 | CHAPTERS II and III The history of the former Han dynasty |  |
II-III. CHAPTERS II and III
INTRODUCTION
These two chapters give an account of the chief events during the
time that the government was in control of the Empress née Lü, the wife
of Emperor Kao-tsu. Chapter II treats of the period when her son,
Emperor Hsiao-hui, was on the throne and chapter III of the period
after his death when she openly took control. These chapters, like
chapter I, are largely based on the corresponding chapter in the SC,
chapter IX. Pan Ku, however, added some new material; he seems
to have had available a collection of imperial edicts and possibly an
official annalistic chronicle, upon which he drew.
The SC puts this material into one chapter; Pan Ku divides it into
two because there were two rulers. Pan Ku furthermore has transferred
into his "Memoirs" the more sensational stories given in the SC,
seemingly because he felt that these accounts concerned the private
lives of the actors, rather than their public acts. Thus he has left in
these "Annals" only the bare mention of Liu Ju-yi's death and that of
Liu Yu, and has said nothing about the Empress's treatment of the
Lady née Ch'i. Concerning the attempted assassination of Liu Fei, he
mentions only its administrative result. He gives those accounts in full
in his "Memoir of the Imperial Relatives by Marriage" and the "Memoir
of the Five Kings who were Sons of Kao-tsu." Thus Pan Ku seems to
have conceived of the "Annals" as chronicles properly devoted to the
official acts of the ruler and the important events of the reign, rather
than as an attempt to give in full an account of the period. Such an
account must be gathered from the mine of material in the remainder of
this encyclopedic history.
This period of fifteen years constituted a period of rest and recuperation
after the fighting and destruction preceding the reign of Kao-tsu
and the civil war during it. The only serious conflict was an internal
one, which did not come to a head until the very end of the period.
Kao-tsu had eliminated all his important feudal kings except those of his
own family, so that during this period there were no revolts, such as had
plagued him. Peace was made with the only important external enemy,
the Huns, and it was cemented by sending a girl of the imperial family
war—with the state of Nan-yüeh, located at the present Canton; but the
mountains proved such a barrier that the war was confined to border
forays, and the Chinese generals did not even try to cross the mountains.
Thus the people secured a rest, the population could increase,
and the country became prosperous.
The Chancellor of State, Hsiao Ho, who had administered Kao-tsu's
empire, died in the second year of this period. He nominated Kao-tsu's
greatest fighter, Ts'ao Ts'an, as his successor, thus emphasizing the tradition
that since the empire had been conquered by Kao-tsu's personal
followers, it should be ruled by them. This tradition was followed as
long as any capable followers of Kao-tsu remained alive and was the
factor that prevented the overturn of the state.
Liu Ying, known as Emperor Hsiao-hui, proved a kindly but weak
young man. He was only in his sixteenth year when he came to the
throne, and the real power went to his mother, then entitled the Empress
Dowager née Lü. She had taken an active part in the conquest of the
empire, had suffered severely in that contest, and had gathered around
her a faction, chiefly composed of members of the Lü family (including
two of her older brothers who had been generals of Kao-tsu and had
been ennobled by him as marquises) and of her relatives by marriage,
especially the valiant Fan K'uai, who had married her younger sister,
the able and determined Lü Hsü. This faction ennabled the Empress
Dowager to enthrone her son, although he was not the oldest nor the
favorite son of Kao-tsu. The oldest son was Liu Fei, who had been
made King of Ch'i, the most important part of the empire next to Kuan-chung.
But Liu Fei was not the son of Kao-tsu's wife, and so could
be passed over.
Since the Empress Dowager had only barely succeeded in enthroning
her son, she felt driven to cultivate the interests of the people in order
to bolster up her power. Hence, although she committed grave crimes,
she proved a good ruler. She could not afford the unpopularity of misrule
and was too intelligent to indulge in it. She lightened the taxes and
removed some of the severe punishments that had been inherited from
the Ch'in dynasty, repealing, for example, the Ch'in law against the
possession of proscribed books. She allowed the commutation of punishments,
even of capital punishment, for money payment, which, in
those days of severe and harsh punishments, was a lightening of penalties
rather than an invitation to the wealthy to commit crime. The most
serious crimes were not commuted.
But she came into conflict with her son the Emperor when she attempted
the Palace the favorites of her husband, especially the Lady née Ch'i,
who had almost succeeded in displacing her as Empress. The Empress
Dowager wanted a keener revenge, but dared do nothing more as long
as the Lady's son was alive. This ten-year-old boy, Liu Ju-yi, Kao-tsu's
favorite child, had been made King of Chao with a capable and brave
Chancellor to guard him. When this Chancellor would not send the
boy to the capital, the Empress Dowager removed the Chancellor and
had the boy brought. But he was a favorite of the Emperor too, so the
sixteen year old Emperor met his half-brother at a village ten miles from
the capital and carefully conducted him to his own apartments, where
he guarded him by always keeping him by his side. After several
months, one morning early the Emperor went out hunting, leaving Ju-yi
sleeping. The Empress Dowager immediately had her step-son poisoned.
The Emperor could do nothing to his own mother, not even for
murder.
Then the Empress Dowager had the dead boy's mother, the Lady née
Ch'i, terribly mutilated and thrown out into the gully through which
ran the sewer, naming her "the Human Swine." She took her son to
see her mutilated rival; he did not recognize the poor lady; when an
attendant informed him of her identity, the Emperor wept himself into
a nervous breakdown. For a year he could not leave his bed. When
he recovered, he sent this message to his mother: "Your deed was
utterly inhuman. I am your son, so I cannot again govern the country."
Then he gave himself over to drinking, to women, and to pleasure.
The next year Liu Fei came to court. At a family dinner the Emperor
seated Fei above himself, as befitted the oldest brother. The
Empress Dowager became angry and ordered two goblets of poisoned
wine for Fei. Then she commanded him to drink a toast. But the
Emperor took one of the goblets to drink; without a descendant on the
throne the Empress Dowager would have been helpless; she hastily arose
and upset her son's goblet. Then Fei took alarm and left. He feared
for his life, but found that the Empress Dowager had merely acted in a
fit of anger; so he made his peace with her by presenting her daughter,
Kao-tsu's oldest child, the Princess Yüan of Lu, with a commandery
and appointing this step-sister as his Queen Dowager.
Emperor Hui died in the seventh year of his rule. The Empress
Dowager had married him to the daughter of Princess Yüan. Such a
union was quite proper, since the girl had a surname different from that
of her husband. But she had no child. The Emperor had however had
a son by a lady of his harem; the Empress Dowager named this babe
Heir-apparent and was enthroned as Emperor. Since he was her grandson,
and the Empress was her granddaughter, the Empress Dowager
herself boldly took the Emperor's place in court and issued imperial
decrees and edicts in her own name.
Then she strengthened her position by appointing four of her nephews
from the Lü family as kings, and, to forestall trouble over the succession,
if anything should happen to the babe, she took six babes of the Lü
family and named them marquises, asserting that they were children of
Emperor Hui.
This action brought her into conflict with one of the established practises
of the dynasty, which was after her death to prove stronger than she.
Kao-tsu had gathered his immediate followers and made them swear a
solemn oath in a ceremony in which a white horse had been killed and
the lips of each had been smeared with the blood. This oath was to the
effect that no one except members of the imperial Liu family should be
made king and no one should be made marquis except for deeds of
valor. Kao-tsu had taken this step when he was plagued by the rebellions
of those vassal kings not members of the imperial clan; but he had
himself violated this oath in the appointment of his boyhood and close
friend, Lu Wan, as King of Yen. The Empress Dowager's important
officials had all been followers of Kao-tsu and had taken this oath; yet
they respected her ability and recognized that she had materially assisted
in winning the empire, so that she also was one of the followers of Kao-tsu;
these facts and the power of the Lü faction kept the officials from
making any overt move against her. The Senior Lieutenant Chancellor,
Wang Ling, protested in private, but he was promoted to an
advisory post which left him powerless. The Empress Dowager thus
succeeded in establishing herself firmly in control. She had a committee
of the high officials and nobles arrange the precedence of the
nobles in the court, thus increasing the prestige of her faction.
In 184 B.C. the child emperor learned of his real mother. Boy-like
he boasted, "The Empress could have killed my mother and pass me as
her son. I am not yet grown up, but when I am grown up, I will change
things." Such a threat to the Empress Dowager's power could not be
tolerated; the child was pronounced insane, imprisoned to death in the
palace prison, and the ministers were ordered to suggest his successor.
They knew that he was the only natural son of Emperor Hui; in
seeming deference to the Empress Dowager but in real unwillingness to
be a party to her action they replied merely that they accepted her
orders. She then selected one of the six babes she had previously named
The ministers said nothing; this appointment was not their work; they
consequently felt free to overturn it later.
In order to consolidate her power, the Empress Dowager had married
some of Kao-tsu's sons to girls of her family, the Lü. One of them, Yu,
did not love his wife and favored a concubine; he was slandered to the
Empress Dowager as having said that after her death he would attack
the Lü family. She summoned him to the capital and starved him to
death in his lodgings. Another son, K'uei, was so oppressed by his
wife, a Lü girl, who poisoned his beloved concubine, that he committed
suicide. A third, Chien, died; the Empress Dowager sent to have his
son killed and end his kingdom. There were left now only two out of
the eight sons of Kao-tsu, only three of whom had died a natural death.
The Empress Dowager knew she could not live much longer; to perpetuate
her clan's power she appointed her two nephews, Lü Ch'an and
Lü Lu, the first as Chancellor of State, in charge of the civil government,
and the second as First Ranking General, in charge of the military. To
placate the Liu faction, she appointed its head, Liu Tse, a venerable
cousin of Kao-tsu, as King of Lang-ya, and gave royal posthumous
titles to Kao-tsu's mother, older brother, and older sister. Thus she
prepared for the inevitable.
In March/April 181, as the Empress Dowager was returning to the
capital from a religious ceremony in the suburbs, she was bitten in the
side by a dog, which immediately disappeared. When she was brought
back to the Palace, the diviner brought the response, "It is the ghost of
Ju-yi, become an evil spirit." The wound probably became infected;
she died on August 18. By a testamentary edict she made grants to the
nobles, generals, and officials, leaving the government in charge of her
two nephews.
Revolution arose immediately. There had been much criticism
of the Empress Dowager; one portent after another had been noted.
Twelve days after the death of Liu Yu there had been an eclipse total at
the capital, and the Empress Dowager was said to have declared, "This
is on my account." Those of Kao-tsu's personal followers, such as the
famous Lu Chia, who had been unable to stomach the Empress Dowager's
rule and had retired to their estates, returned to the capital to readjust
matters. The Lieutenant Chancellor Ch'en P'ing and the Grand Commandant
Chou P'o were both old friends of Lu Chia. They had all been
companions of Kao-tsu and had taken the oath. They were ready to
eliminate the Lü faction, for they owed their positions to having been
followers of Kao-tsu even more than to the favor of the Empress Dowager.
and its adherents.
