 | CHAPTERS II and III The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
Chapter III
THE THIRD [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of the Empress of Kao-[Tsu]
The Empress née Lü of [Emperor] Kao-[tsu] gave
the empire. Her father and two older
brothers[2] were enfeoffed by Kao-tsu as marquises.
When Emperor Hui took the throne, he honored the
Empress [née] Lü by making her Empress Dowager.
The Empress Dowager had made the daughter of
the Emperor [Hui's] older sister, the Princess Yüan
of Lu, the Empress, [but] she had no issue. [So the
Empress Dowager] took the son of a Beauty from the
[imperial] harem, pronounced him [the son of the
Empress] and made him Heir-apparent.[3]
When
Emperor Hui died, the Heir-apparent was made
Emperor.[4]
He was young, [hence] the Empress
she issued] the [imperial] decrees.[7] A general amnesty
[was granted] to the world. Moreover she
established [some] sons of her older brothers, Lü
T'ai, [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu, and [Lü] T'ai's son, [Lü]
T'ung, four persons [in all], as kings. She enfeoffed
six persons of the Lü [clan] as marquises.[8] An
account is in the "Memoir of the Relatives [of the
Imperial House] by Marriage."
In the first year, in the spring, the first month, an
imperial edict said, "At a previous time Emperor
Hsiao-hui said that he wanted to abolish the punishment
of [death together with] the three [sets of]
ing,[16] [but] his deliberations had not yet been concluded
when he died. Now We abolish these [punishments]."
In the second month she granted noble
ranks to the common people, one step to each household.
For the first time there were established
Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and [Diligent]
Cultivators of the Soil—[each official ranking as]
two thousand piculs [recommended] one [such]
person [for appointment].[18] In the summer, the
fifth month, on [the day] ping-shen, in the palace of
the King of Chao, there was a visitation [of fire] in
the Ts'ung-t'ai.[20]
[The Empress Dowager] appointed some sons of
[Emperor] Hsiao-hui by [women of] his harem: [Lü]
Ch'iang as King of Huai-yang, [Lü] Pu-yi as King of
[Lü] Ch'ao as Marquis of Chih, and [Lü] Wu as
and plum [trees] blossomed.
In the second year,[27] an imperial edict said, "The
Emperor Kao-[tsu] reformed and ordered the
world.[28] All those who distinguished themselves received
a share of its territory and were made marquises.
All the people [are enjoying] great peace;
not one but has received of his bountiful virtue.
We have been thinking and reflecting [on this
matter]. If, down to the distant future, their merits
and names have not been made manifest, there will
be nothing to honor their great conceptions and exhibit
them [for the benefit of] later generations.
Now [We] wish to classify and rank the merits of the
in the court and preserve them in the Temple of Kao[tsu]
from generation to generation without end, so
that their heirs may each inherit their merits and
positions. Let [this matter] be discussed with the
marquises, settled, and memorialized [to Us]."
[The reply was,] "The Lieutenant Chancellor your
Marquis of Chiang your subject [Chou] P'o, the
Marquis of Ch'ü-chou your subject [Li] Shang, the
Marquis of Ying-yin your subject [Kuan] Ying, the
the Marquis of An-kuo your subject [Wang] Ling,
[I have] carefully discussed [this matter].[32] The
marquises have been fortunate [enough] to obtain
grants of money for food and to have been appointed
to [the income of] towns.[33] Your Majesty is increas-your
favors to them by fixing their positions in the
beg that [this record] be stored in the Temple of
Kao-[tsu]." The memorial was allowed.
In the spring, the first month, on ]the day] yi-mao,
there was an earthquake in Ch'iang-tao. In
the Wu-tu [Commandery][38] a mountain fell down.
In the summer, in the sixth month, on the [day]
ping-hsü, the last day of the month, there was an
eclipse of the sun.[39] In the autumn, the seventh
month, the King of Heng-shan, [Lü] Pu-yi, died.[41]
The "eight shu" cash were put into circulation.[42]
In the third year, in the summer, the Yangtze
River [and the Han River][45] overflowed, carrying
people. In the autumn, a star appeared in daytime.[49]
In the fourth year, in the summer, the Young
Empress, and emitted some resentful words, [so] the
Empress Dowager shut him up in the Yung-hsiang.[53]
The imperial edict said,[54] "Whoever possesses the
world and rules all its people covers them like
Heaven and supports them like Earth. When the
superior has a joyous heart in employing his subjects,
the subjects rejoice in serving their superior; when
the joy and the rejoicing meet each other, the world
is in peace and good order. Now the Emperor has
been ill for a long time and has not recovered; consequently
[his mind] is lost and wandering, [and he
has become] demented and confused; he is not able
to succeed as an heir [to his ancestors], to perform
[his duty] in the ancestral temples, nor to continue
its sacrifices. He is not able to be entrusted with
his place."
The ministers all said, "The plans the Empress
Dowager [has made] for the world whereby to
maintain the [dynasty's] ancestral temples and the
[dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains are very
profound. We knock our heads on the ground [in
respect] as we accept [your Majesty's] edict."[57]
In
Dowager] made the King of Heng-shan, [Lü]
Hung, the Emperor.[59]
In the fifth year, in the spring, the King of
Nan-yüeh, Commandant [Chao] T'o, called himself
Emperor Wu of Nan-[yüeh].[63] In the autumn,
the eighth month, the King of Huai-nan, [Lü]
Ch'iang, died. In the ninth month, [the Empress
Dowager] sent cavalry from the Ho-tung and the
Shang-tang [Commanderies] to garrison the Pei-ti
[Commandery].
