in
before General Forbes, with the artillery and main body of the
army, arrived at Loyal Hanna. More than 50 miles, through
pathless and rugged wilds, still intervened between the army and
Fort Duquesne. A council of war was held, and it was decided
to be unadvisable, if not impracticable, to prosecute the campaign
any further till the next season, and that a winter encampment
among the mountains, or a retreat to the frontier settlements, was
the only alternative that remained. Thus far all the anticipations
of Washington had been realized." A mere accident reversed this
decision. Three prisoners were taken, who gave such representations
of the weak state of the garrison that it was determined to
push on.
On the 25th of November, 1758, the army took peaceable possession
of Fort Duquesne, or rather the place where it stood, for
the enemy had burnt and abandoned it the day before, and gone
down the Ohio in boats. This fortress, after being repaired and
garrisoned, was named Fort Pitt, now the site of the flourishing
city of Pittsburg, which place was then considered within the
were buried by Gen. Forbes in one common tomb, the whole army
assisting at the solemn ceremony.
Gen. Forbes returned to Philadelphia, where he died in a few
weeks, and Washington soon directed his course to Williamsburg,
as a member of the General Assembly from Frederick county.
The capture of Duquesne restored quiet and general joy throughout
the colony. The war was soon prosecuted at the North with
vigor. In the succeeding summer of 1759, Niagara and Crown
Point fell into the possession of the British crown, and on the 18th
of September, Quebec surrendered to the brave and gallant Wolfe.
The treaty of Fontainbleau, in November, 1762, put an end to the
war.
"No transaction in the life of Washington has been so much misrepresented, or so
little understood, as this skirmish with Jumonville. It being the first conflict of arms
in the war, a notoriety was given to it, particularly in Europe, altogether disproportioned
to its importance. War had not yet been declared between Great Britain and France,
and, indeed, the diplomatists on both sides were making great professions of friendship.
It was the policy of each nation to exaggerate the proceedings of the other on their
colonial frontiers, and to make them a handle for recrimination and complaints, by
throwing upon the adverse party the blame of committing the first acts of aggression.
Hence, when the intelligence of the skirmish with Jumonville got to Paris, it was officially
published by the government, in connection with a memoir and various papers;
and his death was called a murder. It was said, that while bearing a summons, as a
civil messenger, without any hostile intentions, he was waylaid and assassinated. The
report was industriously circulated, and gained credence with the multitude. Mr.
Thomas, a poet, and scholar of repute, seized the occasion to write an epic, entitled,
`Jumonville,' in which he tasked his invention to draw a tragical picture of the fate
of his hero. The fabric of the story, and the incidents, were alike fictitious. But the
tale passed from fiction to history, and to this day it is repeated by the French historians,
who in other respects render justice to the character of Washington; and who
can find no other apology for this act than his youth and inexperience, and the ferocity
of his men.
"The mistakes of the French writers were not unknown to Washington; but, conscious
of having acted in strict conformity with his orders and military usage, he took
no pains to correct them, except in a single letter to a friend, written several years
afterwards, which related mostly to the errors in the French account of the subsequent
action of the Great Meadows. Unfortunately, all his correspondence, and the other
papers which he wrote during this campaign, were lost the next year at the battle of the
Monongahela, and he was thus deprived of the only authentic materials that could be
used for explanation and defence. The most important of these papers have recently
been found, [by Mr. Sparks, in his researches in England,] and they afford not only a
complete vindication of Colonel Washington in this affair, but show that it met with
the unqualified approbation of the governor and legislature of Virginia, and of the
British ministry."—Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington—where the incidents
of this campaign are ably and fully delineated, and the conduct of Washington, both in
this affair and the capitulation at the Great Meadows, are clearly explained and triumphantly
vindicated against the charges of the French.
"In the French proposals this expression was insidiously written, `à l'assassinat de
M. Jumonville;' and as Vanbraam, the stupid interpreter, did not explain the force
of the expression to Washington, the capitulation was signed in that shape."
It seems (according to Burke) that La Force, one of the prisoners taken by Washington
in the skirmish in May, had made strenuous exertions to instigate the Indians to
hostilities, and that he had been travelling on the frontiers of Virginia to obtain information
of its resources. When taken, there were found upon him papers, in part disclosing
the designs and policy of France.
Viewing him in the character of a spy, Governor Dinwiddie threw him into prison at
Williamsburg. To redeem this man, was the principal design of De Villier in demanding
these hostages. La Force escaped from prison, and the people of the country were
alarmed. "The opinion," says Burke, "that before prevailed of his extraordinary address
and activity, his desperate courage, and fertility in resources, was by this new feat wrought
into a mingled agony of terror and astonishment. Already had he reached King and
Queen courthouse, without any knowledge of the country through which he passed,
without a compass, and not daring to ask a question, when he attracted the notice of a
back-woodsman. Their route lay the same way; and it occurred to La Force, that by
the friendship and fidelity of this man, he might escape in spite of the difficulties and
dangers of his situation. Some questions proposed by La Force, relative to the distance
and direction of Fort Duquesne, confirmed the woodsman in his suspicions, and he arrested
him as he was about to cross the ferry at West Point. In vain did La Force tempt
the woodsman with an immediate offer of money, and with promises of wealth and preferment,
on condition that he accompanied him to Fort Duquesne. He was proof against
every allurement, inconsistent with his duty, and he led him back to Williamsburg. The
condition of La Force, after this attempt, became in the highest degree distressing. He
was loaded with a double weight of irons, and chained to the floor of his dungeon.