Overt action was taken by the King of Ch'i, who was the eldest son
of Liu Fei, the eldest son of Kao-tsu. He mobilized his army and
tricked Liu Tse into aiding him. Kuan Ying, one of Kao-tsu's best
generals, was sent against the rebels; but Kuan Ying had also taken
the oath. He went half-way and encamped, sending word to the King
of Ch'i that he would later join him. Thus the Lü power crumbled.
Kao-tsu's followers in the capital meanwhile conspired to overthrow
the Lü, with Chou P'o and Ch'en P'ing at their head. They had a friend
of Lü Lu point out to him that the appointment of nine kings from the
Liu family and three kings from the Lü family had been quite legal,
since it had been done after deliberation by the high officials and with the
concurrence of the kings—that thus the imperial power was not absolute,
but was limited by the consent of the high ministers and the highest
nobles. He was told that if the Lü promptly surrendered their power
and retired to their estates, they would not be molested; but if not,
they would be suspected of rebellion and proceeded against. Lü Lu saw
the correctness of this reasoning and agreed, but he had to submit the
matter to his clan, and so action was postponed.
On September 26 the defection of Kuan Ying was reported to Lü Ch'an.
The bureaucracy was so honeycombed with conspirators that word of
this news was immediately taken to Chou P'o. Lü Lu was promptly
tricked into giving up control of the army; the troops unanimously
declared for the Liu faction, and Lü Ch'an, seemingly the only able man
among the Lü faction, was killed. The next day the whole Lü clan was
massacred. Thus the power of the Empress Dowager collapsed like a
house of cards within six weeks after her death. Then the high officials
and heads of the Liu clan met and chose as the next emperor the oldest
surviving son of Kao-tsu, whose reputation and that of his wife's family
were better than that of the King of Ch'i.
In this manner the first threat to the House of Liu from members of
clans allied by marriage was removed by the action of Kao-tsu's loyal
followers. The House of Liu was securely fixed on the throne and its
continuation secured. It is interesting that this House was finally
overthrown by another clan whose power likewise came from intermarriage
with the royal house.
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
Chapter II
THE SECOND [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao-]Hui[1]
Emperor Hsiao-hui was the Heir-apparent of [Emperor]
Kao-tsu. His mother was called the Empress
[née] Lü.[2]
When Emperor [Hsiao-hui] was in his fifth
second year [the future Emperor Hsiao-hui] was
established as Heir-apparent; in the twelfth year,
the fourth month, Kao-tsu died.
In the fifth month, on [the day] ping-yin,[8]
the Heir-apparent
Empress, entitling her, the Empress Dowager. He
granted to the common people one step in noble rank.[10]
men-of-the-Palace [who had served] six full years
[were granted] three steps in noble rank; [those
who had served] four years [were granted] two steps.
The Gentlemen-outside-the-Household [who had
served] six full years [were granted] two steps.
Gentlemen-of-the-Household who had not [served]
a full year [were granted] one step. Gentlemen-outside-the-Household
who had not [served] two full
years were granted ten thousand cash.[15] Enunchs[16]
and Masters of the Food [were treated] the same
as Gentlemen-of-the-Palace.[17] Palace Internuncios,
Guards, Spear-bearers, Men of War, and Grooms [were
treated] the same as Gentlemen-outside-the-Household.
The Heir-apparent's [Chariot-]driver and his
Chariot-companion were granted the aristocratic rank
of Fifth [Rank] Grandee; the members of his suite
[who had served] five full years were given two steps.
There were granted to those who had provided for the
[imperial] burial ceremonies and [had positions ranking
as] two thousand piculs, twenty thousand cash;
[to those who had positions ranking as] six hundred
piculs and over, ten thousand [cash]; to [those who
had positions ranking as] five hundred piculs, two
Officials, five thousand [cash]. Of those who had
superintended digging [the late Emperor's] grave,[20]
the generals [were granted the equivalent[21] of] forty
[catties] of gold, [those who had the rank of] two
thousand piculs [were granted the equivalent of]
twenty [catties of] gold, [those who had the rank of]
six hundred piculs and above [were granted the
equivalent of] six [catties of] gold, those [who had
the rank of] five hundred piculs and less, down to
the Accessory Officials [were granted the equivalent
of] two [catties of] gold.
[The Emperor] reduced the tax on arable ground
and revived it [at the rate of] one part in fifteen.[23]
Those who had the aristocratic rank of Fifth [Rank]
and above, together with those who had served the
[young] emperor so that he knew their names, if
they had committed crimes, and should justly be
shackled like robbers, they were all to be put in
honorable detention.[26] Those of [the aristocratic
rank of] Superior Accomplished and above,[28] together
with the great-grandsons[29] of marquises or kings
belonging to the imperial house by male or female
descent who had committed crimes and
should justly [suffer] mutilating punishment, together
to [build] the fortifications or [patrol from] the
break of day or pound [rice], were all to have
their whiskers shaved and be made to [cut] firewood
for the spirits or [prepare] pure rice.[32] Common
people who are in their seventieth year or over or
not fully ten years old, who had committed crimes
and should justly [suffer] mutilating punishment,
were not to be mutilated.[33]
[The edict] also said, "Officials [exist] for the sake of
governing the people. If [the officials] are able to fulfil
their [duties in] government, then the people
[can] rely upon them. Hence [We] make their
salaries large, the reason for doing which is [for
the sake of] the people. Now the fathers and mothers,
the wives and children, and the other members
of the families[37] of officials who have [the rank]
of six hundred piculs or above, together with the
former officials who have in the past worn the seal
of a General or of a Chief Commandant[38] and have
led troops, or have worn the seal of an official [with
the rank of] two thousand piculs—their families shall
pay only the military tax and shall not be required
to pay any other [taxes]."
[The Emperor] ordered the commanderies and the
vassal kings to establish temples to Kao-[tsu].[39]
In the first year,[41] in the winter, the twelfth
month, King Yin of Chao, [Liu] Ju-yi, died.[43]
[The Emperor ordered[45] that] when the common
people commit crime, they are to be allowed to purchase
thirty steps in noble rank in order to avoid
capital punishment.[48] He granted to the common
people noble ranks, in each household one step [in
rank].
In the spring, the first month, the city wall of
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month,
pay his respects]. He presented the Ch'eng-yang
Commandery to be added to the estate of the Princess
Yüan of Lu, and honored the Princess, appointing
In the spring, the first month, on [the day] kuei-yu,
there were two dragons seen at Lan-ling in the well
of a common citizen.[60] On the evening of [the day]
yi-hai, they disappeared. In the Lung-hsi [Commandery]
there was an earthquake.[63] In the summer
there was a drought.
The Marquis of Ho-yang, [Liu] Chung, died. In
the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day] hsin-wei,
In the third year, in the spring, there were sent
146,000 [persons], male and female, to build the city
wall of Ch'ang-an. In thirty days they were dismissed.[70]
A girl of the imperial house was made a Princess
and given in marriage to the Shan-yü of the Huns.
In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor]
of Tung-hai.[72]
In the sixth month, from the [states of] the vassal
were sent to build the city wall of Ch'ang-an.[75]
In the autumn, the seventh month, there was a
capital.[77]
The King of Nan-yüeh, Chao T'o, pronounced
himself a subject [of the Emperor] and presented
tribute.[78]
In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Empress nee Chang [as Empress].[84]
In the spring, the first month, common people
who were filially pious, fraternally respectful and
[diligent] cultivators of the fields were recommended
and their persons exempted [from taxes and forced
service].
In the third month, on [the day] chia-tzu, the
Emperor was capped and [an amnesty was granted]
to the world.[87] In reducing the laws and orders which
annoyed the officials and people, there was abrogated
the criminal law against possessing books.[88]
There was a visitation [of fire] in the Wild Goose
Terrace in the Ch'ang-lo Palace. In Yi-yang it rained
day] yi-hai,[92] there was a visitation [of fire] in the
Ice Chamber of the Wei-yang Palace. On [the day]
ping-tzu, there was a visitation [of fire] in the Weaving
Chamber.
In the fifth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
and the jujubes [produced] fruit.[98]
In the spring, the first month, there were again
Ch'ang-an 145,000 men and women to build the city
wall of Ch'ang-an. In thirty days they were dismissed.
In the summer there was a great drought.[101]
In
the Chancellor of State, [Ts'ao] Ts'an, died.[104]
In the ninth month, the city wall of Ch'ang-an
ranks to the people, to each household one step.[106]
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month,
Fei2, died.
It was ordered that the people were to be allowed
to sell[111]
noble ranks. Girls who were in their fifteenth
were not married were [ordered to pay as a tax] five
[times the] poll-tax.[117]
In the summer, the sixth month, the Marquis of
Wu-yang, [Fan] K'uai, died.[120]
The Western Market of Ch'ang-an was built and
the Ao Granary was repaired.
In the seventh year, in the winter, the tenth
month, chariots, cavalry,[123] and skilled soldiers were
sent to go to Jung-yang, led by the Grand Commandant,[125]
Kuan Ying.
In the spring, the first month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou,
eclipse of the sun.[129] In the summer, the fifth month,
on [the day] ting-mao, there was an eclipse of the sun
and it was total.[132] In the autumn, the eighth month,
on [the day] mou-yin, the Emperor died in the Wei-yang
Palace. In the ninth month, on [the day]
hsin-ch'ou, he was buried at the An Tomb.
In eulogy we say:[135]
[Emperor] Hsiao-hui, in his
state, he honored his Ruling Chancellors. He loved
[King] Tao-[hui] of Ch'i, [Liu Fei2], and [King] Yin
of Chao, [Liu Ju-yi], most dearly.[137] His kindness
and his sense of respect were both deep indeed.
When he heard the admonition of Shu-sun T'ung,
he was greatly dismayed.[138] When he accepted the
was glad at heart.[140] He may be called a [most] generous
and kindly ruler. He happened [upon a time
when the state was ruled by] the Empress Dowager
virtue.[142] It was sad indeed.
The SC includes the events of this emperor's reign in its chapter devoted to the
Empress Lü, whereas the HS pursues the more logical course of giving each emperor
a separate chapter. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768), referring to this difference, says of the
HS, "In rectitude and in [its] principles it is most correct."
This date was June 23, 195 B.C., 22 days after his predecessor's death, the same
day as that on which his predecessor was buried.
At the accession of an emperor, favors were generously bestowed. This was not
the first time, as Shen Ch'in-han thought, that aristocratic ranks were given to the
common people, for they had previously been bestowed in 206 B.C. Cf. 1A: 30b.
These ranks were probably awarded to the heads of families. In 262 B.C., when
Chao Shêng received his territory, according to the Chan-kuo Ts`e (iii cent. B.C.),
section on Chao, chap. 21, he granted to all the officials an increase of three steps in
rank and to the common people who could gather together, to each family he granted
six catties of gold. (But SC 43: 35a, in repeating this story, tells that he granted
to the officials and people three steps in rank and to the officials and people who were
able to maintain peace among themselves six catties of gold. Cf. Mh V, 118.) Kao-tsu
had given to all his soldiers at least the fifth rank (cf. 1B: 5a). The first rank
was Official Patrician [OMITTED], cf. Mh II, 528, 1°; Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang,
p. 62.