In the sixth year, in the spring, a star was visible
in daytime. In the summer, the fourth month, an
amnesty was granted to the world and [the Empress
Dowager] ranked the prefect of Ch'ang2-ling
was built [around] Ch'ang2-ling. The Huns pillaged
Ti-tao and attacked O-yang. The "five fen" cash
were put into circulation.[73]
In the seventh year, in the winter, the twelfth
than two thousand people. In the spring, the first
month, on [the day] ting-ch'ou, the King of Chao,
[Liu] Yu, died from being imprisoned in the princes'
lodgings at the capital,[78] and on [the day] chi-ch'ou,
the last day of the month, there was an eclipse and
it was total.
[The Empress Dowager] made the King of Liang,
Lü Ch'an, the Chancellor of State, and the King of
Chao, [Lü] Lu, the First [Ranking] General. She
established the Marquis of Ying-ling, Liu Tse, as the
King of Lang-ya.
In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day]
hsin-wei, an imperial edict said, "Lady Chao-ling
Marquis, [Liu Po], and Lady Hsüan were the
Emperor Kao-[tsu's] older brother and older sister.
[to their stations]. Let it be discussed [what] titles
[they should be] honored [with." The reply was,]
"The Lieutenant Chancellor, your subject, [Ch'en]
P'ing, and others beg that you honor the Lady Chao-ling
with the title, the Empress Chao-ling, the Wu-ai
Marquis with the title King Wu-ai, and Lady Hsüan
with the title Queen Chao-ai."
In the sixth month, the King of Chao, [Liu] K'uei,
committed suicide.[85] In the autumn, the ninth
month, the King of Yen, [Liu] Chien, died.[87] [The
state of] Nan-yüeh invaded and pillaged the [kingdom
of] Ch'ang-sha. [The Empress Dowager] sent
the Marquis of Lung-lu, [Chou] Tsao, with troops,
to attack [the invaders].
In the eighth year, in the spring, the Palace Internuncio
Chang Shih-ch'ing was appointed a marquis.
The officials in the eunuch's offices in the [palace]
inner [courts] who were chiefs or assistants were all
granted the rank of Kuan-nei Marquis with [the
income of] estates, and in the summer, the Yangtze
and Han Rivers overflowed, carrying away more
than ten thousand families.[92]
In the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day]
hsin-szu,[96] the Empress Dowager died at the Wei-yang
Palace. By her testamentary edict she granted
to each of the vassal kings [the equivalent of] a
thousand [catties of] gold, to the generals, the
chancellors, the marquises, and those of lower [rank],
down to the Gentlemen and the officials, to each
proportionately. A general amnesty was granted to
the world.
The First [Ranking] General, [Lü] Lu, and the
Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, had sole command
of the troops and controlled the government.[98]
They
themselves knew [that they were acting] contrary
to the covenant [made by] of Emperor Kao[tsu
and his associates],[99]
and were fearful that they
would be executed by the great officials and the vassal
the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, the son
of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei2],[102] was at the
capital. Because the daughter of [Lü] Lu was his
wife, he knew of their plot, so sent people to inform
his older brother, the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang],
and induce him to mobilize his troops and come
westwards.[103] [Liu] Chang, with the Grand Commandant,
[Chou] P'o, and the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Ch'en] P'ing, intended to cooperate from within
[the capital] to execute the Lü [clan]. The King
of Ch'i thereupon mobilized his troops and also
tricked the King of Lang-ya, [Liu] Tse, into mobilizing
the troops of his kingdom; [the King of Ch'i]
united the [troops of Lang-ya with his own troops]
and led them westwards.[105] [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu
with troops, to attack him. When [Kuan] Ying
reached Jung-yang, he sent people to inform the King
of Ch'i that he was going to ally himself with him,
waiting until the Lü clan made a move, and then
they would all together execute them.
The Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o, together
with the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, plotted,
making use [of the fact that Li] Chi, the son of
the Marquis of Ch'ü-chou, Li Shang, was on good
terms with [Lü] Lu, and sent people who kidnapped
[Li] Shang and ordered [Li] Chi to speak falsely
to [Lü] Lu, saying, "Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the
Empress [née] Lü together subjugated the world.
The establishing of the nine kings from the Liu clan
and of the three kings from the Lü clan was a
matter all [done as a result of] deliberation by the
great officials; when announcement and information
[was made] to the vassal kings, the vassal kings considered
it suitable.[108]
Now the Empress Dowager
is dead, and the Emperor is young. If your honor
as a feudatory, but remain here as First [Ranking]
General directing your troops, you will be suspected
by the great officials and the nobles. Why do you
not quickly return your general's seal, turn over your
troops to the Grand Commandant, ask the King of
State's seal, make a solemn oath with the great officials,
and then go to your kingdoms? [Then] the
troops of Ch'i will certainly be disbanded, the great
officials will be at rest, your honor will sleep soundly,
and you will rule as king over [a region of] a thousand
li. This [act] would be a benefit for ten
thousand generations."
