University of Virginia Library

To this letter, Edward wrote a very copious
reply, from which the following passages are extracted.
After assuring O'Halloran that he gave
full credit to the motives which influenced him in
consenting to his captivity, and, on that account,
let its issue be what it would, he freely forgave
him, he proceeded—“But as to your attempts to
bring me over to your party, it will require considerations
more powerful, and arguments more conclusive,
than any you have advanced, or I am
persuaded have in your power to advance, to be
successful. I feel as much as any man for the misfortunes
of my country, and it is this very feeling
that prevents me from joining in measures which, I
know, will only plunge her into deeper distress.

“I need not, I presume, recall to the memory of
a man of your historical knowledge, the origin of
those laws of which the catholic part of our countrymen
complain. Had James instead of William
been the successful competitor for the crown of
these kingdoms, I dare say, you will admit it to be
probable, that the catholics would have guarded
their religion by statutes, at least as strong and severe
as the victorious protestants found it necessary
to adopt. I need not inform you that in those countries,
where the catholics did prevail—in France,
Spain, Portugal, &c. they have secured their own
faith with infinitely more solicitude and zeal, than
the people of Britain did theirs, for they have secured
it to the total exclusion of all others. I will
not speak of the use they have always made of
power, whenever they happened to obtain it in
these islands.—You know it well, and knowing it
as you do, you and the other presbyterians who
have lately espoused their cause, merit, at least,
the praise of rendering good for evil, conduct which
must for ever elicit respect and admiration, from
every lover of generosity and magnanimity. I can,
as much as any one, appreciate the liberality of
such conduct; and would be no enemy to catholic
emancipation, if brought about by legal means;
for I am inclined to think that all the political privileges
they desire, might now be granted to the
Irish catholics with safety, nay, with advantage to
the national prosperity. They are become more
tolerant than their ancestors; and, I trust, that the
age is too enlightened for religious animosity and
fanaticism again to produce such a degree of human
misery as they did in the days of the Tudors
and the Stewarts.

“You must acknowledge that since the expulsion
of the last mentioned family from the throne,
no man is punished in these kingdoms for conscience-sake.

Even with respect to the civil disabilities,
which the penal laws imposed on the
catholics, they have, within the last half century,
been considerably relieved from their effects; and
by a proper and temperate perseverance in applying
to the authority in whose hands the constitution
lodges the power of redressing grievances,
whatever yet remains of these laws, would undoubtedly
be repealed, whenever it should appear
that it could be done with safety. But I will appeal
to the common sense of any man, if the
present conduct of the disaffected in this island is
likely to hasten that event? No; if the sword again
must be used in defence of the laws and constitution
of the country, I fear it will be thought necessary
to make these laws stronger, perhaps severer
than ever. God forbid that ever such a crisis
should take place, but if it should, every unprejudiced
man can perceive who are to blame for it.

“With respect to the British jealousy of our
prosperity, which you say has had the effect of
shackling our commerce, and restraining our industry,
I am of opinion, that, if fairly enquired into, it
will be found to originate only in the imaginations
of theorists, or the ambition of demagogues, who
wish to disturb the public tranquillity. Why should
Britain be averse to our prosperity? It would be
directly contrary to her interests; for our prosperity
is her prosperity, and our strength is her
strength. As well might Middlesex oppose the
prosperity of Lancashire, and the authorities of
Edinburgh adopt measures to prevent the growth
of Glasgow. The fact is, our trade, manufactures
and capital, have more than doubled themselves
within the last twenty years, and, were it not for
the political broils that distract the country, it
would, at the present moment, be more prosperous
and happy than ever it was, during the whole

course of its past history. Here, sir, you cannot
deny that before the present discontents became
so alarming, every peaceable industrious man had
the safety of his person, property, and character
well secured to him by known laws; and could sit
down and call what he possessed his own, with
more confidence under our government than under
any other in Europe, or perhaps in the world.

“You say that my country claims all my allegiance.
I know it, sir, and I acknowledge it. But
I cannot identify my country with that imprudent
faction to which it grieves me to find you have so
zealously attached yourself. * * * * * * * * * * * *
* * * * I wish you to understand me clearly. I
am opposed to despotism as much as I am opposed
to anarchy itself. My politics are the politics of
the whigs of 1688, who expelled despotism from
the throne, and by placing in its stead a limited
monarch, gave the last finish to our excellent constitution.

“The abuses that have crept into our government,
during the lapse of more than a century, I
would endeavour to reform; but I would do it by
legal means; and these, if properly persisted in,
could not fail to be effectual. The corruptions of
the constitution, I would purify, not by violence,
desolation and blood-shed, remedies infinitely more
dreadful than the disease has yet become, but by
the means by which Grattan obtained our free
trade and independent parliament, namely, parliamentary
interference, which by persevering and
energetic applications from the people will always
be procured. When I say that my sentiments on
these subjects were the sentiments of Hampden
and Russel, Addison and Steel, Chatham and Fox,
Charlemont and Grattan, you will hardly think them
unfriendly to rational liberty, or unworthy of an
Irishman.

“To obtain my enlargement, I will come under no
obligations that might by any possibility be ascribed
to meanness or timidity. I should scorn to act the part
of an informer, against either the misguided or the
unfortunate—and, with respect to you individually,
to whom I am under Providence indebted for life
itself, gratitude binds me too strongly to your personal
welfare, to permit me either inadvertently
or intentionally, to divulge any part of your conduct,
or of those connected with you, that might
operate to your disadvantage * * * *.