University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER V

PERILOUS ANTAGONISM.

Mr. Cabell's announcement that "we have got
possession of the ground and it will never be taken
away from us," has proved true,[1] but the resourceful
coadjutor of Mr. Jefferson was not blind to the fact
that there were many difficulties to be encountered
before the University would be in successful operation.
"The contest is not over," he wrote a few
days later, and this prophecy proved true, also. The
University authorized by the law of January 25,
1819, was on a splendid scale, but the legislature
had not provided an adequate capital for realizing
the plan. To procure the means of giving form to
Mr. Jefferson's dream was still the problem. The
Visitors could only appeal to the legislature, and
there they found many biased and prejudiced by the
heated campaign which had ended in their defeat
and discomfiture. Jefferson and Cabell set themselves
resolutely to the task of making headway
against these antagonisms.

The former at first displayed some eagerness to
put the institution into operation, and gave much
time to the consideration of professors, while Mr.

Cabell thought it wiser to pursue another course.
He apprehended an attempt the following winter
(1819-20) to repeal the law establishing the University.
"This furnishes me," he wrote on the 22d
of February, 1819, "with a strong reason not only
to lay out all the money at present in buildings, but
convinces me of the importance of rather keeping
the houses empty until a sufficient number can be got
into a state of readiness to receive some half dozen
eminent professors than to fill them successively as
they are finished, with perhaps here and there a man
obnoxious to public prejudice."[2]

Aside from the subscriptions there was no income
except the $15,000 from the Literary Fund,[3]
and that could be paid in full only when the earnings
of that fund were at least $60,000 a year, because
$45,000 was set aside as intangible for any
purpose but the support of the schools for the poor
children provided for by the bill of January, 1819.
Fortunately the fund was prosperous.

At the session of 1819-20 an application was made
to the legislature for $80,000, and then for half
that sum, but both requests were refused. Later a
bill authorizing the Visitors to borrow $60,000 was
passed with little trouble. The annuity of $15,000
was pledged for repayment. Forty thousand of this
sum was received in April, 1820, and twenty thousand
in the following January.

At the close of the year 1820 the University was
indebted to the Literary Fund in the sum of $60,000.
At this time Mr. Jefferson's estimate of the cost of
the buildings completed was $162,364.[4] Completion
meant to him ten pavilions or professors' residences,
six "hotels for dieting the students," one
hundred and four domitories, and two hundred
acres of land. It was now seen that the former estimate
of the cost of these betterments was nearly
$25,000 too low.[5]

Jefferson wrote to Cabell pointing out the needs
of the University, which, in his opinion, would be
met by a remission of the loan of $60,000, a supplementary
sum of $45,000 to liberate the annuities of
1821-2-3, $8,364 to make good a deficit estimated by
the proctor, $40,000 for the building of the library,
and an equal partition of the Literary Fund between
the elementary schools and the University—say
$30,000 to each. This furnishes abundant evidence,
if any were needed, that in the matter of asking
financial support Mr. Jefferson's courage was not
abating.

Cabell's reply was: "We shall probably have to
fall down in our petition for a sum sufficient to finish
the buildings and let the rest lie for another session.
We shall have the academies to contend with
this year." This was a real danger which arose
from an effort to embarrass the University by absorbing
the disposable part of the Literary Fund by
appropriating a share of its income to William and
Mary, Hampden-Sidney, Washington College, New
London Academy, and the University. This movement

was strong tactically, and not the least of its
menaces was the probability that it would consolidate
the elements antagonistic to the University by
an appeal to their cupidity.

But Mr. Cabell was not disconcerted. He boldly
announced and advocated the doctrine that no public
money should be appropriated to any institution except
upon the express condition that such college
should, like the University of Virginia, be at all
times and in all things subject to the control of the
legislature.

It was at this time that Senator Cabell became
convinced that he ought to retire from public life in
the interest of his health, which had been seriously
imperilled by his efforts in behalf of the University,
and of his private fortune, which had suffered by
his absence from his estate. "I have been here thirteen
winters. My object now is domestic, rural, and
literary leisure."