[Lü] Lu agreed to his plan and sent people to
inform [Lü] Ch'an together with the elders of the Lü
[clan]. Some thought it disadvantageous. While
they deliberated and hesitated and had not resolved
upon anything, [Lü] Lu, who had confidence in [Li]
Chi, went out on a trip[112]
together with him, and
passed by [the house of] his paternal aunt, Lü Hsü.
[Lü] Hsü became angry and said, "You have been
made a general, yet you abandon your army. The
she took out all her pearls, jade, and precious objects,
and scattered them around below the [main] hall,
saying, "I will not keep them for others [to enjoy]."
In the eighth month, on [the day] keng-shen,[115]
the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao] Cho, who was
visited the Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, concerning
the [yearly] accounts. The Chief of the
Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Chia Shou, had come from
Ch'i, [to which he had been sent as] an envoy, and
took advantage [of the opportunity] to reprove [Lü]
Ch'an, saying, "You, King, have not quickly gone
to your kingdom; now even though you should
want to go, would it be still possible?" [Then] he
described and told [Lü] Ch'an all about Kuan Ying
uniting as an accomplice with [the kingdoms of] Ch'i
and Ch'u.[119] When the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao]
Cho, heard his speech, he galloped[120] [off] and informed
the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing,
and the Grand Commandant, Chou P'o.
[Chou] P'o wanted to enter [the camp of] the
Northern Army, but was not permitted to enter.
The Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, Chi T'ung-[chia], was
Master of the Credentials, so [Chou P'o] ordered
fraudulently admit[122] [Chou] P'o to the Northern
Army. [Chou] P'o next ordered Li Chi and the
"The Emperor has sent the Grand Commandant to
take charge of the Northern Army. He intends to
order your honor to go to your state. Hasten to return
your general's seal, resign,[125] and leave. If you do
not do so, misfortune will immediately come of it."
[Lü] Lu thereupon took off his seal,[126] confided it to
the Director of Guests, and thus handed his troops
over to the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o.
[Chou] P'o entered the gate of the Army's [encampment]
and issued his orders in the Army, saying,
"Those who are for the Lü clan bare the right
[arm]; those who are for the Liu clan bare the
left [arm]." In the Army [the soldiers] all bared
their left [arms].[127]
Thereupon [Chou] P'o took
control of the Northern Army.
However there was still the Southern Army.[128]
moned the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, to
assist [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o ordered [Liu] Chang
to superintend the gates of the army's [encampment]
and ordered the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho],
to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards
not to admit[132] the Chancellor of State [Lü] Ch'an
at the gate of the [Front] Hall.[133] [Lü] Ch'an did
not know that [Lü] Lu had already given up the
Northern Army, [so] entered the Wei-yang Palace,
intending to create a sedition, [but the guards at]
As he walked back and forth irresolutely, the Marquis
of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho], galloped [off] and told
the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o
still feared that [his party] would not be victorious,
[so] dared not yet make a public announcement[136] to
execute him, but spoke to the Marquis of Chu-hsü,
[Liu] Chang, saying, "Hasten into the Palace to
guard the Emperor." [Liu] Chang asked [Chou]
P'o for a thousand soldiers, and entered the Wei-yang
Palace by a side gate. He met [Lü] Ch'an
in the court. It was late afternoon.[137] Thereupon
he attacked [Lü] Ch'an, and [Lü] Ch'an fled.
[There came] a great wind from Heaven and his
retinue became panic-stricken, [so that] none of
them dared to fight, [with the result that Liu Chang]
pursued [Lü] Ch'an and killed him in the privy of
the official's house connected with the office of the
Gentlemen-of-the-Palace.[138]
When [Liu] Chang had killed [Lü] Ch'an, the
Emperor ordered an Internuncio, bearing a credential,
to congratulate [Liu] Chang.[139]
[Liu] Chang
Internuncio was unwilling [to part with it]. Then
[Liu] Chang went with him in his carriage. By
using his credential [as] a passport [allowing him entrance],
he galloped [to the Ch`ang-lo Palace] and
beheaded the Commandant of the [Palace] Guard at
the Chang-lo [Palace], Lü Keng-shih. He returned,
entered the Northern Army, and reported back to
the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o
arose, bowed to [Liu] Chang in congratulation, and
said, "The only one I was worried about was [Lü]
Ch'an. Now that he has been executed the empire
has been made stable [again]."
On [the day] hsin-yu,[143]
they killed[144]
Lü Lu and
detachments, they arrested all the Lü clan, male and
female, without [making any distinction of] youth
or age, and beheaded them all. The great officials
and chancellors planned together secretly; because
they considered that the Young Emperor and the
kings his three younger brothers[146] were all [in reality]
officials and chancellors] together executed them
and honored and established Emperor Wen [upon
the throne]. An account [of all the foregoing]
is in the "Memoir of Chou P'o" and the "[Memoir
of] the Five Kings [who were Sons of] Kao-[tsu]."
In eulogy we say: During the times of [Emperor]
Hsiao-hui and the Empress of Kao-[tsu], the world
had succeeded in putting behind it the sufferings
[during the period of] Contending States. Both
ruler and subjects sought for effortlessness.[151]
Hence
although Emperor Hui folded his hands[152]
and the
Empress of Kao-[tsu], a female lord, assumed the
rule and governed without going out of the doors
to her apartments, yet the world was quiet, [mutilating]
punishments and [other] penalties were seldom
used, the people were busy in sowing and harvesting,
and clothing and food multiplied and were abundant.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Her father was the old
gentleman Lü, the Marquis of Lin-szu; her brothers were [Lü]
Tse, the Marquis of Chou-lü, and [Lü] Shih-chih, the Chien-ch'eng
Marquis." For names of persons, places, and official
titles, cf. Glossary.
Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says," [OMITTED] [means] to name him
as a son born to the Empress."
HS 27 A: 10b says, "The Empress had no issue, [but] a
Beauty in the [imperial] harem had a male [child]. The Empress
Dowager had the Empress name him [as her son] and
killed his mother. After Emperor Hui had died and his heir had
been established [as Emperor, he spoke] some resentful words,
[so] the Empress Dowager dismissed him [cf. 3: 3b], and replaced
him, establishing a scion of the Lü family, [Lü] Hung,
as the Young Emperor." The similar phrasing used in recounting
the killing of a son and his mother, a concubine, which
happened after King Ling of Yen died (cf. 38: 3b), proves that
the first Young Emperor was the son of Emperor Hui.
In other cases, the day of an emperor's accession is given.
Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) thinks that the reason that date is not given here is because
the Empress Dowager's actions were tantamount to herself ascending the throne, and
because the child did not himself rule, but was soon after degraded and imprisoned.
Ever since, when an Empress has assumed the Emperor's power, her act has been
called by this phrase, so that it has become an idiom. The SC says at this point, "In
the first year all the proclamations and decrees emanated from the Empress Dowager."
Yen Shih-ku says, "The words of the Son of Heaven are called (1) `decrees [OMITTED]'
and (2) `edicts [OMITTED].' `Decrees' means that they are commands for decreeing and
regulating [OMITTED]. [These] were not what an Empress Dowager is permitted
to pronounce. Now the Empress Dowager [née] Lü appeared in court and performed
the duties of the Son of Heaven, making decisions about the many [affairs of the governmental]
mechanism, hence she styled [her orders imperial] decrees and edicts."
An empress could issue edicts, but the issuing of decrees was the sole prerogative of
the Emperor. Cf. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 593, for a quotation from the Han Chih-tu
(by Hu Kuang, 91-172) enumerating the four kinds of imperial orders. Cf. Mh II, 126,
n. 2; 99 A: 4a.
These four appointments were not all made at the same time. Lü T'ai was
enfeoffed as King in 186, Lü Ch'an in 182, Lü Lu and Lü Tung in 180. According
to SC ch. 9 (Mh II, 417), in the first year the Empress Dowager appointed Lü P'ing
as Marquis of Fu-liu and Lü Chung, the son of Lü Shih-chih, as the Marquis of P'ei;
in the fourth year (Mh II, 418), she appointed Lü T'a as Marquis of Yü (cf. 16: 65a),
Lü Keng-shih, her nephew, as Marquis of T'eng, and Lü Fen, another nephew, as
Marquis of Lü-ch'eng; in the eighth year (Mh II, 425), she appointed Lü Chuang, a
younger son of Lü T'ai, as Marquis of T'ung-p'ing—these are the six marquises
referred to. In addition there were other marquisates in her family: Lü Lu became
Marquis of Hu-ling, later succeeding Lü Shih-chih as Chien-ch'eng Marquis; in 184, Lü
Hsü, the younger sister of the Dowager Empress, was ennobled as the Marquis of Lin-kuang.
The HS evidently did not count women in the enumeration of the six marquises.
This law was probably directed against lese-majesty and libellious complaint
against the government, such as charging it with tyranny or talk that would start a
rebellion. This crime was again abolished in 178 B.C. Cf. 4: 10b. Yen Shih-ku
says, "Outrageously erroneous talk [OMITTED] is considered `monstrous talking.' "
In 78 B.C. Kuei Hung interpreted some omens as implying that a commoner, descended
from some ancient prince, would take the throne. Hence he advised the Han dynasty
to resign and search for a sage. Ho Kuang, who controlled the government, had Kuei
Hung executed for "falsely bringing forward monstrous talk, treason, and inhuman conduct."
Cf. 75: 1b, 2a.
Yen Shih-ku says, "She specially appointed as officials [some] Filially Pious,
Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivators of the Fields, and honored them [with
an official] rank, wishing thereby to encourage the world, ordering that each one
should perfect his conduct and devote himself to the fundamental, [agriculture]."
Ch'ien Ta-chao points out that those ranking as two thousand piculs were Administrators
of commanderies and Chancellors of kingdoms, and says that this passage
means that each of these officials were to recommend one person, and that it is impossible
that the position of Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivator
of the Soil should be ranked as two thousand piculs. The Filially Pious and the
Fraternally Respectful are distinguished in 4: 14b.
In 27 A: 10b Liu Hsiang says that this fire occurred because King Yu of Chao, Liu
Yu, was to be slandered and imprisoned to death. Cf. 3: 4b.
HS ch. 13: 19b notes that Ch'iang was made King of Huai-yang on June 6, 187
B.C. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The Han commentator [gives] his name as
Chang [OMITTED]." Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) tells that HS ch. 18 says, "All were sons of
the Lü family and were made marquises because they were sons of Hsiao-hui," but this
statement is not in the present text of that chapter. [Lü] Ch'iang was furthermore
never a marquis, but was directly made a king. Possibly this latter saying is displaced,
and should be after the last of these supposed sons.
