 | CHAPTER VII. The future of the American negro |  |
CHAPTER VII.
One of the great questions which
Christian education must face in the
South is the proper adjustment of the
new relations of the two races. It is
a question which must be faced calmly,
quietly, dispassionately; and the time
has now come to rise above party,
above race, above colour, above sectionalism,
into the region of duty of
man to man, of American to American,
of Christian to Christian.
I remember not long ago, when
about five hundred coloured people
sailed from the port of Savannah bound
for Liberia, that the news was flashed
all over the country, "The Negro has
made up his mind to return to his
own country," and that, "in this was
the solution of the race problem in
the South." But these short-sighted
people forgot the fact that before breakfast
that morning about five hundred
South alone.
And then, once in a while, somebody
is so bold as to predict that the Negro
will be absorbed by the white race. Let
us look at this phase of the question for
a moment. It is a fact that, if a person
is known to have one per cent, of African
blood in his veins, he ceases to be a
white man. The ninety-nine per cent,
of Caucasian blood does not weigh by
the side of the one per cent, of African
blood. The white blood counts for
nothing. The person is a Negro every
time. So it will be a very difficult task
for the white man to absorb the Negro.
Somebody else conceived the idea of
colonising the coloured people, of getting
territory where nobody lived, putting
the coloured people there, and letting
them be a nation all by themselves.
There are two objections to that. First,
you would have to build one wall to
keep the coloured people in, and another
out. If you were to build ten walls
around Africa to-day you could not
keep the white people out, especially as
long as there was a hope of finding
gold there.
I have always had the highest respect
for those of our race who, in trying to
find a solution for our Southern problem,
advised a return of the race to
Africa, and because of my respect for
those who have thus advised, especially
Bishop Henry M. Turner, I have
tried to make a careful and unbiassed
study of the question, during a recent
sojourn in Europe, to see what opportunities
presented themselves in Africa
for self-development and self-government.
I am free to say that I see no way
out of the Negro's present condition
in the South by returning to Africa.
Aside from other insurmountable obstacles,
there is no place in Africa for
be improved. All Europe—especially
England, France, and Germany—has
been running a mad race for the last
twenty years, to see which could gobble
up the greater part of Africa; and there
is practically nothing left. Old King
Cetewayo put it pretty well when he
said, "First come missionary, then come
rum, then come traders, then come
army "; and Cecil Rhodes has expressed
the prevailing sentiment more recently
in these words, "I would rather have
land than 'niggers.'" And Cecil Rhodes
is directly responsible for the killing of
thousands of black natives in South
Africa, that he might secure their land.
In a talk with Henry M. Stanley, the
explorer, he told me that he knew no
place in Africa where the Negroes of
the United States might go to advantage;
but I want to be more specific.
Let us see how Africa has been divided,
and then decide whether there is a
coast of Africa, Morocco is an independent
State, Algeria is a French possession,
Tunis is a French protectorate,
Tripoli is a province of the Ottoman
Empire, Egypt is a province of Turkey.
On the Atlantic coast, Sahara is a
French protectorate, Adrar is claimed
by Spain, Senegambia is a French trading
settlement, Gambia is a British
crown colony, Sierra Leone is a British
crown colony. Liberia is a republic
of freed Negroes, Gold Coast and
Ashanti are British colonies and British
protectorates, Togoland is a German
protectorate, Dahomey is a kingdom
subject to French influence, Slave
Coast is a British colony and British
protectorate, Niger Coast is a British
protectorate, the Cameroons are trading
settlements protected by Germany,
French Congo is a French protectorate,
Congo Free State is an international
African Association, Angola and Benguela
the inland countries are controlled as
follows: The Niger States, Masina, etc.,
are under French protection; Land
Gandu is under British protection, administered
by the Royal Haussan Niger
Company.
South Africa is controlled as follows:
Damara and Namaqua Land are German
protectorates, Cape Colony is a
British colony, Basutoland is a Crown
colony, Bechuanaland is a British protectorate,
Natal is a British colony,
Zululand is a British protectorate,
Orange Free State is independent, the
South African Republic is independent,
and the Zambesi is administered by the
British South African Company. Lourence
Marques is a Portuguese possession.