The letter in which he announced his purpose
reached Mr. Jefferson at one of the darkest periods
cited by that event. The faculty paid him a high
of the history of the University. It was a severe
blow to the recipient, who was now well stricken in
years, having almost reached his seventy-eighth
birthday. "The gloomiest of all prospects," he replied
to Mr. Cabell, "is in the desertion of the best
friends of the institution; for desertion I must call
it. I know not the necessities which force this on
you. General Cocke, you say, will explain them to
me; but I cannot conceive them, nor persuade myself
they are uncontrollable. I have ever hoped that
yourself, General Breckinridge, and Mr. Johnson
would stand at your posts in the legislature until
everything was effected, and the institution opened.

If it is so difficult to get along with all the energy
and influence of our present colleagues in the legislature,
how can we expect to proceed at all, reducing
our moving power? I know well your devotion to
your country, and your foresight of the awful scenes
coming on her, sooner or later. With this foresight,
what service can we ever render her equal to this?
What object of our lives can we propose so important?
What interest of our own which ought not to
be postponed to this? Health, time, labor, on what
in the single life which nature has given us, can these
be better bestowed than in this immortal boon to
our country? The exertions and the mortifications
are temporary; the benefit eternal. If any member
of our college of Visitors could justifiably withdraw
from this sacred duty, it would be myself, who,
`quadregenis stipendiis jamdudum peractis,' have
neither vigor or body of mind left to keep the field.
But I will die in the last ditch. And so I hope you
will, my friend, as well as our firm-breasted brothers
and colleagues, Mr. Johnson and General Breckinridge.
Nature will not give you a second life
wherein to atone for the omissions of this. Pray
then, dear, and very dear, sir, do not think of deserting
us; but view the sacrifices which seem to stand
in your way as the lesser duties, and such as ought
to be postponed to this, the greatest of all. Continue
with us in these holy labors, until having seen
their accomplishment, we may say with old Simeon,
`nunc dimitis, Dominie.' "[6]

Mr. Cabell confessed that it was not in his nature
to resist such an appeal, and at once announced
his candidacy for another term in the Senate. He

also made every exertion to get the liberal members
of the legislature to return for another session and
endeavored to induce others to supplant members of
proved inferior capacity.

The expected reverse in the legislature on the
subject of another loan of $60,000 did not occur,
for on February 21, 1821, a bill authorizing it was
passed, increasing the indebtedness of the institution
to the Literary Fund to $120,000.

The next session of the legislature—1821-22—
found the University as usual in need of more
money, and its friends forced to renew the old contention
with the old enemies. No opportunity was
neglected by these antagonists to depress the interests
of the University. One was afforded them by
Jefferson's relations with Dr. Cooper. The cry of
Unitarianism was raised, and the vociferation was
renewed when it became known that Mr. Ticknor
and Mr. Bowditch of Massachusetts were under consideration
for professorships. Their religious views
were not known, and the clergy professed uneasiness.
Jefferson made no response. "Silence and
resignation have sometimes greater effect than opportunity,"
he wrote to a friend, putting into an
aphorism what Tennyson afterward expressed in a
couplet:

All this and more (such, to name two examples,
as the claim of the clergy that they were to be excluded
from the University and the report at the
Synod of 1821 that Mr. Jefferson had said the religious
communities might well be afraid of the
progress of the Unitarians in the South), Mr. Cabell

met with the tact and sound sense which had
often served "the holy cause" with good results.
He conferred with Dr. Rice, a liberal minded Presbyterian
clergyman, who displayed enlightened
friendship for the University, and convinced him
that no preference was to be given Unitarians. The
colleges that were pressing claims before the legislature
he met with a ready reciprocity. He and Dr.
Rice concurred in the propriety of a firm union between
the friends of the University and these colleges
"as to measures of common interest." Appeasing
and conciliating, Mr. Cabell diligently
sought to prepare the way for the success of the
University's measures. But his amiable energies
could not avail, and the legislature adjourned with
the record of having resisted his persuasive logic.
It was the first Assembly that had done so in five
years. But the near future showed that a blunder
had been made, for the institution was popular in
the State if not in the legislature. In the spring of
1822 it was made a test in certain counties—as
Mecklenburg, Lunenburg, Brunswick, Greenesville,
Norfolk and Essex—and the members who voted
against the University in the previous legislature
were turned out or compelled to promise to vote
with Cabell.