HS 13: 21a says of the two of these five who are recorded in the date 180 B.C.,
"Because he was not [the Emperor Hui's] son he was killed." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
(1084) thinks that all of these five were not really sons of Hsiao-hui because
they are not mentioned in HS ch. 14, where are listed the vassals of the Liu surname,
but are only mentioned in ch. 13, in which are listed vassals of other surnames
and in ch. 18, in which are listed nobles related by marriage to the royal family. SC 9:
10b (Mh II, 432) says of two of these five: "Who had been pronounced the younger
brothers of the Young Emperor" (who was a natural son of Hsiao-hui). HS 13: 19b
says of Ch'iang and Pu-yi, "The Empress of Kao-[tsu] falsely set him up as a son of
[Emperor] Hsiao-hui."
The HS thus clearly implies that these five children were not really sons of Hsiao-hui.
It records their appointment in the terms in which that appointment was made, but
indicates their true descent by listing them in the appropriate tables, and by the
statement on 3: 8a.
HS 18: 4b also lists another supposed son of the Emperor Hsiao-hui by the name
of [Lü] T'ai [OMITTED], who was made Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing [OMITTED], and who in 181 became
King of Lü [OMITTED]. Cf. 13: 20b; SC 17: 12a. SC 9:10 groups him with the other
spurious sons, so that he too was a scion of the Lü family. Cf. p. 209, n. 3.
Following the mention of the year, the present text reads, "in the spring," but the
next date is also "in the spring, the first month" (3a); since the chapter proceeds
chronologically, this word "spring" should be "winter," according to Su Yü (xx cent.).
HS 16: 2a recounts this matter, dating it merely "in the second year of the Empress
of Kao-[tsu]." We have deleted "spring," following ch. 16.
According to 16: 1b, Kao-tsu had fixed the relative ranking of 18 marquises, including
Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an; now the Empress Dowager ordered the relative
ranking of the others. She was probably planning to win adherents and strengthen
her clique thereby. These ranks are recorded in ch. 16. Ch'en P'ing was ranked
by this committee as number 47; the other three had previously been ranked as numbers
4, 6, and 9 respectively in order of court precedence. Thus a committee of marquises
who had previously been ranked among the first, together with the Lieutenant
Chancellor, did the ranking.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "The nobles at the four seasons all get grants of
money for food." Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "Food [OMITTED] is the towns [from
the income of which] they live. In the meantime [this phrase] was changed to be
called `poll-tax money [OMITTED],' [cf. p. 184, n. 1], like the present chief officials' salary [OMITTED],
which they themselves report as wine-money [OMITTED]. It is the land tax [OMITTED] [perhaps
this last phrase should be, "the (marquises') poll-tax"]. Yen Shih-ku says, "Foodmoney
[OMITTED] is grants of money for cooking and food [OMITTED] was
originally [OMITTED] `live [from the income] of towns' " Wei Chao (197-273/4) interprets
differently: "Cooked food [OMITTED] is called [OMITTED]; wine and meat dishes are called [OMITTED];
grain and rice [OMITTED] are called [OMITTED]. The [marquises'] poll-tax and their [official]
salary really constitute their income; at the four seasons they obtain [imperial grants
at intervals—this is their food money." Shen Ch'in-han (1778-1831) adds, "In the
T'ang [period], each [high] official, in addition to his monthly salary, had money for
food and fodder. [This practise] probably began with the Han [period]."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that "[OMITTED] March" is superfluous and should be omitted;
the former Han dynasty had only a Wu-tu Commandery and Hsien; the later Han
dynasty first had a Wu-tu March.
The SC at this point adds the statement, "His younger brother, the Marquis of
Hsiang-ch'eng, [Lü] Shan [cf. Glossary, sub voce], was made King of Ch'ang-shan and
his given name was changed to Yi." Cf. Mh II, 418. Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi
says the same. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) thinks that the above sentence has dropped
out of the text of the HS at this point.
Ying Shao says, "Originally the Ch'in [dynasty] cash were in substance like the
cash of the Chou [dynasty]. Their inscription was `Half ounce,' and their weight was
the same as the inscription. [These were] the `eight shu' cash. [But a shu is 1/24
of an ounce, (cf. 4: app. I), so that 8 shu is only one-third of an ounce.] Because they
were too heavy, the Han [dynasty] changed and coined the `leaf' [OMITTED] cash. Today
among the people, the `elm leaf' [OMITTED] cash are those. The people suffered because
they were too light. [So] at this time there were again put into circulation the `eight
shu' cash." The HS however mentions the `leaf' cash later. Cf. 3: 4b and p. 199, n. 2.
According to the Ku-chin-chu, attributed to Ts'ui Pao and probably written about 300,
"The `leaf' cash weigh three shu." But HS 24B: 3b says of cash, "Moreover each
at different times may be lighter or heavier; they are not the same [in weight]," so
that uniformity had not been secured in coinage. Yeh Tê-hui (d. 1927) says that of
the Ch'in dynasty `half-ounce' cash that have been preserved, the lightest weigh 15/100
of a tael and the heaviest 20/100 of a tael; the `eight shu' cash would then correspond
to the lightest Ch'in cash. Cf. p. 111, n. 3; p. 280.