East Africa has also been disposed of
in the following manner: Mozambique
is a Portuguese possession, British Central
Africa is a British protectorate,
sphere of influence, Zanzibar is a sultanate
under British protection, British
East Africa is a British protectorate,
Somaliland is under British and Italian
protection, Abyssinia is independent.
East Soudan (including Nubia, Kordofan,
Darfur, and Wadai) is in the British
sphere of influence. It will be
noted that, when one of these European
countries cannot get direct control over
any section of Africa, it at once gives
it out to the world that the country
wanted is in the "sphere of its influence,"
—a very convenient term. If
we are to go to Africa, and be under the
control of another government, I think
we should prefer to take our chances
in the "sphere of influence" of the
United States.
All this shows pretty conclusively
that a return to Africa for the Negro is
out of the question, even provided that
a, majority of the Negroes wished to
of the relations of the two
races must take place here; and it is
taking place slowly, but surely. As the
Negro is educated to make homes and
to respect himself, the white man will
in turn respect him.
It has been urged that the Negro has
inherent in him certain traits of character
that will prevent his ever reaching
the standard of civilisation set by the
whites, and taking his place among
them as an equal. It may be some
time before the Negro race as a whole
can stand comparison with the white in
all respects,—it would be most remarkable,
considering the past, if it were
not so; but the idea that his objectionable
traits and weaknesses are fundamental,
I think, is a mistake. For,
although there are elements of weakness
about the Negro race, there are
also many evidences of strength.
It is an encouraging sign, however,
where he can hold himself up for personal
analysis and study. It is equally
encouraging for a race to be able to
study itself,—to measure its weakness
and strength. It is not helpful to a
race to be continually praised and
have its weakness overlooked, neither
is it the most helpful thing to have
its faults alone continually dwelt upon.
What is needed is downright, straightforward
honesty in both directions; and
this is not always to be obtained.
There is little question that one of
the Negroes' weak points is physical.
Especially is this true regarding those
who live in the large cities, North and
South. But in almost every case this
physical weakness can be traced to
ignorant violation of the laws of health
or to vicious habits. The Negro, who
during slavery lived on the large plantations
in the South, surrounded by restraints,
at the close of the war came to
freedom and temptations of the city too
much for him. The transition was too
sudden.
When we consider what it meant to
have four millions of people slaves today
and freemen to-morrow, the wonder
is that the race has not suffered
more physically than it has. I do not
believe that statistics can be so marshalled
as to prove that the Negro as
a race is physically or numerically on
the decline. On the other hand, the
Negro as a race is increasing in numbers
by a larger percentage than is
true of the French nation. While the
death-rate is large in the cities, the
birth-rate is also large; and it is to be
borne in mind that eighty-five per cent,
of these people in the Gulf States are
in the country districts and smaller
towns, and there the increase is along
healthy and normal lines. As the Negro
becomes educated, the high death-rate
proof of this, I have only to mention
that a few years ago no coloured man
could get insurance in the large first-class
insurance companies. Now there
are few of these companies which do not
seek the insurance of educated coloured
men. In the North and South the
physical intoxication that was the result
of sudden freedom is giving way
to an encouraging, sobering process;
and, as this continues, the high death-rate
will disappear even, in the large
cities.
Another element of weakness which
shows itself in the present stage of the
civilisation of the Negro is his lack of
ability to form a purpose and stick to it
through a series of years, if need be,—
years that involve discouragement as
well as encouragement,—till the end
shall be reached. Of course there are
brilliant exceptions to this rule; but
there is no question that here is an
think, would be true of any race with
the Negro's history.
Few of the resolutions which are
made in conventions, etc., are remembered
and put into practice six months
after the warmth and enthusiasm of the
debating hall have disappeared. This, I
know, is an element of the white man's
weakness, but it is the Negro I am discussing,
not the white man. Individually,
the Negro is strong. Collectively,
he is weak. This is not to be
wondered at. The ability to succeed in,
organised bodies is one of the highest
points in civilisation. There are scores
of coloured men who can succeed in
any line of business as individuals, or
will discuss any subject in a most intelligent
manner, yet who, when they attempt
to act in an organised body, are
utter failures.