The session of 1822-3 found the University under
increased need of funds to continue its building
operations. Its friends were uncertain, however,
as to the best form in which to present their requests
to the Assembly. The annuity was burdened with
the interest on the $120,000 borrowed from the Literary
Fund. If the legislature could be induced to
remit this debt the annuity would be emancipated,
which would be $7,200 saved annually. The library

was the next building to be erected, and there was
no money to pay for its construction. Many of the
wisest friends of the institution thought the best
course was to do no more than ask for an appropriation
to be applied to this object. But how much?
The estimate had soared from about $44,000 to
$70,000. This was dismaying.

Cabell favored asking for $50,000 for this purpose
and finally that figure was fixed upon, but afterwards
advanced to $60,000. After long and disheartening
delays the measure became a law, and the
building of the Rotunda was begun. "I earnestly
hope," Cabell wrote, "that this loan will finish the
building. We must never come here again for
money to erect buildings. It would be good policy
to expend $60,000 on the library, should it require
so much, and not direct any part of it to the payment
of existing debts. Should the fund fall short I
would rather ask for money hereafter to pay off
debts than to finish the library."

There was a widespread conviction, in which
many in the legislature shared, that too much
money was being expended on buildings, and that
the institution should be put into operation without
further delay. But Jefferson, Cabell, and their colleagues
in the Board of Visitors were now at one
as to the wisdom of completing the University before
the sessions were begun; and these gentlemen
were wiser than their critics in anticipating the ultimate
judgment of Virginians on both these points.
"I never in my life," wrote Cabell, "felt more deeply
convinced on any subject than I am as to the soundness
of the policy of going on with the buildings in
preference to the plan of putting the institution into
operation with half the buildings finished. The

President of the College [William and Mary] and
Judge Semple in a conversation with me a few days
ago, candidly acknowledged the policy of our course
in this respect. They observed that Virginians could
never be pleased with anything on a small scale.
Judge Semple adduced a fact, by way of illustration,
which I was pleased to hear. Mr. John Tyler of
Charles City, late member of Congress [afterwards
President] was formerly opposed to the institution.
In a trip which he made last year to the Springs he
called and inspected the buildings, and the Judge
assured me that Mr. Tyler was so much impressed
by the extent and splendor of the establishment that
he had become an advocate of the University, and
would have voted last winter, had be been in the
legislature, for cancelling the bonds."[7]

The bill passed February 5, 1823, by a large majority—so
large that it seemed Mr. Cabell had been
unnecessarily alarmed. Surely a party which could
muster a hundred and forty votes as against sixty-nine
may be described as very strong. The state of
public sentiment as exhibited by the recent election
had had its effect, and thus the asperities of the contest
over the location were dying out. There was
no hostility from Staunton. Chapman Johnson encouraged
the loan; Sheffey and Baldwin showed a
friendly disposition, the latter being especially cordial—but
in spite of all this Cabell reiterates the conviction
already expressed, "I think the best interests
of the institution require that we should come here
for no more money for buildings."

Nevertheless, he was alert for any opportunity to
add to the University's building fund; and when

the bill for rechartering The Farmers' Bank, having
unconditionally passed the House of Delegates,
reached the Senate, he straightway had it so
amended as to require the payment of a bonus of
$50,000, which bonus was to go to the University of
Virginia. The House refused to concur and a great
stir resulted. Cabell was in danger, as he believed,
of losing his popularity in his district. "I have been
abused all about the town, and by a great portion
of the Assembly. * * * I have scarcely seen
the earth on which I walked for a month!" At the
same time he confessed that soon after the contest
had terminated public opinion and feeling toward
him changed greatly.

The proposition for the remission of the debt due
the Literary Fund, now $180,000, was carried after
a short and mild struggle, a result which liberated
the sum of $10,800 annually paid in interest.