"Such was the situation of affairs when Colonel Washington, after his resignation, arrived
in Williamsburg. Here, for the first time, he heard of the imprisonment and persecution
of La Force, and he felt himself compelled to remonstrate with Mr. Dinwiddie
against them, as an infraction of the articles of capitulation, and of the laws of honor
acknowledged by soldiers. His application was strongly backed by the sympathy of the
people, which now began to run strongly in favor of the prisoner; but the governor was
inexorable. Meanwhile, the hostages, Stobo and Vanbraam, had been ordered, for
greater security, to Quebec, and in retaliation of the sufferings of La Force, they too were
confined in prison, but without any additional severity. Almost at the same moment
that La Force had broken his prison, Stobo and Vanbraam, by efforts equally extraordinary,
had escaped from Quebec, and were passing the causeway leading from the city,
at the moment that the governor of Canada was airing in his carriage. Stobo succeeded
in effecting his escape; but Vanbraam, fainting with fatigue and hunger, and despairing
of being able to effect his escape, called out to the governor from beneath the arch of the
causeway, where he concealed himself, and desired to surrender. The governor received
him in his carriage, and remanded him to prison, but without any extraordinary severity.
Even these facts were not unknown to Mr. Dinwiddie; yet, without being touched by
so generous an example, he persisted in his unjustifiable rigor towards La Force."
Washington said—"The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were
nearly all killed; for, I believe, out of three companies that were there, scarcely 30 men
are left alive. Capt. Peyrouny, and all his officers down to a corporal, were killed.
Capt. Polson had nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the dastardly
behavior of those they call regulars, exposed all others that were inclined to do
their duty, to almost certain death; and, at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers
to the contrary, they ran as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them.
. . . . It is conjectured, (I believe with much truth,) that two-thirds of our killed and
wounded received their shot from our own cowardly regulars, who gathered themselves
into a body, contrary to orders, ten or twelve deep—would then level, fire, and shoot down
the men before them."
"There had long existed a tradition that Braddock was killed by one of his own men,
and more recent developments leave little or no doubt of the fact. A recent writer says:
" `When my father was removing with his family to the west, one of the Fausetts
kept a public house to the eastward from, and near where Uniontown now stands, as
the county seat of Fayette, Penn. This man's house we lodged in about the tenth of
October, 1781, twenty-six years and a few months after Braddock's defeat, and there it
was made any thing but a secret that one of the family dealt the death-blow to the
British general.
" `Thirteen years afterwards I met Thomas Fausett in Fayette co., then, as he told
me, in his 70th year. To him I put the plain question, and received a plain reply, "I
did shoot him!" He then went on to insist, that, by doing so, he contributed to save
what was left of the army. In brief, in my youth, I never heard the fact either doubted
or blamed, that Fausett shot Braddock.'
"Hon. Andrew Stewart, of Uniontown, says he knew, and often conversed with Tom
Fausett, who did not hesitate to avow, in the presence of his friends, that he shot Gen.
Braddock. Fausett was a man of gigantic frame, of uncivilized half-savage propensities,
and spent most of his life among the mountains, as a hermit, living on the game
which he killed. He would occasionally come into town, and get drunk. Sometimes
he would repel inquiries into the affair of Braddock's death, by putting his fingers to his
lips and uttering a sort of buzzing sound; at others, he would burst into tears, and
appear greatly agitated by conflicting passions.
"In spite of Braddock's silly order, that the troops should not protect themselves
behind trees, Joseph Fausett had taken such a position, when Braddock rode up, in a
passion, and struck him down with his sword. Tom Fausett, who was but a short distance
from his brother, saw the whole transaction, and immediately drew up his rifle
and shot Braddock through the lungs, partly in revenge for the outrage upon his brother,
and partly, as he always alleged, to get the general out of the way, and thus save the
remainder of the gallant band, who had been sacrificed to his obstinacy, and want of
experience in frontier warfare."—Day's Penn.
When Washington went to the Ohio, in 1770, to explore wild lands near the mouth
of the Kenhawa River, he met an aged Indian chief, who told him, through an interpreter,
that during the battle of Braddock's field, he had singled him out as a conspicuous
object, fired his rifle at him many times, and directed his young warriors to do the
same; but none of his balls took effect. He was then persuaded that the young hero
was under the special guardianship of the Great Spirit, and ceased firing at him. He
had now come a long way to pay homage to the man who was the particular favorite of
heaven, and who could never die in battle.
| CHAPTER VI. Historical collections of Virginia | |