But the weakness of the Negro which
is most frequently held up to the public
one who wants to be honest and at
the same time benefit the race will
deny that here is where the strengthening
is to be done. It has become
universally accepted that the family is
the foundation, the bulwark, of any
race. It should be remembered, sorrowfully
withal, that it was the constant
tendency of slavery to destroy the
family life. All through two hundred
and fifty years of slavery, one of the
chief objects was to increase the number
of slaves; and to this end almost
all thought of morality was lost sight
of, so that the Negro has had only
about thirty years in which to develop
a family life; while the Anglo-Saxon
race, with which he is constantly
being compared, has had thousands
of years of training in home life. The
Negro felt all through the years of
bondage that he was being forcibly and
unjustly deprived of the fruits of his
he could get from the white man in
return for this labour justly belonged to
him. Since this was true, we must be
patient in trying to teach him a different
code of morals.
From the nature of things, all through
slavery it was life in the future world
that was emphasised in religious teaching
rather than life in this world. In
his religious meetings in ante-bellum
days the Negro was prevented from
discussing many points of practical religion
which related to this world;
and the white minister, who was his
spiritual guide, found it more convenient
to talk about heaven than earth, so
very naturally that to-day in his religious
meeting it is the Negro's feelings
which are worked upon mostly, and it
is description of the glories of heaven
that occupy most of the time of his
sermon.
Having touched upon some of the
strong characteristics? The Negro in
America is different from most people
for whom missionary effort is made, in
that he works. He is not ashamed or
afraid of work. When hard, constant
work is required, ask any Southern
white man, and he will tell you that in
this the Negro has no superior. He is
not given to strikes or to lockouts. He
not only works himself, but he is unwilling
to prevent other people from
working.
Of the forty buildings of various kinds
and sizes on the grounds of the Tuskegee
Normal and Industrial Institute, in
Alabama, as I have stated before, almost
all of them are the results of the labour
performed by the students while securing
their academic education. One day
the student is in his history class. The
next day the same student, equally
happy, with his trowel and in overalls,
is working on a brick wall.
While at present the Negro may lack
that tenacious mental grasp which enables
one to pursue a scientific or mathematical
investigation through a series
of years, he has that delicate, mental
feeling which enables him to succeed in
oratory, music, etc.
While I have spoken of the Negro's
moral weakness, I hope it will be kept
in mind that in his original state his is
an honest race. It was slavery that
corrupted him in this respect. But in
morals he also has his strong points.
Few have ever found the Negro
guilty of betraying a trust. There are
almost no instances in which the Negro
betrayed either a Federal or a Confederate
soldier who confided in him.
There are few instances where the
Negro has been entrusted with valuables
when he has not been faithful.
This country has never had a more
loyal citizen. He has never proven
himself a rebel. Should the Southern
be invaded by a foreign foe, the
Negro would be among the first to
come to the rescue.
Perhaps the most encouraging thing
in connection with the lifting up of
the Negro in this country is the fact
that he knows that he is down and
wants to get up, he knows that he is
ignorant and wants to get light. He
fills every school-house and every church
which is opened for him. He is willing
to follow leaders, when he is once convinced
that the leaders have his best interest
at heart.
Under the constant influence of the
Christian education which began thirty-five
years ago, his religion is every year
becoming less emotional and more rational
and practical, though I, for one,
hope that he will always retain in a
large degree the emotional element in
religion.
During the two hundred and fifty
he had little cause or incentive to accumulate
money or property. Thirty-five
years ago this was something which
he had to begin to learn. While the
great bulk of the race is still without
money and property, yet the signs of
thrift are evident on every hand. Especially
is this noticeable in the large
number of neat little homes which are
owned by these people on the outer
edges of the towns and cities in the
South.
I wish to give an example of the sort
of thing the Negro has to contend with,
however, in his efforts to lift himself up.
Not long ago a mother, a black
mother, who lived in one of our Northern
States, had heard it whispered
around in her community for years
that the Negro was lazy, shiftless, and
would not work. So, when her only
boy grew to sufficient size, at considerable
expense and great self-sacrifice,
machinist's trade. A job was secured
in a neighbouring shop. With dinner
bucket in hand and spurred on by
the prayers of the now happy-hearted
mother, the boy entered the shop to
begin his first day's work. What happened?