Very possibly the edict went on to award proportionate
advancements in rank for other periods of service. At this
time, according to this edict, 10,000 cash is counted as worth
less than one step in rank, whereas in 18 B.C. a step in rank
could be purchased for 1000 cash. Cf. HS 10: 10a.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says that these eunuchs [OMITTED]
were hun-szu [OMITTED], door-keepers and eunuchs. The Chou-li
(Biot. trans. I, 150-153) tells that the hun-jen [OMITTED] were doorkeepers
and the szu-jen were eunuchs in charge of the imperial
women. Cf. 19A: 16b, 17a.
In view of the high dignity of these two officials and of the
fact that they served in the inner apartments, Su Yü (fl. 1913)
suggests that the words, "Gentlemen-of-the-Palace, lang-chung"
should be interchanged and we should read, "Gentlemen-of-theHousehold,
chung-lang."
Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) and Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265)
say that [OMITTED] means to open up the earth for a tomb.
The Official ed. (1739) emends shang [OMITTED] to t'u [OMITTED]; but
Chang Chao (d. 1745) says that the Academy ed. (1124) and
Sung Ch'i's ed. (xi or xii cent.) read shang. He says that Fu
Ch'ien's and Ju Shun's comments show that the text originally
read t'u. Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) however argues that
probably at that time there was a current expression using shang.
Mr. Cheng (fl. dur. 265-317) says that [OMITTED] means
[OMITTED]. Cf. p. 111, n. 3. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) remarks,
"This speaks of . . . the equivalent of gold. In later [passages],
whenever it says huang-chin [OMITTED], [it means] actual gold.
When it does not say huang, it means cash. HS ch. 24 says
that a catty of actual gold was worth 10,000 cash." Then a
gift of huang-chin means actual gold, whereas a gift of chin
means so many times 10,000 cash. Yen Shih-ku (581-645)
agrees with the foregoing interpretation, but Liu Pin (10221088)
says, "I say that whenever any book says so much chin,
one chin is 10,000 cash; when there is [made] a grant of so
many catties of chin, it is entirely of [actual] gold." We have
adopted the earlier interpretation.
Teng Chan (fl. ca. 208) writes, "In the beginning, the Han
dynasty taxed [at the rate of] one-fifteenth [cf. 24A: 9b], less
than the Chou [dynasty's] tax of one-tenth; in the mean time
[the land tax] had been abolished, now it was revived."
The shackles [OMITTED] were boards which held together the hands and feet of prisoners.
Ju Shun says, "[OMITTED] means that they should be treated leniently and should be
merely made to live in the residences of Division Heads and not enter the goal."
Shen Ch'in-han however says, "This `honorable detention' is the T'ang [dynastic]
Code's [OMITTED], it does not mean that they do not have to go to prison." According
to 23: 19b, in 145 B. C., Emperor Ching ordered that people over the eightieth and
under the eighth year of age, together with pregnant women, blind musicians, and
dwarfs, who must be held for criminal examination, should also be given "honorable
detention." In 97 A. D. Emperor Ho established a special office for the criminal
examination of Lieutenant Chancellors and high ministers. In a note to 23: 19b,
Yen Shih-ku interprets "honorable detention" as "without the boards that hold
together [a criminal's] hands and his feet [OMITTED]."
Superior Accomplished [OMITTED] was the second rank in the honorary hierarchy,
next to the lowest; the fifteenth rank (from the bottom) was called the Somewhat
Superior Accomplished [OMITTED] and the sixteenth the Greatly Superior Accomplished
[OMITTED]; Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) thinks the sixteenth rank is meant here; Yen
Shih-ku (581-645) thinks the second rank is meant.
Chang Yen says that [OMITTED] are descendants of marquises or kings of the imperial
house. [OMITTED] is pronounced, according to Yen Shih-ku, jen1-sun, the first word being
pronounced jen2 [OMITTED]. Chin Shao (fl. 275) says that it is the great-grandson of the greatgreat-grandson,
i.e., the eighth generation of descent (counting the person from whom
descent is counted as the first generation). In HS 12: 10a, however, Liu Yin is said
to have been made King of Liang because he was a jen1-sun of a great-great-grandson
of King Hsiao of Liang whereas 14: 12a and 47: 11a both say he was a great-grandson of
a great-great-grandson of King Hsiao. HS 12:2b speaks of the appointment of Emperor
Hsüan's jen1-sun and 99 A: 19b says plainly that they were his great-grandsons.
The ancestry of Liu Hsin in 15 A: 5a confirms this statement. Yen Shih-ku says
that in every instance the HS means great-grandson by jen-sun. The term is also
used in HS 94 A: 32b. According to the Erh-ya (written before Han times, added to
in Han times), the jen2-sun is however the eighth generation in descent. Yen Shih-ku
thinks that because the pronunciation of these two words jen is similar, the two phrases
jen-sun mean the same. But others disagree. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says that jen1-sun
is the sixth generation. Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) says it was the fourth generation.
The five "mutilating punishments" were: tatooing on the face, amputation of the
nose, amputation of the feet, castration, and capital punishment.
The punishment of [building] the fortifications or [patrolling from] the break of day
[OMITTED] consisted, according to Ying Shao, in "rising early in the morning and patrolling
or building the fortifications. . . . It was a four year punishment." Cf. Chavannes,
Documents chinois decouverts, p. 63.
According to Ying Shao, "Females were not employed in outside work, but were
made to pound [OMITTED] [the husks off of] rice. It was a four year punishment." Cf.
Chavannes, ibid.
For the punishment of shaving the whiskers, cf. p. 118, n. 1.
Ying Shao tells that the punishment of "spiritual firewood" [OMITTED] consisted in
"gathering firewood for the ancestral temple. . . . It was a three year punishment."
Ying Shao also says, "Sitting and selecting rice to make it pure white [for use in
offerings at the ancestral temple] is [preparing] pure rice [OMITTED]. It is a three
year punishment." Evidently it was for women, just as "spiritual firewood" was for
men.
The Han-chiu-yi, written by Wei Hung (fl. 25-57) B: 9b contains the following: "All
who have committed crimes, if male, have their heads shaved, wear an iron collar,
and are made to [work on] the fortifications in the morning—to [work on] the fortifications
or [patrol] from the break of day is to build the fortifications. Females are
made to pound—to pound is to prepare [unhulled] rice; both serve for five years;
those who are not mutilated [serve] four years. [Cutting] firewood for the spirits is
for three years. Of those who [are sentenced to cut] firewood for the spirits, the
males cut down the firewood and twigs on the mountains for the sacrifices to the
spirits and divinities; the females who are [sentenced] to [make] pure rice, pick over
the rice for the sacrifices; both serve for three years. When the punishment is to
work as a robber guard, the robber guard, if male, stands on guard; if female, she works.
As a robber guard, both serve for two years. Males are [also] made to serve in frontier
garrisons at hard labor and females are made to do labor in the official buildings; both
serve for one year."
Mutilating punishments (cf. above) all involved some bodily mutilation; the aged
and children were not to be punished thus. Cheng Chung (ca. 5 B.C. to A.D. 83) in a
note on the Chou-li 35: 33a, Autumn, Chang-lu, says, "Not to be mutilated [OMITTED] says
nevertheless that they should be held and work for three years, [but] not to have
their bodies damaged." The Han-chi (ii cent.) misunderstands the text and says they
should "escape" punishment. Stein found in the desert tablets indicating that certain
persons were sentenced to forced labor and escaped mutilation. Cf. Chavannes, Documents
chinois, p. 63.
Yen Shih-ku says "The [OMITTED] are, besides father, mother, and wives, [those persons]
like older and younger brothers, together with the older and younger brothers'
children."
According to HS 5: 6a, only in 148 B.C. was the title of Chief Commandant
used for the previous Commandery Commandant. In the SC, Chief Commandant is
found used of a Ch'in dynasty high military official as early as 207 B.C. (cf. Mh II,
273), and it is used in the HS under the date of 167 B.C. (cf. 4: 15a) as well as here.
Possibly these early uses are anachronisms. Cf. Mh II, 524, xxv. More probably
Chief Commandant was the title of an army officer lower than a General and higher
than a Colonel, as well as being the title of a regular official in the commandery
hierarchy.
Previously the vassal kings had been ordered to establish temples to Kao-tsu's
father (1B: 15b). Now the Han dynasty was attempting to unify the empire by
giving it a common religion. The commanderies and kingdoms likewise established
temples for the other emperors of the dynasty; we hear of a temple to the Emperor
Wen in Lin-chiang; cf. 5: 6a.
Years are counted from the first New Year's day after the emperor takes his
throne. The remainder of the preceding year is counted as still belonging to his predecessor.
Cf. 9: n. 1.1.
He was poisoned by his step-mother. The HS relegates this story to the "Memoir
of the Imperial Relatives by Marriage," 97 A: 4a, and is here content to chronicle the
bare fact of his death. Cf. Mh II, 409 f. The HS does not seem to have any fixed
practise about referring to persons by their names or by their posthumous titles,
sometimes using one and sometimes the other. In this translation, a posthumous name
(such as Yin) will be preceded by the title of the person's rank (such as King); a
personal name (such as Ju-yi) will be preceded by the person's surname.
Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) argues that this sentence should be preceded by the
word ling [OMITTED], just as in the similar passage in 1B: 12a. For the meaning of ling,
cf. 8: n. 11.2. Yen Shih-ku's comment contains this word, showing that it was in his
text. The T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983), "Feng-chien," section 1, quotes this imperial
order but without the ling. The old ed. (prob. Sung period) of the Pei-t'ang Shu-ts'ao
(ca. 618), "Feng-chio," last section, quotes this order with the ling, although Ch'en
Yü-mo's ed. (1600) deletes it.
Ying Shao writes, "Each step cost 2000 cash, [so that capital punishment could
be ransomed by paying] altogether 60,000 cash, like the present ransoming of crime
by paying 30 bolts of fine close-woven silk." Possibly this value for noble ranks
was only for the purpose of ransoming crime, for in the previous year a single step
was worth more than 10,000 cash. Cf. p. 174, n. 1; also 10: n. 10. 2. Or else Ying
Shao is guessing. This order does not allow the actual purchase of aristocratic ranks,
but merely the commutation of capital punishment for a large money payment.
Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) says, "The Han [dynasty] made its capital at Ch'ang-an.
Altho Hsiao Ho had built the palaces and halls there, there had not yet been leisure
to build a city wall. Emperor [Hui] began building it, and it was only finished in his
fifth year [190 B.C.]." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) says, "At first the northeast
quarter of the wall was built." It is interesting that the edict allowing the building
of city walls was issued in 202 B.C. (cf. 1B: 7b), but the city wall of the capital
was not begun until 194 B.C. HS 16: 62a says that the Privy Treasurer Yang-ch'eng
Yen built the Ch'ang-lo and Wei-yang palaces and the Ch'ang-an city wall.