The words [OMITTED], "the Han River," have dropped out of the present text. Ch'ien
Ta-chao reports that they are in the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien
ed. (1549), and that the Han-chi reads, "The Yangtze River and the Han River overflowed."
Chou Shou-ch'ang (1818-1884) reports that Ho Ch'uo collated a small character Sung text (prob. 1178) and says that after "Yangtze River" it had "the
Han River." HS 27A: 21b says, "In the third year of the Empress of Kao-tsu, in
the summer, in the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies there was high water. The
rivers overflowed, carrying away more than 4000 families." Corresponding to the
statement on 3: 5a that in the summer of the eighth year the Yangtze and Han
Rivers overflowed, 27A: 21b says, "The rivers again overflowed." Hence the earlier
passage should mention the Han as well as the Yangtze River. Wang Hsien-ch'ien
reports that the Wang ed. (1546) and the Official ed. (1739) have "the Han River" at
this point.
This "star" might have been a nova, a comet, or the planet Venus, which is sometimes
visible in daytime.
The SC at this point and HS 97A: 5a tell that the Empress Dowager's granddaughter,
the Empress, had had no children, so she simulated pregnancy. A child of a
concubine was passed off as her son, then the child's mother was killed—this child
then was made the Heir-apparent and became the Young Emperor. When he grew
up he said, "How could the Empress Dowager kill my mother and name me [as her
son]? I am not yet grown; when I am grown I will do what I will do." The Empress
Dowager heard of it and imprisoned him until he died. Cf. Mh II, 418 ff.
The SC quotes this edict (with a few verbal changes) as a speech of the Empress
Dowager. Cf. Mh II, 419.
The Empress Dowager had dismissed the last heir of the Emperor Hui; they tell
her they do not know what to do.
HS 27A: 21b adds that in the autumn of this year there was high water in the
Yellow River basin.
This act constituted a rebellion against the dynasty. Chao T'o was commonly
known as "[OMITTED] Commandant T'o," even after he had become king and emperor.
The SC uses this name as the title of his biography.
The use of a title name, like Wu, by a ruler while he was living was contrary to the
usual Chinese practise, although many ancient kings used a title while living. According
to the SC, before Chao T'o was enfeoffed by Kao-tsu, he had called himself
"King Wu of Nan-yüeh." Now he usurped the Emperor's title and called himself
"Emperor Wu of Nan-yüeh." Wei Chao (197-273/4) understands the text in this
sense. Then the word "Yüeh" has dropped out of the text at this point. The Han-chi
and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) both have that word. It has been suggested
however that he changed the name of his kingdom from Nan-yüeh to Nan-wu, since
there is mentioned a Chih, the Marquis of Nan-wu (cf. 1B: 21b), but there is no
evidence to support this conjecture. An emperor would hardly change the name of
his state to that borne by an unimportant marquisate.
The tomb of Kao-tsu was at Ch'ang-ling; its magistrate
was raised to rank with Commandery Administrators. Thus
Kao-tsu was honored.
A fen [OMITTED] is one tenth of an inch, so that this name would
imply that they were one-half inch (0.45 Eng. meas.) in diameter.
Ying Shao says that these were the `leaf' cash (cf.
p. 196, n. 4). Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that some other texts
write shu for fen, which is an error, for the five-shu cash were
not minted until the time of the Emperor Wu. Ch'ien Ta-chao
notes that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien
ed. (1549) read thus.
He was the sixth son of Kao-tsu. He had married a lady
of the Lü family, but loved a concubine. His wife slandered
him to the Empress Dowager, accusing him of having said that
he would attack that family after the death of the Empress
Dowager. She sent for him and starved him to death in his
lodgings, then buried him as a commoner. Cf. Glossary sub
Liu Yu.
He was the fifth son of Kao-tsu. He had been married to a grand-niece of the Empress
Dowager; his wife surrounded herself with her people, spying upon him so that
he could not do what he liked. His queen poisoned the concubine whom he loved,
and so, in sorrow for her, he committed suicide. The Empress Dowager thereupon
punished him by taking his title from his descendants, so that his ghost could not
receive princely worship. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu K'uei.
Liu Chien was the eighth son of Kao-tsu. He had one son, by a concubine;
after his death the Empress Dowager sent men to kill this son, then disestablished his
kingdom. The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien date this death in the 9th month;
the Han-chi wrongly dates it in the 8th month.
By this time, of the eight sons of Kao-tsu, only two were alive: Heng, who later
became the Emperor Hsiao-wen, and Ch'ang, King of Huai-nan. Three had died
seemingly natural deaths, one was poisoned by the Empress Dowager, one had been
starved to death by her, and one was driven by her grandniece to commit suicide.
Princess Yüan of Lu, Kao-tsu's daughter and oldest child, had also died.
HS 27A: 21b says, "In the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies the rivers again
ran out [of their banks], carrying away more than 6000 families; in the Nan-yang [Commandery]
the Mien River [a tributary of the Han] carried away more than ten
thousand families." Evidently the population was much denser in Shensi than along
the banks of the Yangtse River, or else events in the Yangtze valley received little
notice from the court historians.
Aug. 18, 180 B.C., which P. Hoang makes the first day of the 8th month;
Chavannes (Mh II, 426 & n. 3; T'oung Pao 7: 26) puts an intercalary month in the
7th year instead of in the 8th year, as Hoang does, and dates this death on the last
day of the 6th month, making it July 21. We have followed P. Hoang, for his calendar
(which in this month seems to be one day in error) requires a smaller number of
emendations in the text of the histories.