The next movement for money was on the National
Government for $50,000 on account of interest
on a sum borrowed and used by Virginia for
the national defense in the War of 1812. The legislature
had already consented to the application of
this amount to the purchase of a library and apparatus
for the University if the friends of that institution
could collect it. Mr. Cabell went to Washington
and in co-operation with Senator Barbour
managed the affair so well that eventually the Federal
Government paid the claim.

At the beginning of the legislative session of
1824-5 the friends of the University were disturbed
by another peril. It was in the shape of an effort to
remove William and Mary College to Richmond.
"The proposition to remove William and Mary College
to Richmond with all its present funds, and

to add to it a medical school, is nothing more nor
less than to remove the University also to that
place; because, if both remain, there will not
be students enough to make either worthy the acceptance
of men of the first order of science. They
must fall down to the level of our present academies,
under the direction of common people, and our
state of education must stand exactly where it is.
Few of the States have been able to maintain one
university, none two. Surely the legislature, after
such an expense incurred for a real university, and
just as it is prepared to go into action under hopeful
auspices, will not consent to destroy it by this sidewise
wind."

This utterance of Mr. Jefferson shows how grave
the danger seemed to him. He suggested that if the
proposition was decided affirmatively, the next question
would be how the fund of the institution could
be disposed of with the most advantage to the State
at large. As this fund amounted to $100,000 he regarded
it as sufficient to put into operation the
academies provided for in the Rockfish report, and
so he advocated the division of the State into ten
districts with an academy in each, each academy to
be endowed with one-tenth of the capital of William
and Mary.

At Cabell's request Jefferson drew a bill, which
the former regarded as a powerful weapon in the
fight, and well he might. Its provision that colleges
should be established "at, or within, one mile,
respectively, of William and Mary, Hampden-Sidney,
Lynchburg, Richmond, Fredericksburg, Winchester,
Staunton, Fincastle, Lewisburg and Clarksburg"
was a strong appeal to at least seven of the
ten localities named. Three would look upon it as

hostile. Richmond had a powerful interest in the
removal of William and Mary, to which Jefferson's
effort at "dissolving and discontinuing" that institution
would run counter. Williamsburg, which had
lost the capital to Richmond, would oppose either
removal or dissolution, while Hampden-Sidney naturally
preferred unconditional endowment to change
from a Presbyterian seminary to a State academy.
But Staunton had long wanted to be the seat of government,
and anything that increased the importance
of the valley town or detracted from Richmond
was counted as gain. Lexington was left out for
Fincastle, a course which would avoid offending the
friends of Washington College and more firmly attach
Southwestern Virginia to the University party;
and besides Fincastle, then the chief town of that
section, was the home of General James Breckinridge,
an influential friend of the University. In
the selection of Fredericksburg, Winchester, Lynchburg,
Clarksburg, and Lewisburg as sites of "colleges"
the hand that drew the bill was guided by a
like purpose of gaining friends by conciliation and
the conferring of benefits.

At this juncture Mr. Cabell published in the Richmond
papers a letter under the signature of "A
Friend of Science," which accomplished all that it
was expected to achieve with the bill, and the law
was not proposed "A Friend of Science" advocated
the discontinuance of William and Mary and the
establishment of local colleges in ten districts in the
State, naming most of the points at which they
would be located. He indicated the feasibility of
meeting the financial demand by the use of the
moneyed capital of the old College, supplementing
by an appropriation, and then contrasted the advantages

of ten colleges distributing their benefits
all over the Commonwealth with those to flow from
the maintenance, not of an added institution, but
from the same one simply transferred from one site
to another.

As the time for voting on the proposal to remove
approached it became quite evident that it would be
defeated in the House of Delegates. "We have the
country completely on our side," Cabell wrote to
Jefferson. "The idea of the country colleges will
bear down all opposition." And it did.

The bill was defeated in the House by a majority
of twenty-four, and William and Mary from that
moment ceased to be a factor in the affairs of the
University. The vote was taken early in February,
1825, and on the 7th of the next month the University
of Virginia was in operation.