Every one of the twenty white
men threw down his tools, and deliberately
walked out, swearing that he
would not give a black man an opportunity
to earn an honest living. Another
shop was tried with the same result, and
still another, the result ever the same.
To-day this once promising, ambitious
black man is a wreck,—a confirmed
drunkard,—with no hope, no ambition.
I ask, Who blasted the life of this young
man? On whose hands does his lifeblood
rest? The present system of
education, or rather want of education,
is responsible.
Public schools and colleges should
turn out men who will throw open the
regardless of colour, shall have
the same opportunity to earn a dollar
that they now have to spend it. I
know of a good many kinds of cowardice
and prejudice, but I know none
equal to this. I know not which is the
worst,—the slaveholder who perforce
compelled his slave to work without
compensation or the man who, by force
and strikes, compels his neighbour to
refrain from working for compensation.
The Negro will be on a different
footing in this country when it becomes
common to associate the possession of
wealth with a black skin. It is not
within the province of human nature
that the man who is intelligent and virtuous,
and owns and cultivates the best
farm in his county, is the largest taxpayer,
shall very long be denied proper
respect and consideration. Those who
would help the Negro most effectually
during the next fifty years can do so
scientific and industrial lines in connection
with the broadest mental and
religious culture.
From the results of the war with
Spain let us learn this, that God has
been teaching the Spanish nation a
terrible lesson. What is it? Simply
this, that no nation can disregard the
interest of any portion of its members
without that nation becoming weak and
corrupt. The penalty may be long
delayed. God has been teaching Spain
that for every one of her subjects that
she has left in ignorance, poverty, and
crime the price must be paid; and, if
it has not been paid with the very heart
of the nation, it must be paid with the
proudest and bluest blood of her sons
and with treasure that is beyond computation.
From this spectacle I pray
God that America will learn a lesson
in respect to the ten million Negroes
in this country.
The Negroes in the United States
are, in most of the elements of civilisation,
weak. Providence has placed them
here not without a purpose. One object,
in my opinion, is that the stronger
race may imbibe a lesson from the
weaker in patience, forbearance, and
childlike yet supreme trust in the God
of the Universe. This race has been
placed here that the white man might
have a great opportunity of lifting himself
by lifting it up.
Out from the Negro colleges and industrial
schools in the South there are
going forth each year thousands of
young men and women into dark and
secluded corners, into lonely log schoolhouses,
amidst poverty and ignorance;
and though, when they go forth, no
drums beat, no banners fly, no friends
cheer, yet they are fighting the battles
of this country just as truly and bravely
as those who go forth to do battle
against a foreign enemy.
If they are encouraged and properly
supported in their work of educating
the masses in the industries, in economy,
and in morals, as well as mentally, they
will, before many years, get the race
upon such an intellectual, industrial, and
financial footing that it will be able to
enjoy without much trouble all the rights
inherent in American citizenship.
Now, if we wish to bring the race to
a point where it should be, where it
will be strong, and grow and prosper,
we have got to, in every way possible,
encourage it. We can do this in no
better way than by cultivating that
amount of faith in the race which will
make us patronise its own enterprises
wherever those enterprises are worth
patronising. I do not believe much in
the advice that is often given that we
should patronise the enterprises of our
race without regard to the worth of
those enterprises. I believe that the
best way to bring the race to the point
is to let it understand that, whenever
it enters into any line of business,
it will be patronised just in proportion
as it makes that business as successful,
as useful, as is true of any business
enterprise conducted by any other
race. The race that would grow strong
and powerful must have the element
of hero-worship in it that will, in the
largest degree, make it honour its great
men, the men who have succeeded
in that race. I think we should be
ashamed of the coloured man or woman
who would not venerate the name of
Frederick Douglass. No race that
would not look upon such a man with
honour and respect and pride could
ever hope to enjoy the respect of any
other race. I speak of this, not that I
want my people to regard themselves in
a narrow, bigoted sense, because there
is nothing so hurtful to an individual or
to a race as to get into the habit of feeling
own race, but because I wish that it
may have reasonable pride in all that is
honourable in its history. Whenever
you hear a coloured man say that he
hates the people of the other race,
there, in most instances, you will find
a weak, narrow-minded coloured man.