She was the step-sister of King Tao-hui, and was older than he. The Empress
Dowager Lü had tried to poison her step-son, King Tao-hui. His Prefect of the Capital
had advised him to placate her by presenting some territory and this title to her
daughter, the Princess Yüan. Since a Dowager practically controls her son, King
Tao-hui was thus putting himself and his property largely under the control of the
Empress Dowager Lü's daughter as well as flattering her. According to 32: 9a, b, "In
187 B.C., the Dowager Queen Yüan of Lu died and the sixth year after the Marquis of
Hsüan-p'ing, [Chang] Ao, [her husband], also died. The Empress Dowager [nee] Lü
made the son of [Chang] Ao, [Chang] Yen, the King of Lu, [instead of merely making
him a marquis], because his mother had been a Dowager Queen [of Ch'i]."
The account of these intrigues is given in the SC (cf. Mh II, 411) and in HS 38: 1b,
hence the HS does not feel it necessary to do more here than merely mention its
administrative result. According to later Chinese conceptions, it was quite improper
for a king to make his half-sister his Queen Dowager, for that meant he was treating
her as his mother, whereas she was of the same generation as he. Emperor Hsiao-hui
was married by his mother to the daughter of his own full sister (cf. 2: 5a), which
is also improper, according to those conceptions, for this girl was also of a different
generation (cf. Mh II, 413, n. 1). But in ancient times, while a man normally married
only girls of the same generation as himself, it was the custom among the highest
classes of the nobility to marry also one niece, who was the daughter of one's oldest
maternal first cousin, and hence was of the generation following that of her husband.
Cf. Granet, Chinese Civilization, p. 339. The rule of generations was regularly disregarded
in the Han period; Emperors Hsüan and Ch'eng both married cousins of a
different generation than they, so that King Tao-hui's appointment of his older half-sister
as his mother may have also been in accord with the conceptions of his time,
altho it was out of accord with conceptions current later.
The text writes [OMITTED]; Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) says the words should be
interchanged, to read as they are written in the Han-chi (ii cent.). HS 27 Ca: 16a
writes, "There were two dragons seen at Lan-ling, in the T'ing-tung hamlet, in the
[family] well of Wan Ling."
Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) remarks, "The distances of the
vassal kingdoms [from the capital] were different, hence beforehand
in the sixth month, these [people] were mobilized, causing
each [group] to arrive at the [appointed] time. The building
of the city wall was done in the spring, the first month, as
previously."
The text uses [OMITTED]. The Shuo-wen (ca. 100) defines it as
[OMITTED], "a fire [started by] Heaven." HS 27A: 6b writes, "A fire
[started by] human agencies is called a fire; a fire [started by]
natural [or spiritual] means is called a visitation. [OMITTED],
[OMITTED]." Fires, floods, droughts, and sickness are now all
called visitations [OMITTED]. Etymologically this word means "fire."
The San-fu Huang-t'u (iii to vi cent.) says, "The stables at
the capital were the places where the emperor's carriages and
horses [were kept]."
He had been enfeoffed by Kao-tsu; now that Kao-tsu was
dead, he renewed his allegiance to the new emperor. He revolted
soon after the death of Hsiao-hui. Cf. 95: 10a, b.
Hsiao-hui was then in his twentieth year. Capping was a ceremony performed
when a youth came of age. Wang Ming-sheng (1722-1797) notes that in 141 B.C. the
boy who became Emperor Wu was capped in his 16th year; in 77 B.C. Emperor Chao
was capped in his 18th year; HS 11: 1b records that Emperor Ai was capped in
his 17th year; according to 12: 10a Emperor P'ing died in his 14th year and was capped
when being dressed for burial. Wang Ming-sheng adds, "In ancient times emperors
and nobles were all capped in their 12th year. After they had been capped they begot
children. At the beginning of the Han [period] the classics were lost and incomplete,
and there was no plain passage about the rites for the capping of the Son of Heaven,
hence [that ceremony] had no definite time." However, after the classics were recovered,
the Han emperors seem to have been just as irregular as formerly in performing
this ceremony. Probably in Han times there was no definite age for capping the heirs
apparent.
The criminal law now abrogated was the famous decree of the Ch'in First Emperor
which ordered that anyone concealing books should be executed together with his three
sets of relatives.
This date is Aug. 10, 191 B.C., but 27 A: 10b, in narrating this event, dates it in
the tenth month, which is impossible because there was no yi-hai day in that month;
the Han-chi (ii cent.) puts it in the third month.
HS 27: Bb 1a says that laxity is punished by an unseasonably long warm spell
at which time there may be plant anomalies.
HS 27 Ba: 23b says that the water in the Yangtze and Yellow rivers was low
and the gorges and valleys were dry.
There was no chi-ch'ou day in that month. There was such a day in the 8th
month of the preceding year and in the 7th and 9th months of the same year. His
biographies in SC ch. 54 and HS ch. 39 do not date his death. HS 39: 12b says,
"[Ts'ao] Ts'an was Chancellor of State to the third year and died." Hsiao Ho, the previous
Chancellor of State, died in Hsiao-hui's second year (2: 4b), whereupon Ts'ao
Ts'an was installed; three years later would be the fifth year; so that the year is corroborated.
SC 22: 5a (Mh III, 189) notes the death of Ts'ao Ts'an in the 8th month
on the day yi-ch'ou, which would give a date possible in the 8th month, viz. Sept.
24, 190 B.C. Chavannes (T'oung Pao, vol. 7, p. 525) approves this reading. The error
of transcription involved in writing [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] is quite likely.
There was no hsin-ch'ou day in that month; SC 22: 5a (Mh III, 189) notes this
death in the seventh month of the sixth year, the hsin-ch'ou day of which was Aug.
25, 189 B.C. I find no evidence that this was anything but a natural death. His son
succeeded him; the Empress Dowager after his death merely took away some of his
territory.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) writes, "The Kuo-yü (iii cent. B.C.) [says], `The King
of Yüeh, Kou-chien, ordered that if in his state a girl was in her seventeenth year and
unmarried, her parents had committed a crime, for he wished that his people would
multiply abundantly.' According to the Han Code, each person paid one poll-tax—a
poll-tax was 120 cash; only merchants with male or female slaves [paid] two poll-taxes.
Now they were caused [to pay] five [times] the poll-tax, it was a punishment
for crime." Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) however says, "A poll-tax is 127 [cash]." Liu
Pin (1022-1088) remarks, "I say that `girls [being taxed] five [times] the poll-tax'
does not however [imply] that they were punished all at once with this [amount].
From 15 to 30 there are five stages [of five years each]. Each stage added one poll-tax."
The amount of the poll-tax in the above statements, about 120 cash, seems to have
been the amount to which this tax was stabilized at the close of the Former Han and
during the Later Han period; S. Kato, "A Study on the Suan-fu, the Poll-tax of the
Han Dynasty," in Mem. of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, No. 1 (1926),
51-68, comes to the conclusion that this poll-tax was 190 cash under Emperor Wu; the
evidence that it was 40 cash under Emperor Wen is not of the best.
The death of a mere noble is not usually mentioned in the Imperial Annals. But
Fan K'uai's wife was the younger sister of the Empress Dowager, and he belonged to
her faction, that of the Lü family. Hence his death was a piece of good fortune for
the Liu family.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Chariots are usually those who have been sentenced
to military service and take arms, like the present frontier garrison chariots [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. Cavalry are usually horses which have been kept,
together with the persons [who have kept them], who have been ordered to be sent
[away] and sentenced to cavalry service, like the present horses for war and their [former]
owners who care for them. [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]."
According to ch. 19 and his biography, he did not secure this title until the time
of Emperor Wen.
According to Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831), the Hsi-Ching Tsa-chi (prob. vi cent.)
says, "In the seventh year of Emperor Hui, in the summer, it thundered and there
was an earthquake. Several thousand of the great trees on the Southern Mountains
[near the capital] were all on fire, but [the fire] did not reach below them; on several
tens of mou of land the grass was all scorched and yellow. More than a hundred
days afterwards, people went there and got one set of dragon bones and two sets of
alligator bones [fossils?]."
Emperor Hui was in his twenty-third year when he died and he was buried 23 days
after his death.
These two boys were his half-brothers. He tried to protect the second by always
keeping him with himself; the Empress Dowager had to wait to kill Ju-yi until Hsiao-hui
was out shooting and Ju-yi was sleeping alone. When the Empress Dowager tried
to poison Liu Fei by giving him two cups of poison at a feast, Hsiao-hui took one
cup; the Empress Dowager upset it and thus revealed her plan. These stories are told
in the SC and in HS 97A: 4a; 38: 1b. Cf. Mh II, 409 ff.
HS 43: 17a, b, 18a says, "When they were building the double passageways [which
seem to have been elevated roofed passageways, cf. p. 113, n. 2] just south of the arsenal
[which was near the Wei-yang Palace], as [Shu-sun] T'ung was reporting to [the Emperor]
on business, he took the opportunity to ask for a word in private and said,
`Why does your Majesty yourself build this double passageway? The robes and hat
of Emperor Kao-[tsu, which are preserved in] the funerary chamber [at his tomb], are
carried monthly [in procession] to the Temple of Kao-[tsu]. Why should his descendants
climb up and travel above the [sacred] road of the ancestral temple?' Emperor Hui
was dismayed and replied, `I shall quickly destroy it.' [But Shu-sun] T'ung said,
`The lord of men can manifest no faults. Now it is already made and the people all
know about it. I hope that your Majesty will make the Second Temple [OMITTED] north
of the Wei [River, by the tomb of Kao-tsu], and that [Kao-tsu's]
robes and hat will be carried monthly [in procession] to it,
thus increasing and broadening the fundamental [conception]
of filial piety [underlying] the ancestral temple.' Then the
Emperor promulgated an imperial edict that the [high] officials
should erect the Second Temple." The point was that a
gallery of the "double passageways" (q. v. in Glossary) was
carried above the sacred road.
When the famous Chancellor of State, Hsiao Ho, died,
he recommended Ts'ao Ts'an as his successor, even though there
had been jealousy between the two. HS 39: 11b ff. says,
"When [Ts'ao] Ts'an took the place of [Hsiao] Ho as Chancellor
of State, in all matters there was no change or alteration; he
entirely followed the agreements and regulations of [Hsiao] Ho."
But he gave himself to drinking day and night. When anyone
would come to talk with him, he would give them to drink
before they could get started, and give them more drink whenever
they showed any signs of re-opening the subject, so that
they went away drunk without having had a chance to speak.
His subordinates in the office behind his residence likewise fell
to drinking and singing and shouting daily. Someone invited
him to visit this office, but when he visited it, he too took
wine, sat down, and drank, singing and shouting louder than
they! He shielded those who had committed small crimes, so
that there was no business done in his office. Emperor Hui
was much younger than Ts'ao Ts'an, so when he wondered at
his Chancellor's behavior, he sent Ts'ao Ts'an's son to remonstrate
with him. But Ts'ao Ts'an became angry and had his
son beaten 200 stripes for doing so. "When the time came [for
him to go] to court, [the Emperor] reproved [Ts'ao] Ts'an, saying,
`What sort of treatment have you given [your son], K'u?
Formerly I sent him to remonstrate with you, sir.' [Ts'ao]
Ts'an doffed his hat, begged [the Emperor's] pardon, and said,
`When your Majesty yourself considers the deeds of the Sage
Hero [Kao-tsu], how do you compare with Emperor Kao-[tsu]?'