The SC states that while the Empress Dowager was out of the palace she was bit
in the side by something that appeared to be like a blue dog and suddenly disappeared.
When it was divined about, the diviner's reply was, "It was the King of Chao, [Liu]
Ju-yi, [whom she had murdered], become an evil spirit." She fell sick of her wound
and died of it four months later. Cf. Mh II, 425; HS 27 Ba: 27b.
According to the SC and HS 97A: 5a, the Empress Dowager, before her death, had
feared a revolution, and so ordered these two nephews to be made First Ranking General
and Chancellor of State, respectively, and to reside in the Northern and Southern
Armies to guard the capital for her family. Cf. Mh II, 426.
According to the SC, Kao-tsu had made his generals and associates swear an oath
made with the most solemn ceremony—a white horse was sacrificed and its blood
smeared on the lips of those who took the oath—to the effect that all the empire
should unite to combat those who were kings and did not belong to the Liu (the imperial)
family. Cf. Mh II, 414. The Empress Dowager, by naming kings from members of
her own family, that of Lü, had compelled the breaking of this oath.
The SC (Mh II, 429) tells that the King of Ch'i's Chancellor opposed the King.
(The Chancellors were appointed by the emperor to watch the vassal kings.) On
Sept. 12 the King tried to have his Chancellor assassinated; the Chancellor raised his
troops and tried to take the King captive, but the King then killed the Chancellor.
The "trick" is expounded in SC 52: 3a, b, which reads, "He sent forth all the
troops of his state and sent Chu Wu east to trick the King of Lang-ya [Liu Tse], by
saying, `The Lü clan is rebelling and the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang], is mobilizing his
troops, wishing to go west and execute [the Lü clan]. The King of Ch'i considers
that his son is young in years, and inexperienced in warlike matters, [so] prefers to entrust
his kingdom to you, great King. You, great King, were yourself a general of Emperor
Kao-[tsu] and are experienced in warlike matters. The King of Ch'i dares
not leave his troops, [so] he sends me, your servant, to beg you, great King, to
favor him by coming to Lin-tzu [his capital] to visit the King of Ch'i, plan matters,
and lead the troops of Ch'i together with yours westwards to subjugate the rebellion
in Kuan-chung.' The King of Lang-ya believed him, thought [his suggestion] right,
and galloped west to see the King of Ch'i. The King of Ch'i with Wei P'o and
others thereupon detained the King of Lang-ya and sent Chu Wu to mobilize all
[the troops] of the kingdom of Lang-ya; then [the King of Ch'i] united [them with his
own troops and] led its troops [together with his own].
"When the King of Lang-ya, Liu Tse, saw that he had been deceived and could not
return to his kingdom, he said to the King of Ch'i, `King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [your father],
was the oldest son of the Emperor Kao-[tsu]; by rights then you, great King, are the
heir and the first grandson of Emperor Kao-[tsu]. You ought to be seated [on the
throne]. Now the great officials are hesitating in their discussions [concerning the
succession] and have not yet reached a decision, while I, Tse, am the oldest of the Liu
family. The great officials will of course wait for me, Tse, before coming to a decision
in their deliberations. Now you, great King, are detaining me, your servant, uselessly.
It would be better to send me through the Pass to deliberate on this matter.' The
King of Ch'i thought he was right, so prepared for him the necessities and chariots
and sent off the King of Lang-ya. When the King of Lang-ya had gone, [the kingdom
of] Ch'i thereupon set in motion its troops, went westwards, and attacked the Chi-nan
[Commandery] of the kingdom of Lü."
I.e., the government was not an absolute monarchy; the emperor acts only with
the approval of his important subordinates.
The SC says that they went hunting; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
follows it, while the Han-chi follows the HS.
There was no keng-shen day in the eighth month; the Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, by Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1036), 1: 5b,
says that the text should read, "the ninth month," for although
SC 9: 11a (Mh II, 434) also reads "the eighth month keng-shen,"
yet previously (Mh II, 429) it reads "the eighth month
ping-wu," and the days keng-shen and ping-wu cannot be in
the same month here. Then this date is Sept. 26, 180 B.C.
Chavannes reached the same Julian date (Mh II, 434), but by
emending the previous date, not this one. The SC says in
addition that it happened "in the morning." It also gives the
impression that Ts'ao Cho overheard part of a conversation not
intended for his ears.
According to 19B: 5b, Ts'ao Cho became Grandee Secretary
in 184 B.C. and was dismissed in 180 B.C. In that year
an edict commanded the Lieutenant Chancellor of Huai-nan,
Chang Ts'ang, to take his place; probably at this time Ts'ao
Cho was merely acting for his successor who had been appointed,
but had not yet taken up his duties. HS 42: 4b says that he
was dismissed after the killing of the Lü clan, which Wang
Hsien-ch'ien thinks is an erroneous statement, because at the
time of Liu Heng's arrival in the capital on Nov. 14, Chang
Ts'ang is already mentioned as Grandee Secretary (cf. 4: 3a).
Reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], as in the passages on p. 7b, at the
suggestion of Ch'ien Ta-chao.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) reads [OMITTED] for the
present [OMITTED] and omits the words for "general".
Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes, "According to ch. 23, [at] the capital there
were the encampments of the Southern and Northern Armies. Although the Southern
and Northern Armies of Han [times] were called two comparable armies, really the
Southern Army was not the equal of the Northern Army. Emperor Kao-[tsu] sent
forth 30,000 troops of the Palace Military Commander. When Wang Wen-shu was
Palace Military Commander, he begged permission to replace the soldiers who had
been lost, and secured several tens of thousands of men. The roster of the Northern
Army then must be said to have been large. But when Kai K'uan-jao was Major of
the Guard, the soldiers of the guard [the patrol inside the capital, cf. 19 A: 22b; 77:
1a] numbered not more than several thousand men. Hence the military policy of
the Han [dynasty] always stressed the Northern Army. When Chou P'o had once
entered the Northern Army, Lü Ch'an and his confederates could only fold their hands
and meet death. When the Heir-apparent Li [of Emperor Wu] did not secure help
from the Northern Army, he was finally defeated by the Lieutenant Chancellor's
troops. [Cf. Glossary sub Liu Chü]. The general nature of the power of the two
armies can thus be seen."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) adds, "Hu [San-hsing, 1230-1287], in his comment
on the [Tzu-chih] T'ung-chien, [says that] according to Pan [Ku's] Table [19A: 22b]
the Colonel of the Capital Encampment [cf. Mh II, 521, XVIII, 1°] takes charge of
[everything] inside the gates of the encampment of the Northern Army. There was
also a Palace Military Commander who took charge of patrolling the capital. His
subordinates were [the Colonel] of the Capital Encampment, the Pretors of the
Waters, and others, both chiefs and assistants. At the time of the Later Han [dynasty],
there were first established the Palace Captains at the Northern Army, having charge
of the five encampments. The commentator Liu [Chao, (fl. dur. 502-556), in a note
to HHS, Tr. 27: 7b] says that formerly there was the Colonel of the Capital Encampment
commanding affairs within the encampment of the Northern Army. After
the Revival [23-25], the [Colonel of] the Capital Encampment was abolished, [but]
there were however established Palace Captains to superintend the five encampments.
[Each palace had its encampment]. In addition, according to Pan [K'u's]
Table [19 A: 23a], after [the discussion of the Colonel of] the Capital Encampment
there [are mentioned] eight Colonels, all of whom were first established by the Emperor
Wu. According to my notion, before [the time of] the Emperor Wu, the Northern
Army was under the Palace Military Commander, hence he commanded the Chief of
the Capital Encampment, his assistants and other officers.
"The Southern Army was probably governed by the Commandant of the [Palace]
Guards [cf. Glossary sub voce]. According to Pan [Ku's] Table, the Commandant of
the [Palace] Guards had charge of the soldiers encamped as a guard to the palace
gates. When Chou P'o had entered the Northern Army, `there was still the Southern
Army.' So he first sent Ts'ao Cho to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards
not to admit Lü Ch'an at the gate of the [Front] Hall [in the Wei-yang Palace], and
afterwards sent the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang], to pursue [Lü] Ch'an and kill
him in the official's privy of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace's quarters in the Wei-yang
Palace. According to this [account], we know that the Southern Army was under the
Commandant of the [Palace] Guards."
This Front Hall was the hall of audience in the Wei-yang Palace; the imperial
apartments were there.
The SC writes [OMITTED]; the HS reads the first word as [OMITTED],
which Wei Chao (197-273/4) and Teng Chan (fl. ca. 208) interpret
as [OMITTED]. Cf. Mh II, 436, n. 1.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. (prob. xi or xii
cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) omit [OMITTED]. The fact that
the sun was declining was probably taken as an approval by
Heaven of this destruction.
Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) says that according to 19 A: 8a
the Chief of the Gentleman-at-the-Palace controlled the gates
and doors to the Palace in general and the Hall, hence his office
was inside the Palace. HS 50: 5b speaks of a "chief in the office
[OMITTED] of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace," which Wang Hsien-ch'ien
thinks was this place. The Han dynasty's palace as a whole
was called a [OMITTED]; within it was the Front Hall [OMITTED], the Forbidden
Apartments [OMITTED], the Tung-ko [OMITTED] (p. 132, n. 2), the
Harem [OMITTED], etc.
The day after the one in which the preceding events, including
the murder of Lü Ch'an, happened. According to
p. 204 n. 2, this was Sept. 27, 180 B.C.
This was the second "Young Emperor"; the first one was
Hsiao-hui's natural child and had been imprisoned to death by
the Empress Dowager in 184 B.C.; the second Young Emperor
was Lü Hung. His three supposed younger brothers were (1) the
Marquis of Chih, Lü Chao, who had succeeded Lü Heng as
King of Heng-shan, (2) the Marquis of Hu-kuan, Lü Wu, who
had become the King of Huai-yang, and (3) the Marquis of
Chang-p'ing, Lü T'ai, who had become King of Lü. (The SC [cf.
Mh II, 441] speaks of the King of Liang, but Liang is a mistake
for Lü. At that time the King of Liang had been Lü Ch'an.)
The name of the place, Lü, was changed to Chi-ch'uan [OMITTED],
so that Lü T'ai is also called the King of Chi-ch'uan.
| CHAPTERS II and III The history of the former Han dynasty | |