And, whenever you find a white man
who expresses the same sentiment
toward the people of other races, there,
too, in almost every case, you will find
a narrow-minded, prejudiced white man.
That person is the broadest, strongest,
and most useful who sees something
to love and admire in all races, no
matter what their colour.
If the Negro race wishes to grow
strong, it must learn to respect itself,
not to be ashamed. It must learn that
it will only grow in proportion as its
members have confidence in it, in proportion
as they believe that it is a
coming race.
We have reached a period when educated
Negroes should give more attention
to the history of their race; should
devote more time to finding out the
true history of the race, and in collecting
in some museum the relics that
mark its progress. It is true of all
races of culture and refinement and
civilisation that they have gathered in
some place the relics which mark the
progress of their civilisation, which
show how they lived from period to
period. We should have so much pride
that we would spend more time in looking
into the history of the race, more
effort and money in perpetuating in
some durable form its achievements, so
that from year to year, instead of looking
back with regret, we can point to
our children the rough path through
which we grew strong and great.
We have a very bright and striking
example in the history of the Jews in
this and other countries. There is,
much, not so much in America as in
some of the countries in Europe. But
these people have clung together.
They have had a certain amount of
unity, pride, and love of race; and, as
the years go on, they will be more and
more influential in this country,—a
country where they were once despised,
and looked upon with scorn and derision.
It is largely because the Jewish
race has had faith in itself. Unless the
Negro learns more and more to imitate
the Jew in these matters, to have faith
in himself, he cannot expect to have
any high degree of success.
I wish to speak upon another subject
which largely concerns the welfare of
both races, especially in the South,—
lynching. It is an unpleasant subject;
but I feel that I should be omitting
some part of my duty to both races did
I not say something on the subject
For a number of years the South has
authorities, through the public press,
from the public platform, and most
eloquently through the late Henry W.
Grady, to leave the whole matter of the
rights and protection of the Negro to
the South, declaring that it would see
to it that the Negro would be made
secure in his citizenship. During the
last half-dozen years the whole country,
from the President down, has been inclined
more than ever to pursue this
policy, leaving the whole matter of the
destiny of the Negro to the Negro
himself and to the Southern white
people, among whom the great bulk of
Negroes live.
By the present policy of non-interference
on the part of the North and
the federal government the South is
given a sacred trust. How will she
execute this trust? The world is waiting
and watching to see. The question
must be answered largely by the protection
and the provisions that are made for
his development in the organic laws of
the State. I fear that but few people
in the South realise to what an extent
the habit of lynching, or the taking of
life without due process of law, has
taken hold of us, and is hurting us, not
only in the eyes of the world, but in
our own moral and material growth.
Lynching was instituted some years
ago with the idea of punishing and
checking criminal assaults upon women.
Let us examine the facts, and see where
it has already led us and is likely further
to carry us, if we do not rid ourselves
of the evil. Many good people in the
South, and also out of the South, have
gotten the idea that lynching is resorted
to for one crime only. I have
the facts from an authoritative source.
During last year one hundred and
twenty-seven persons were lynched in
the United States. Of this number,
in the South and nine in the
North and West. Of the total number
lynched, one hundred and two were
Negroes, twenty-three were whites, and
two Indians. Now, let every one interested
in the South, his country, and the
cause of humanity, note this fact,—that
only twenty-four of the entire number
were charged in any way with the crime
of rape; that is, twenty-four out of one
hundred and twenty-seven cases of
lynching. Sixty-one of the remaining
cases were for murder, thirteen for
being suspected of murder, six for theft,
etc. During one week last spring, when
I kept a careful record, thirteen Negroes
were lynched in three of our Southern
States; and not one was even charged
with rape. All of these thirteen were
accused of murder or house-burning;
but in neither case were the men allowed
to go before a court, so that their
innocence or guilt might be proven.
When we get to the point where four-fifths
of the people lynched in our country
in one year are for some crime other
than rape, we can no longer plead and
explain that we lynch for one crime
alone.