Emperor [Hsiao-hui] replied, `But how would We dare to hope
[to compare Ourself with] the late Emperor?' [Ts'ao] Ts'an
said, `When your Majesty considers me, [Ts'ao] Ts'an, which
[of us] is the more capable, I or Hsiao Ho?' The Emperor
replied, `You, sir, do not appear to be his equal.' [Ts'ao] Ts'an
replied, `What your Majesty says is right. [Since] moreover
Emperor Kao-[tsu] and Hsiao Ho have subjugated the world
and the laws and ordinances have all been made plain, is it not
right that your Majesty [sits] with unruffled garments and with
folded hands while I, [Ts'ao] Ts'an, and my colleagues [merely]
guard our charges, following in the way [of Kao-tsu and Hsiao
Ho, taking care that we] make no slips?' Emperor Hui replied,
`Good. You, sir, need not say anything more about it.' "
Ts'ao Ts'an was a devotee of Lao-tzu's doctrine that the best
government is the one that governs least (cf. Tao-te-ching,
ch. 60, 80); he tried to give the people a relief from the overexacting
government that characterized the Ch`in dynasty with
its numerous laws and the period of Kao-tsu with its continual
wars.
The historian is thinking of the murder of the Emperor's
beloved half-brother, Liu Ju-yi, and the terrible revenge wreaked
upon Ju-yi's mother, the Lady née Ch'i, by the Dowager Empress
née Lü. When the Emperor's mother called him to see his
mutilated step-mother, he did not recognize her; when he was
informed who she was, he wept abundantly and became ill for
more than a year (possibly he had a "nervous breakdown"),
and sent people to say to his mother, the Empress Dowager,
"This is an inhuman deed. I am your son, [but, because of
you] I am not able to rule the empire [rightly]." Then he gave
himself up to drinking and debauchery and did not pay any
attention to government. Cf. Mh II, 410. This story is told
in 97A: 4b; it was perhaps the worst deed of the Empress
Dowager.
CHAPTER II
Appendix
THE ECLIPSES DURING THE REIGN OF EMPEROR HUI
i. During these seven years, two eclipses were recorded. In the
seventh year, the first month, on the day hsin-ch'ou, the first day of the
month, the first of these eclipses is recorded (2: 6a). This date corresponds
to Feb. 21, 188 B.C. HS 27 Cb: 13a adds, "It was 13 degrees
in [the constellation] Wei1"' whose stars were then in R.A. 299°-305°.
The Han-chi (5: 14b) gives the cyclical day as hsin-yu, which was not
the first day of that month. There was no eclipse on that date, for
Oppolzer lists none.
Of the 22 eclipses in the 10 years since the last previously recorded
eclipse in 198 B.C. and the 4 months before the next eclipse, only 4 were
visible in China.[1]
In this period five umbral eclipses were visible or
seemingly visible in China: (1) no. 2404, on July 26, 197 B.C., 12 days
before a hsin-ch'ou day, sun in long. 118.8°, visible in north China;
(2) no. 2408, on June 6, 195 B.C., 52 days before such a day, sun in
long. 70.4°; (3) no. 2410, on May 26, 194 B.C., 2 days after such a day,
sun in long. 60.3°; (4) no. 2417, on Sept. 29, 192 B.C., 41 days before
such a day, sun in long. 182.1° = 181.9° R.A.; (5), no. 2420, on Mar. 14,
190 B.C.; the magnitude of this eclipse was calculated and it was found
invisible in China, visible only in western and central Siberia.
The fourth umbral eclipse, that of Sept. 29, 192 B.C., was very likely
the one referred to in the text. This eclipse was not recorded in the SC,
which was Pan Ku's chief source, so that he must have copied it from
some list of eclipses. If that list was partly illegible, it is natural that
Pan Ku or an editor of the list of eclipses might have misplaced this
eclipse, especially as two eclipses coming close together might be understood
to predict the Emperor's death. Thus this eclipse was put about
one eclipse season before the next eclipse. Then the hsin-ch'ou [OMITTED] of
the text is an error for hsin-yu [OMITTED] (a quite natural mistake), and Hoang's
reading in the HS Annals, for the Han-chi today has that reading,
although hsin-yu was not the first day of the month in which the eclipse
is dated. HS 27 Cb: 16a says that this eclipse was on the same month
and day as that of Feb. 15, 2 B.C., so that ch. 27 certainly read hsin-ch'ou.
Conflation of the day in the Annals with that in ch. 27 probably
came later. If we adopt this assumption, the eclipse happened in
the third year, the ninth month, the first day. The location of the
eclipse in the heavens is however greatly in error.
ii. In the seventh year, the fifth month, on the day ting-mao, a second
eclipse, which is said in the "Annals" to have been total, is recorded
(2: 6a). This date was July 17, 188 B.C., on which Oppolzer calculates
his solar eclipse no. 2425. He charts the path of totality as passing
through Ning-hsia, northern Shensi, a little north of K'ai-feng, and the
present Shanghai. Calculation shows that at Ch'ang-an the eclipse
reached a magnitude of 0.92 (sun's diameter = 1.00), at 3:12 p.m., local
time. Hence the statement of the text in the "Annals" that the eclipse
was total must have been taken from reports of places outside the capital.
HS ch. 27 however says it was "almost total."
HS 27 Cb: 13a adds that the eclipse was "in the beginning of [the
constellation], the Seven Stars," whose stars τ2 and α Hydrae were then
in 114.6° and 114.8° R.A. respectively. The longitude calculated for
the sun is 110.1° = 111.8° R.A.
HS ch. 27 dates the eclipse on the day before the last day of the
month. Hoang's calendar dates it on the last day of the month, whereas
Chavannes' calendar (T'oung pao, VII, p. 25, cf. also p. 520) is a day
in error in the other direction.
Besides those whose location Oppolzer charts, the following 3 partial eclipses were
invisible because they belong to initial (i.) or terminal (t.) runs in an exeligmos series
whose nearest umbral eclipse was located near the south pole: no. 2412 (t.); no. 2415 (i.);
and no. 2422 (i.). In addition four partial eclipses were visible in the northern hemisphere,
three of which were calculated and found invisible in the China of that date:
no. 2405, no. 2413, and no. 2423. The other partial eclipse, no. 2414, on Oct. 9,
193 B. C. (24 days after a hsin-ch'ou day) was just invisible in Ch'ang-an, but visible
at points north and west at sunset.
THE BOOK OF THE [FORMER] HAN [DYNASTY]
Chapter III
THE THIRD [IMPERIAL ANNALS]
The Annals of the Empress of Kao-[Tsu]
The Empress née Lü of [Emperor] Kao-[tsu] gave
the empire. Her father and two older
brothers[2] were enfeoffed by Kao-tsu as marquises.
When Emperor Hui took the throne, he honored the
Empress [née] Lü by making her Empress Dowager.
The Empress Dowager had made the daughter of
the Emperor [Hui's] older sister, the Princess Yüan
of Lu, the Empress, [but] she had no issue. [So the
Empress Dowager] took the son of a Beauty from the
[imperial] harem, pronounced him [the son of the
Empress] and made him Heir-apparent.[3]
When
Emperor Hui died, the Heir-apparent was made
Emperor.[4]
He was young, [hence] the Empress
she issued] the [imperial] decrees.[7] A general amnesty
[was granted] to the world. Moreover she
established [some] sons of her older brothers, Lü
T'ai, [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu, and [Lü] T'ai's son, [Lü]
T'ung, four persons [in all], as kings. She enfeoffed
six persons of the Lü [clan] as marquises.[8] An
account is in the "Memoir of the Relatives [of the
Imperial House] by Marriage."
In the first year, in the spring, the first month, an
imperial edict said, "At a previous time Emperor
Hsiao-hui said that he wanted to abolish the punishment
of [death together with] the three [sets of]
ing,[16] [but] his deliberations had not yet been concluded
when he died. Now We abolish these [punishments]."
In the second month she granted noble
ranks to the common people, one step to each household.
For the first time there were established
Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and [Diligent]
Cultivators of the Soil—[each official ranking as]
two thousand piculs [recommended] one [such]
person [for appointment].[18] In the summer, the
fifth month, on [the day] ping-shen, in the palace of
the King of Chao, there was a visitation [of fire] in
the Ts'ung-t'ai.[20]
[The Empress Dowager] appointed some sons of
[Emperor] Hsiao-hui by [women of] his harem: [Lü]
Ch'iang as King of Huai-yang, [Lü] Pu-yi as King of
[Lü] Ch'ao as Marquis of Chih, and [Lü] Wu as
and plum [trees] blossomed.
In the second year,[27] an imperial edict said, "The
Emperor Kao-[tsu] reformed and ordered the
world.[28] All those who distinguished themselves received
a share of its territory and were made marquises.
All the people [are enjoying] great peace;
not one but has received of his bountiful virtue.
We have been thinking and reflecting [on this
matter]. If, down to the distant future, their merits
and names have not been made manifest, there will
be nothing to honor their great conceptions and exhibit
them [for the benefit of] later generations.
Now [We] wish to classify and rank the merits of the
in the court and preserve them in the Temple of Kao[tsu]
from generation to generation without end, so
that their heirs may each inherit their merits and
positions. Let [this matter] be discussed with the
marquises, settled, and memorialized [to Us]."
[The reply was,] "The Lieutenant Chancellor your
Marquis of Chiang your subject [Chou] P'o, the
Marquis of Ch'ü-chou your subject [Li] Shang, the
Marquis of Ying-yin your subject [Kuan] Ying, the
the Marquis of An-kuo your subject [Wang] Ling,
[I have] carefully discussed [this matter].[32] The
marquises have been fortunate [enough] to obtain
grants of money for food and to have been appointed
to [the income of] towns.[33] Your Majesty is increas-your
favors to them by fixing their positions in the
beg that [this record] be stored in the Temple of
Kao-[tsu]." The memorial was allowed.
In the spring, the first month, on ]the day] yi-mao,
there was an earthquake in Ch'iang-tao. In
the Wu-tu [Commandery][38] a mountain fell down.
In the summer, in the sixth month, on the [day]
ping-hsü, the last day of the month, there was an
eclipse of the sun.[39] In the autumn, the seventh
month, the King of Heng-shan, [Lü] Pu-yi, died.[41]
The "eight shu" cash were put into circulation.[42]
In the third year, in the summer, the Yangtze
River [and the Han River][45] overflowed, carrying
people. In the autumn, a star appeared in daytime.[49]
In the fourth year, in the summer, the Young
Empress, and emitted some resentful words, [so] the
Empress Dowager shut him up in the Yung-hsiang.[53]
The imperial edict said,[54] "Whoever possesses the
world and rules all its people covers them like
Heaven and supports them like Earth. When the
superior has a joyous heart in employing his subjects,
the subjects rejoice in serving their superior; when
the joy and the rejoicing meet each other, the world
is in peace and good order. Now the Emperor has
been ill for a long time and has not recovered; consequently
[his mind] is lost and wandering, [and he
has become] demented and confused; he is not able
to succeed as an heir [to his ancestors], to perform
[his duty] in the ancestral temples, nor to continue
its sacrifices. He is not able to be entrusted with
his place."
The ministers all said, "The plans the Empress
Dowager [has made] for the world whereby to
maintain the [dynasty's] ancestral temples and the
[dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains are very
profound. We knock our heads on the ground [in
respect] as we accept [your Majesty's] edict."[57]
In
Dowager] made the King of Heng-shan, [Lü]
Hung, the Emperor.[59]
In the fifth year, in the spring, the King of
Nan-yüeh, Commandant [Chao] T'o, called himself
Emperor Wu of Nan-[yüeh].[63] In the autumn,
the eighth month, the King of Huai-nan, [Lü]
Ch'iang, died. In the ninth month, [the Empress
Dowager] sent cavalry from the Ho-tung and the
Shang-tang [Commanderies] to garrison the Pei-ti
[Commandery].
In the sixth year, in the spring, a star was visible
in daytime. In the summer, the fourth month, an
amnesty was granted to the world and [the Empress
Dowager] ranked the prefect of Ch'ang2-ling
was built [around] Ch'ang2-ling. The Huns pillaged
Ti-tao and attacked O-yang. The "five fen" cash
were put into circulation.[73]
In the seventh year, in the winter, the twelfth
than two thousand people. In the spring, the first
month, on [the day] ting-ch'ou, the King of Chao,
[Liu] Yu, died from being imprisoned in the princes'
lodgings at the capital,[78] and on [the day] chi-ch'ou,
the last day of the month, there was an eclipse and
it was total.
[The Empress Dowager] made the King of Liang,
Lü Ch'an, the Chancellor of State, and the King of
Chao, [Lü] Lu, the First [Ranking] General. She
established the Marquis of Ying-ling, Liu Tse, as the
King of Lang-ya.
In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day]
hsin-wei, an imperial edict said, "Lady Chao-ling
Marquis, [Liu Po], and Lady Hsüan were the
Emperor Kao-[tsu's] older brother and older sister.
[to their stations]. Let it be discussed [what] titles
[they should be] honored [with." The reply was,]
"The Lieutenant Chancellor, your subject, [Ch'en]
P'ing, and others beg that you honor the Lady Chao-ling
with the title, the Empress Chao-ling, the Wu-ai
Marquis with the title King Wu-ai, and Lady Hsüan
with the title Queen Chao-ai."
In the sixth month, the King of Chao, [Liu] K'uei,
committed suicide.[85] In the autumn, the ninth
month, the King of Yen, [Liu] Chien, died.[87] [The
state of] Nan-yüeh invaded and pillaged the [kingdom
of] Ch'ang-sha. [The Empress Dowager] sent
the Marquis of Lung-lu, [Chou] Tsao, with troops,
to attack [the invaders].
In the eighth year, in the spring, the Palace Internuncio
Chang Shih-ch'ing was appointed a marquis.
The officials in the eunuch's offices in the [palace]
inner [courts] who were chiefs or assistants were all
granted the rank of Kuan-nei Marquis with [the
income of] estates, and in the summer, the Yangtze
and Han Rivers overflowed, carrying away more
than ten thousand families.[92]
In the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day]
hsin-szu,[96] the Empress Dowager died at the Wei-yang
Palace. By her testamentary edict she granted
to each of the vassal kings [the equivalent of] a
thousand [catties of] gold, to the generals, the
chancellors, the marquises, and those of lower [rank],
down to the Gentlemen and the officials, to each
proportionately. A general amnesty was granted to
the world.
The First [Ranking] General, [Lü] Lu, and the
Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, had sole command
of the troops and controlled the government.[98]
They
themselves knew [that they were acting] contrary
to the covenant [made by] of Emperor Kao[tsu
and his associates],[99]
and were fearful that they
would be executed by the great officials and the vassal
the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, the son
of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei2],[102] was at the
capital. Because the daughter of [Lü] Lu was his
wife, he knew of their plot, so sent people to inform
his older brother, the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang],
and induce him to mobilize his troops and come
westwards.[103] [Liu] Chang, with the Grand Commandant,
[Chou] P'o, and the Lieutenant Chancellor,
[Ch'en] P'ing, intended to cooperate from within
[the capital] to execute the Lü [clan]. The King
of Ch'i thereupon mobilized his troops and also
tricked the King of Lang-ya, [Liu] Tse, into mobilizing
the troops of his kingdom; [the King of Ch'i]
united the [troops of Lang-ya with his own troops]
and led them westwards.[105] [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu
with troops, to attack him. When [Kuan] Ying
reached Jung-yang, he sent people to inform the King
of Ch'i that he was going to ally himself with him,
waiting until the Lü clan made a move, and then
they would all together execute them.
The Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o, together
with the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, plotted,
making use [of the fact that Li] Chi, the son of
the Marquis of Ch'ü-chou, Li Shang, was on good
terms with [Lü] Lu, and sent people who kidnapped
[Li] Shang and ordered [Li] Chi to speak falsely
to [Lü] Lu, saying, "Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the
Empress [née] Lü together subjugated the world.
The establishing of the nine kings from the Liu clan
and of the three kings from the Lü clan was a
matter all [done as a result of] deliberation by the
great officials; when announcement and information
[was made] to the vassal kings, the vassal kings considered
it suitable.[108]
Now the Empress Dowager
is dead, and the Emperor is young. If your honor
as a feudatory, but remain here as First [Ranking]
General directing your troops, you will be suspected
by the great officials and the nobles. Why do you
not quickly return your general's seal, turn over your
troops to the Grand Commandant, ask the King of
State's seal, make a solemn oath with the great officials,
and then go to your kingdoms? [Then] the
troops of Ch'i will certainly be disbanded, the great
officials will be at rest, your honor will sleep soundly,
and you will rule as king over [a region of] a thousand
li. This [act] would be a benefit for ten
thousand generations."
[Lü] Lu agreed to his plan and sent people to
inform [Lü] Ch'an together with the elders of the Lü
[clan]. Some thought it disadvantageous. While
they deliberated and hesitated and had not resolved
upon anything, [Lü] Lu, who had confidence in [Li]
Chi, went out on a trip[112]
together with him, and
passed by [the house of] his paternal aunt, Lü Hsü.
[Lü] Hsü became angry and said, "You have been
made a general, yet you abandon your army. The
she took out all her pearls, jade, and precious objects,
and scattered them around below the [main] hall,
saying, "I will not keep them for others [to enjoy]."
In the eighth month, on [the day] keng-shen,[115]
the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao] Cho, who was
visited the Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, concerning
the [yearly] accounts. The Chief of the
Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Chia Shou, had come from
Ch'i, [to which he had been sent as] an envoy, and
took advantage [of the opportunity] to reprove [Lü]
Ch'an, saying, "You, King, have not quickly gone
to your kingdom; now even though you should
want to go, would it be still possible?" [Then] he
described and told [Lü] Ch'an all about Kuan Ying
uniting as an accomplice with [the kingdoms of] Ch'i
and Ch'u.[119] When the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao]
Cho, heard his speech, he galloped[120] [off] and informed
the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing,
and the Grand Commandant, Chou P'o.
[Chou] P'o wanted to enter [the camp of] the
Northern Army, but was not permitted to enter.
The Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, Chi T'ung-[chia], was
Master of the Credentials, so [Chou P'o] ordered
fraudulently admit[122] [Chou] P'o to the Northern
Army. [Chou] P'o next ordered Li Chi and the
"The Emperor has sent the Grand Commandant to
take charge of the Northern Army. He intends to
order your honor to go to your state. Hasten to return
your general's seal, resign,[125] and leave. If you do
not do so, misfortune will immediately come of it."
[Lü] Lu thereupon took off his seal,[126] confided it to
the Director of Guests, and thus handed his troops
over to the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o.
[Chou] P'o entered the gate of the Army's [encampment]
and issued his orders in the Army, saying,
"Those who are for the Lü clan bare the right
[arm]; those who are for the Liu clan bare the
left [arm]." In the Army [the soldiers] all bared
their left [arms].[127]
Thereupon [Chou] P'o took
control of the Northern Army.
However there was still the Southern Army.[128]
moned the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, to
assist [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o ordered [Liu] Chang
to superintend the gates of the army's [encampment]
and ordered the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho],
to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards
not to admit[132] the Chancellor of State [Lü] Ch'an
at the gate of the [Front] Hall.[133] [Lü] Ch'an did
not know that [Lü] Lu had already given up the
Northern Army, [so] entered the Wei-yang Palace,
intending to create a sedition, [but the guards at]
As he walked back and forth irresolutely, the Marquis
of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho], galloped [off] and told
the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o
still feared that [his party] would not be victorious,
[so] dared not yet make a public announcement[136] to
execute him, but spoke to the Marquis of Chu-hsü,
[Liu] Chang, saying, "Hasten into the Palace to
guard the Emperor." [Liu] Chang asked [Chou]
P'o for a thousand soldiers, and entered the Wei-yang
Palace by a side gate. He met [Lü] Ch'an
in the court. It was late afternoon.[137] Thereupon
he attacked [Lü] Ch'an, and [Lü] Ch'an fled.
[There came] a great wind from Heaven and his
retinue became panic-stricken, [so that] none of
them dared to fight, [with the result that Liu Chang]
pursued [Lü] Ch'an and killed him in the privy of
the official's house connected with the office of the
Gentlemen-of-the-Palace.[138]
When [Liu] Chang had killed [Lü] Ch'an, the
Emperor ordered an Internuncio, bearing a credential,
to congratulate [Liu] Chang.[139]
[Liu] Chang
Internuncio was unwilling [to part with it]. Then
[Liu] Chang went with him in his carriage. By
using his credential [as] a passport [allowing him entrance],
he galloped [to the Ch`ang-lo Palace] and
beheaded the Commandant of the [Palace] Guard at
the Chang-lo [Palace], Lü Keng-shih. He returned,
entered the Northern Army, and reported back to
the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o
arose, bowed to [Liu] Chang in congratulation, and
said, "The only one I was worried about was [Lü]
Ch'an. Now that he has been executed the empire
has been made stable [again]."
On [the day] hsin-yu,[143]
they killed[144]
Lü Lu and
detachments, they arrested all the Lü clan, male and
female, without [making any distinction of] youth
or age, and beheaded them all. The great officials
and chancellors planned together secretly; because
they considered that the Young Emperor and the
kings his three younger brothers[146] were all [in reality]
officials and chancellors] together executed them
and honored and established Emperor Wen [upon
the throne]. An account [of all the foregoing]
is in the "Memoir of Chou P'o" and the "[Memoir
of] the Five Kings [who were Sons of] Kao-[tsu]."
In eulogy we say: During the times of [Emperor]
Hsiao-hui and the Empress of Kao-[tsu], the world
had succeeded in putting behind it the sufferings
[during the period of] Contending States. Both
ruler and subjects sought for effortlessness.[151]
Hence
although Emperor Hui folded his hands[152]
and the
Empress of Kao-[tsu], a female lord, assumed the
rule and governed without going out of the doors
to her apartments, yet the world was quiet, [mutilating]
punishments and [other] penalties were seldom
used, the people were busy in sowing and harvesting,
and clothing and food multiplied and were abundant.
Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Her father was the old
gentleman Lü, the Marquis of Lin-szu; her brothers were [Lü]
Tse, the Marquis of Chou-lü, and [Lü] Shih-chih, the Chien-ch'eng
Marquis." For names of persons, places, and official
titles, cf. Glossary.
Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says," [OMITTED] [means] to name him
as a son born to the Empress."
HS 27 A: 10b says, "The Empress had no issue, [but] a
Beauty in the [imperial] harem had a male [child]. The Empress
Dowager had the Empress name him [as her son] and
killed his mother. After Emperor Hui had died and his heir had
been established [as Emperor, he spoke] some resentful words,
[so] the Empress Dowager dismissed him [cf. 3: 3b], and replaced
him, establishing a scion of the Lü family, [Lü] Hung,
as the Young Emperor." The similar phrasing used in recounting
the killing of a son and his mother, a concubine, which
happened after King Ling of Yen died (cf. 38: 3b), proves that
the first Young Emperor was the son of Emperor Hui.
In other cases, the day of an emperor's accession is given.
Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) thinks that the reason that date is not given here is because
the Empress Dowager's actions were tantamount to herself ascending the throne, and
because the child did not himself rule, but was soon after degraded and imprisoned.
Ever since, when an Empress has assumed the Emperor's power, her act has been
called by this phrase, so that it has become an idiom. The SC says at this point, "In
the first year all the proclamations and decrees emanated from the Empress Dowager."
Yen Shih-ku says, "The words of the Son of Heaven are called (1) `decrees [OMITTED]'
and (2) `edicts [OMITTED].' `Decrees' means that they are commands for decreeing and
regulating [OMITTED]. [These] were not what an Empress Dowager is permitted
to pronounce. Now the Empress Dowager [née] Lü appeared in court and performed
the duties of the Son of Heaven, making decisions about the many [affairs of the governmental]
mechanism, hence she styled [her orders imperial] decrees and edicts."
An empress could issue edicts, but the issuing of decrees was the sole prerogative of
the Emperor. Cf. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 593, for a quotation from the Han Chih-tu
(by Hu Kuang, 91-172) enumerating the four kinds of imperial orders. Cf. Mh II, 126,
n. 2; 99 A: 4a.
These four appointments were not all made at the same time. Lü T'ai was
enfeoffed as King in 186, Lü Ch'an in 182, Lü Lu and Lü Tung in 180. According
to SC ch. 9 (Mh II, 417), in the first year the Empress Dowager appointed Lü P'ing
as Marquis of Fu-liu and Lü Chung, the son of Lü Shih-chih, as the Marquis of P'ei;
in the fourth year (Mh II, 418), she appointed Lü T'a as Marquis of Yü (cf. 16: 65a),
Lü Keng-shih, her nephew, as Marquis of T'eng, and Lü Fen, another nephew, as
Marquis of Lü-ch'eng; in the eighth year (Mh II, 425), she appointed Lü Chuang, a
younger son of Lü T'ai, as Marquis of T'ung-p'ing—these are the six marquises
referred to. In addition there were other marquisates in her family: Lü Lu became
Marquis of Hu-ling, later succeeding Lü Shih-chih as Chien-ch'eng Marquis; in 184, Lü
Hsü, the younger sister of the Dowager Empress, was ennobled as the Marquis of Lin-kuang.
The HS evidently did not count women in the enumeration of the six marquises.
This law was probably directed against lese-majesty and libellious complaint
against the government, such as charging it with tyranny or talk that would start a
rebellion. This crime was again abolished in 178 B.C. Cf. 4: 10b. Yen Shih-ku
says, "Outrageously erroneous talk [OMITTED] is considered `monstrous talking.' "
In 78 B.C. Kuei Hung interpreted some omens as implying that a commoner, descended
from some ancient prince, would take the throne. Hence he advised the Han dynasty
to resign and search for a sage. Ho Kuang, who controlled the government, had Kuei
Hung executed for "falsely bringing forward monstrous talk, treason, and inhuman conduct."
Cf. 75: 1b, 2a.
Yen Shih-ku says, "She specially appointed as officials [some] Filially Pious,
Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivators of the Fields, and honored them [with
an official] rank, wishing thereby to encourage the world, ordering that each one
should perfect his conduct and devote himself to the fundamental, [agriculture]."
Ch'ien Ta-chao points out that those ranking as two thousand piculs were Administrators
of commanderies and Chancellors of kingdoms, and says that this passage
means that each of these officials were to recommend one person, and that it is impossible
that the position of Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivator
of the Soil should be ranked as two thousand piculs. The Filially Pious and the
Fraternally Respectful are distinguished in 4: 14b.
In 27 A: 10b Liu Hsiang says that this fire occurred because King Yu of Chao, Liu
Yu, was to be slandered and imprisoned to death. Cf. 3: 4b.
HS ch. 13: 19b notes that Ch'iang was made King of Huai-yang on June 6, 187
B.C. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The Han commentator [gives] his name as
Chang [OMITTED]." Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) tells that HS ch. 18 says, "All were sons of
the Lü family and were made marquises because they were sons of Hsiao-hui," but this
statement is not in the present text of that chapter. [Lü] Ch'iang was furthermore
never a marquis, but was directly made a king. Possibly this latter saying is displaced,
and should be after the last of these supposed sons.
HS 13: 21a says of the two of these five who are recorded in the date 180 B.C.,
"Because he was not [the Emperor Hui's] son he was killed." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
(1084) thinks that all of these five were not really sons of Hsiao-hui because
they are not mentioned in HS ch. 14, where are listed the vassals of the Liu surname,
but are only mentioned in ch. 13, in which are listed vassals of other surnames
and in ch. 18, in which are listed nobles related by marriage to the royal family. SC 9:
10b (Mh II, 432) says of two of these five: "Who had been pronounced the younger
brothers of the Young Emperor" (who was a natural son of Hsiao-hui). HS 13: 19b
says of Ch'iang and Pu-yi, "The Empress of Kao-[tsu] falsely set him up as a son of
[Emperor] Hsiao-hui."
The HS thus clearly implies that these five children were not really sons of Hsiao-hui.
It records their appointment in the terms in which that appointment was made, but
indicates their true descent by listing them in the appropriate tables, and by the
statement on 3: 8a.
HS 18: 4b also lists another supposed son of the Emperor Hsiao-hui by the name
of [Lü] T'ai [OMITTED], who was made Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing [OMITTED], and who in 181 became
King of Lü [OMITTED]. Cf. 13: 20b; SC 17: 12a. SC 9:10 groups him with the other
spurious sons, so that he too was a scion of the Lü family. Cf. p. 209, n. 3.
Following the mention of the year, the present text reads, "in the spring," but the
next date is also "in the spring, the first month" (3a); since the chapter proceeds
chronologically, this word "spring" should be "winter," according to Su Yü (xx cent.).
HS 16: 2a recounts this matter, dating it merely "in the second year of the Empress
of Kao-[tsu]." We have deleted "spring," following ch. 16.
According to 16: 1b, Kao-tsu had fixed the relative ranking of 18 marquises, including
Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an; now the Empress Dowager ordered the relative
ranking of the others. She was probably planning to win adherents and strengthen
her clique thereby. These ranks are recorded in ch. 16. Ch'en P'ing was ranked
by this committee as number 47; the other three had previously been ranked as numbers
4, 6, and 9 respectively in order of court precedence. Thus a committee of marquises
who had previously been ranked among the first, together with the Lieutenant
Chancellor, did the ranking.
Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "The nobles at the four seasons all get grants of
money for food." Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "Food [OMITTED] is the towns [from
the income of which] they live. In the meantime [this phrase] was changed to be
called `poll-tax money [OMITTED],' [cf. p. 184, n. 1], like the present chief officials' salary [OMITTED],
which they themselves report as wine-money [OMITTED]. It is the land tax [OMITTED] [perhaps
this last phrase should be, "the (marquises') poll-tax"]. Yen Shih-ku says, "Foodmoney
[OMITTED] is grants of money for cooking and food [OMITTED] was
originally [OMITTED] `live [from the income] of towns' " Wei Chao (197-273/4) interprets
differently: "Cooked food [OMITTED] is called [OMITTED]; wine and meat dishes are called [OMITTED];
grain and rice [OMITTED] are called [OMITTED]. The [marquises'] poll-tax and their [official]
salary really constitute their income; at the four seasons they obtain [imperial grants
at intervals—this is their food money." Shen Ch'in-han (1778-1831) adds, "In the
T'ang [period], each [high] official, in addition to his monthly salary, had money for
food and fodder. [This practise] probably began with the Han [period]."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that "[OMITTED] March" is superfluous and should be omitted;
the former Han dynasty had only a Wu-tu Commandery and Hsien; the later Han
dynasty first had a Wu-tu March.
The SC at this point adds the statement, "His younger brother, the Marquis of
Hsiang-ch'eng, [Lü] Shan [cf. Glossary, sub voce], was made King of Ch'ang-shan and
his given name was changed to Yi." Cf. Mh II, 418. Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi
says the same. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) thinks that the above sentence has dropped
out of the text of the HS at this point.
Ying Shao says, "Originally the Ch'in [dynasty] cash were in substance like the
cash of the Chou [dynasty]. Their inscription was `Half ounce,' and their weight was
the same as the inscription. [These were] the `eight shu' cash. [But a shu is 1/24
of an ounce, (cf. 4: app. I), so that 8 shu is only one-third of an ounce.] Because they
were too heavy, the Han [dynasty] changed and coined the `leaf' [OMITTED] cash. Today
among the people, the `elm leaf' [OMITTED] cash are those. The people suffered because
they were too light. [So] at this time there were again put into circulation the `eight
shu' cash." The HS however mentions the `leaf' cash later. Cf. 3: 4b and p. 199, n. 2.
According to the Ku-chin-chu, attributed to Ts'ui Pao and probably written about 300,
"The `leaf' cash weigh three shu." But HS 24B: 3b says of cash, "Moreover each
at different times may be lighter or heavier; they are not the same [in weight]," so
that uniformity had not been secured in coinage. Yeh Tê-hui (d. 1927) says that of
the Ch'in dynasty `half-ounce' cash that have been preserved, the lightest weigh 15/100
of a tael and the heaviest 20/100 of a tael; the `eight shu' cash would then correspond
to the lightest Ch'in cash. Cf. p. 111, n. 3; p. 280.
The words [OMITTED], "the Han River," have dropped out of the present text. Ch'ien
Ta-chao reports that they are in the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien
ed. (1549), and that the Han-chi reads, "The Yangtze River and the Han River overflowed."
Chou Shou-ch'ang (1818-1884) reports that Ho Ch'uo collated a small character Sung text (prob. 1178) and says that after "Yangtze River" it had "the
Han River." HS 27A: 21b says, "In the third year of the Empress of Kao-tsu, in
the summer, in the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies there was high water. The
rivers overflowed, carrying away more than 4000 families." Corresponding to the
statement on 3: 5a that in the summer of the eighth year the Yangtze and Han
Rivers overflowed, 27A: 21b says, "The rivers again overflowed." Hence the earlier
passage should mention the Han as well as the Yangtze River. Wang Hsien-ch'ien
reports that the Wang ed. (1546) and the Official ed. (1739) have "the Han River" at
this point.