Let us take another year, that of
1892, for example, when 241 persons
were lynched in the whole United
States. Of this number 36 were
lynched in Northern and Western
States, and 205 in our Southern States;
160 were Negroes, 5 of these being
women. The facts show that, out of
the 241 lynched, only 57 were even
charged with rape or attempted rape,
leaving in this year alone 184 persons
who were lynched for other causes than
that of rape.
If it were necessary, I could produce
figures for other years. Within a period
of six years about 900 persons have
been lynched in our Southern States.
This is but a few hundred short of the
lives in Cuba during the Spanish-American
War. If we would realise
still more fully how far this unfortunate
evil is leading us on, note the classes of
crime during a few months for which the
local papers and the Associated Press
say that lynching has been inflicted.
They include "murder," "rioting," "incendiarism,"
"robbery," "larceny," "selfdefence,"
"insulting women," "alleged
stock-poisoning," "malpractice," "alleged
barn-burning," "suspected robbery,"
"race prejudice," "attempted murder,"
"horse-stealing," "mistaken identity,"
etc.
The evil has so grown that we are
now at the point where not only blacks
are lynched in the South, but white
men as well. Not only this, but within
the last six years at least a half-dozen
coloured women have been lynched.
And there are a few cases where Negroes
have lynched members of their
all this? Furthermore, every lynching
drives hundreds of Negroes out of the
farming districts of the South, where
they make the best living and where
their services are of greatest value to
the country, into the already overcrowded
cities.
I know that some argue that the
crime of lynching Negroes is not confined
to the South. This is true; and
no one can excuse such a crime as the
shooting of innocent black men in Illinois,
who were guilty of nothing, except
seeking labour. But my words just
now are to the South, where my home
is and a part of which I am. Let
other sections act as they will; I want
to see our beautiful Southland free from
this terrible evil of lynching. Lynching
does not stop crime. In the vicinity in
the South where a coloured man was
alleged recently to have committed the
most terrible crime ever charged against
previously five coloured men had been
lynched for supposed incendiarism. If
lynching was a cure for crime, surely
the lynching of those five would have
prevented another Negro from committing
a most heinous crime a few weeks
later.
We might as well face the facts
bravely and wisely. Since the beginning
of the world crime has been committed
in all civilised and uncivilised
countries, and a certain percentage of
it will always be committed both in
the North and in the South; but I believe
that the crime of rape can be
stopped. In proportion to the numbers
and intelligence of the population of the
South, there exists little more crime
than in several other sections of the
country; but, because of the lynching
evil, we are constantly advertising ourselves
to the world as a lawless people.
We cannot disregard the teachings of
years, that the only way to punish crime
is by law. When we leave this anchorage
chaos begins.
I am not pleading for the Negro alone.
Lynching injures, hardens, and blunts
the moral sensibilities of the young and
tender manhood of the South. Never
shall I forget the remark by a little nine-year-old
white boy, with blue eyes and
flaxen hair. The little fellow said to his
mother, after he had returned from a
lynching: "I have seen a man hanged;
now I wish I could see one burned."
Rather than hear such a remark from
one of my little boys, I would prefer to
see him in his grave. This is not all.
Every community guilty of lynching
says in so many words to the governor,
to the legislature, to the sheriff, to the
jury, and to the judge: "We have no
faith in you and no respect for you.
We have no respect for the law which
we helped to make."
In the South, at the present time,
there is less excuse for not permitting
the law to take its course where a Negro
is to be tried than anywhere else in the
world; for, almost without exception, the
governors, the sheriffs, the judges, the
juries, and the lawyers are all white
men, and they can be trusted, as a rule,
to do their duty. Otherwise, it is needless
to tax the people to support these
officers. If our present laws are not
sufficient properly to punish crime, let
the laws be changed; but that the punishment
may be by lawfully constituted
authorities is the plea I make. The
history of the world proves that where
the law is most strictly enforced there
is the least crime: where people take
the administration of the law into their
own hands there is the most crime.
But there is still another side. The
white man in the South has not only a
serious duty and responsibility, but the
Negro has a duty and responsibility in
people, I want to be equally frank; but
I speak with the greatest kindness.
There is too much crime among them.
The figures for a given period show
that in the United States thirty per
cent, of the crime committed is by
Negroes, while we constitute only about
twelve per cent, of the entire population.
This proportion holds good not only in
the South, but also in Northern States
and cities.
No race that is so largely ignorant
and so recently out of slavery could, perhaps,
show a better record, but we must
face these plain facts. He is most kind
to the Negro who tells him of his faults
as well as of his virtues. A large percentage
of the crime among us grows
out of the idleness of our young men
and women. It is for this reason that
I have tried to insist upon some industry
being taught in connection with
their course of literary training. It is
every teacher and minister of the gospel,
should teach with unusual emphasis
morality and obedience to the law. At
the fireside, in the school-room, in the
Sunday-school, from the pulpit, and
in the Negro press, there should be
such a sentiment created regarding the
committing of crime against women
that no such crime could be charged
against any member of the race. Let it
be understood, for all time, that no one
guilty of rape can find sympathy or
shelter with us, and that none will be
more active than we in bringing to justice,
through the proper authorities,
those guilty of crime. Let the criminal
and vicious element of the race have, at
all times, our most severe condemnation.
Let a strict line be drawn between the
virtuous and the criminal. I condemn,
with all the indignation of my soul, any
beast in human form guilty of assaulting
a woman. I am sure I voice the
in this condemnation.
We should not, as a race, become discouraged.
We are making progress.
No race has ever gotten upon its feet
without discouragements and struggles.
I should be a great hypocrite and a
coward if I did not add that which my
daily experience has taught me to be
true; namely, that the Negro has among
many of the Southern whites as good
friends as he has anywhere in the world.
These friends have not forsaken us.
They will not do so. Neither will our
friends in the North. If we make ourselves
intelligent, industrious, economical,
and virtuous, of value to the community
in which we live, we can and
will work out our salvation right here
in the South. In every community, by
means of organised effort, we should
seek, in a manly and honourable way, the
confidence, the co-operation, the sympathy,
of the best white people in the
With the best white people and
the best black people standing together,
in favour of law and order and justice,
I believe that the safety and happiness
of both races will be made secure.
We are one in this country. The
question of the highest citizenship and
the complete education of all concerns
nearly ten millions of my people and
sixty millions of the white race. When
one race is strong, the other is strong;
when one is weak, the other is weak.
There is no power that can separate
our destiny. Unjust laws and customs
which exist in many places injure the
white man and inconvenience the Negro.
No race can wrong another race,
simply because it has the power to do
so, without being permanently injured
in its own morals. The Negro can
endure the temporary inconvenience,
but the injury to the white man is permanent.
It is for the white man to
I plead. If a white man steals a Negro's
ballot, it is the white man who is permanently
injured. Physical death comes
to the one Negro lynched in a county;
but death of the morals—death of the
soul—comes to those responsible for
the lynching.
Those who fought and died on the
battlefield for the freedom of the slaves
performed their duty heroically and
well, but a duty remains to those left.
The mere fiat of law cannot make an
ignorant voter an intelligent voter, cannot
make a dependent man an independent
man, cannot make one citizen
respect another. These results will
come to the Negro, as to all races, by
beginning at the bottom and gradually
working up to the highest possibilities
of his nature.
In the economy of God there is but
one standard by which an individual
can succeed: there is but one for a
race shall measure itself by the American
standard. During the next half-century,
and more, the Negro must
continue passing through the severe
American crucible. He is to be tested
in his patience, his forbearance, his perseverance,
his power to endure wrong,
—to withstand temptations, to economise,
to acquire and use skill,—his ability
to compete, to succeed in commerce,
to disregard the superficial for
the real, the appearance for the substance,
to be great and yet small,
learned and yet simple, high and yet
the servant of all. This,—this is the
passport to all that is best in the life
of our Republic; and the Negro must
possess it or be barred out.
In working out his own destiny, while
the main burden of activity must be with
the Negro, he will need in the years to
come, as he has needed in the past, the
help, the encouragement, the guidance,
Thus helped, those of both races in
the South will soon throw off the
shackles of racial and sectional prejudice,
and rise above the clouds of ignorance,
narrowness, and selfishness into
that atmosphere, that pure sunshine,
where it will be the highest ambition to
serve man, our brother, regardless of
race or previous condition.
| CHAPTER VII. The future of the American negro | |