This "star" might have been a nova, a comet, or the planet Venus, which is sometimes
visible in daytime.
The SC at this point and HS 97A: 5a tell that the Empress Dowager's granddaughter,
the Empress, had had no children, so she simulated pregnancy. A child of a
concubine was passed off as her son, then the child's mother was killed—this child
then was made the Heir-apparent and became the Young Emperor. When he grew
up he said, "How could the Empress Dowager kill my mother and name me [as her
son]? I am not yet grown; when I am grown I will do what I will do." The Empress
Dowager heard of it and imprisoned him until he died. Cf. Mh II, 418 ff.
The SC quotes this edict (with a few verbal changes) as a speech of the Empress
Dowager. Cf. Mh II, 419.
The Empress Dowager had dismissed the last heir of the Emperor Hui; they tell
her they do not know what to do.
HS 27A: 21b adds that in the autumn of this year there was high water in the
Yellow River basin.
This act constituted a rebellion against the dynasty. Chao T'o was commonly
known as "[OMITTED] Commandant T'o," even after he had become king and emperor.
The SC uses this name as the title of his biography.
The use of a title name, like Wu, by a ruler while he was living was contrary to the
usual Chinese practise, although many ancient kings used a title while living. According
to the SC, before Chao T'o was enfeoffed by Kao-tsu, he had called himself
"King Wu of Nan-yüeh." Now he usurped the Emperor's title and called himself
"Emperor Wu of Nan-yüeh." Wei Chao (197-273/4) understands the text in this
sense. Then the word "Yüeh" has dropped out of the text at this point. The Han-chi
and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) both have that word. It has been suggested
however that he changed the name of his kingdom from Nan-yüeh to Nan-wu, since
there is mentioned a Chih, the Marquis of Nan-wu (cf. 1B: 21b), but there is no
evidence to support this conjecture. An emperor would hardly change the name of
his state to that borne by an unimportant marquisate.
The tomb of Kao-tsu was at Ch'ang-ling; its magistrate
was raised to rank with Commandery Administrators. Thus
Kao-tsu was honored.
A fen [OMITTED] is one tenth of an inch, so that this name would
imply that they were one-half inch (0.45 Eng. meas.) in diameter.
Ying Shao says that these were the `leaf' cash (cf.
p. 196, n. 4). Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that some other texts
write shu for fen, which is an error, for the five-shu cash were
not minted until the time of the Emperor Wu. Ch'ien Ta-chao
notes that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien
ed. (1549) read thus.
He was the sixth son of Kao-tsu. He had married a lady
of the Lü family, but loved a concubine. His wife slandered
him to the Empress Dowager, accusing him of having said that
he would attack that family after the death of the Empress
Dowager. She sent for him and starved him to death in his
lodgings, then buried him as a commoner. Cf. Glossary sub
Liu Yu.
He was the fifth son of Kao-tsu. He had been married to a grand-niece of the Empress
Dowager; his wife surrounded herself with her people, spying upon him so that
he could not do what he liked. His queen poisoned the concubine whom he loved,
and so, in sorrow for her, he committed suicide. The Empress Dowager thereupon
punished him by taking his title from his descendants, so that his ghost could not
receive princely worship. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu K'uei.
Liu Chien was the eighth son of Kao-tsu. He had one son, by a concubine;
after his death the Empress Dowager sent men to kill this son, then disestablished his
kingdom. The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien date this death in the 9th month;
the Han-chi wrongly dates it in the 8th month.
By this time, of the eight sons of Kao-tsu, only two were alive: Heng, who later
became the Emperor Hsiao-wen, and Ch'ang, King of Huai-nan. Three had died
seemingly natural deaths, one was poisoned by the Empress Dowager, one had been
starved to death by her, and one was driven by her grandniece to commit suicide.
Princess Yüan of Lu, Kao-tsu's daughter and oldest child, had also died.
HS 27A: 21b says, "In the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies the rivers again
ran out [of their banks], carrying away more than 6000 families; in the Nan-yang [Commandery]
the Mien River [a tributary of the Han] carried away more than ten
thousand families." Evidently the population was much denser in Shensi than along
the banks of the Yangtse River, or else events in the Yangtze valley received little
notice from the court historians.
Aug. 18, 180 B.C., which P. Hoang makes the first day of the 8th month;
Chavannes (Mh II, 426 & n. 3; T'oung Pao 7: 26) puts an intercalary month in the
7th year instead of in the 8th year, as Hoang does, and dates this death on the last
day of the 6th month, making it July 21. We have followed P. Hoang, for his calendar
(which in this month seems to be one day in error) requires a smaller number of
emendations in the text of the histories.
The SC states that while the Empress Dowager was out of the palace she was bit
in the side by something that appeared to be like a blue dog and suddenly disappeared.
When it was divined about, the diviner's reply was, "It was the King of Chao, [Liu]
Ju-yi, [whom she had murdered], become an evil spirit." She fell sick of her wound
and died of it four months later. Cf. Mh II, 425; HS 27 Ba: 27b.
According to the SC and HS 97A: 5a, the Empress Dowager, before her death, had
feared a revolution, and so ordered these two nephews to be made First Ranking General
and Chancellor of State, respectively, and to reside in the Northern and Southern
Armies to guard the capital for her family. Cf. Mh II, 426.
According to the SC, Kao-tsu had made his generals and associates swear an oath
made with the most solemn ceremony—a white horse was sacrificed and its blood
smeared on the lips of those who took the oath—to the effect that all the empire
should unite to combat those who were kings and did not belong to the Liu (the imperial)
family. Cf. Mh II, 414. The Empress Dowager, by naming kings from members of
her own family, that of Lü, had compelled the breaking of this oath.
The SC (Mh II, 429) tells that the King of Ch'i's Chancellor opposed the King.
(The Chancellors were appointed by the emperor to watch the vassal kings.) On
Sept. 12 the King tried to have his Chancellor assassinated; the Chancellor raised his
troops and tried to take the King captive, but the King then killed the Chancellor.
The "trick" is expounded in SC 52: 3a, b, which reads, "He sent forth all the
troops of his state and sent Chu Wu east to trick the King of Lang-ya [Liu Tse], by
saying, `The Lü clan is rebelling and the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang], is mobilizing his
troops, wishing to go west and execute [the Lü clan]. The King of Ch'i considers
that his son is young in years, and inexperienced in warlike matters, [so] prefers to entrust
his kingdom to you, great King. You, great King, were yourself a general of Emperor
Kao-[tsu] and are experienced in warlike matters. The King of Ch'i dares
not leave his troops, [so] he sends me, your servant, to beg you, great King, to
favor him by coming to Lin-tzu [his capital] to visit the King of Ch'i, plan matters,
and lead the troops of Ch'i together with yours westwards to subjugate the rebellion
in Kuan-chung.' The King of Lang-ya believed him, thought [his suggestion] right,
and galloped west to see the King of Ch'i. The King of Ch'i with Wei P'o and
others thereupon detained the King of Lang-ya and sent Chu Wu to mobilize all
[the troops] of the kingdom of Lang-ya; then [the King of Ch'i] united [them with his
own troops and] led its troops [together with his own].
"When the King of Lang-ya, Liu Tse, saw that he had been deceived and could not
return to his kingdom, he said to the King of Ch'i, `King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [your father],
was the oldest son of the Emperor Kao-[tsu]; by rights then you, great King, are the
heir and the first grandson of Emperor Kao-[tsu]. You ought to be seated [on the
throne]. Now the great officials are hesitating in their discussions [concerning the
succession] and have not yet reached a decision, while I, Tse, am the oldest of the Liu
family. The great officials will of course wait for me, Tse, before coming to a decision
in their deliberations. Now you, great King, are detaining me, your servant, uselessly.
It would be better to send me through the Pass to deliberate on this matter.' The
King of Ch'i thought he was right, so prepared for him the necessities and chariots
and sent off the King of Lang-ya. When the King of Lang-ya had gone, [the kingdom
of] Ch'i thereupon set in motion its troops, went westwards, and attacked the Chi-nan
[Commandery] of the kingdom of Lü."
I.e., the government was not an absolute monarchy; the emperor acts only with
the approval of his important subordinates.
The SC says that they went hunting; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
follows it, while the Han-chi follows the HS.
There was no keng-shen day in the eighth month; the Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, by Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1036), 1: 5b,
says that the text should read, "the ninth month," for although
SC 9: 11a (Mh II, 434) also reads "the eighth month keng-shen,"
yet previously (Mh II, 429) it reads "the eighth month
ping-wu," and the days keng-shen and ping-wu cannot be in
the same month here. Then this date is Sept. 26, 180 B.C.
Chavannes reached the same Julian date (Mh II, 434), but by
emending the previous date, not this one. The SC says in
addition that it happened "in the morning." It also gives the
impression that Ts'ao Cho overheard part of a conversation not
intended for his ears.
According to 19B: 5b, Ts'ao Cho became Grandee Secretary
in 184 B.C. and was dismissed in 180 B.C. In that year
an edict commanded the Lieutenant Chancellor of Huai-nan,
Chang Ts'ang, to take his place; probably at this time Ts'ao
Cho was merely acting for his successor who had been appointed,
but had not yet taken up his duties. HS 42: 4b says that he
was dismissed after the killing of the Lü clan, which Wang
Hsien-ch'ien thinks is an erroneous statement, because at the
time of Liu Heng's arrival in the capital on Nov. 14, Chang
Ts'ang is already mentioned as Grandee Secretary (cf. 4: 3a).
Reading [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], as in the passages on p. 7b, at the
suggestion of Ch'ien Ta-chao.
The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) reads [OMITTED] for the
present [OMITTED] and omits the words for "general".
Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes, "According to ch. 23, [at] the capital there
were the encampments of the Southern and Northern Armies. Although the Southern
and Northern Armies of Han [times] were called two comparable armies, really the
Southern Army was not the equal of the Northern Army. Emperor Kao-[tsu] sent
forth 30,000 troops of the Palace Military Commander. When Wang Wen-shu was
Palace Military Commander, he begged permission to replace the soldiers who had
been lost, and secured several tens of thousands of men. The roster of the Northern
Army then must be said to have been large. But when Kai K'uan-jao was Major of
the Guard, the soldiers of the guard [the patrol inside the capital, cf. 19 A: 22b; 77:
1a] numbered not more than several thousand men. Hence the military policy of
the Han [dynasty] always stressed the Northern Army. When Chou P'o had once
entered the Northern Army, Lü Ch'an and his confederates could only fold their hands
and meet death. When the Heir-apparent Li [of Emperor Wu] did not secure help
from the Northern Army, he was finally defeated by the Lieutenant Chancellor's
troops. [Cf. Glossary sub Liu Chü]. The general nature of the power of the two
armies can thus be seen."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) adds, "Hu [San-hsing, 1230-1287], in his comment
on the [Tzu-chih] T'ung-chien, [says that] according to Pan [Ku's] Table [19A: 22b]
the Colonel of the Capital Encampment [cf. Mh II, 521, XVIII, 1°] takes charge of
[everything] inside the gates of the encampment of the Northern Army. There was
also a Palace Military Commander who took charge of patrolling the capital. His
subordinates were [the Colonel] of the Capital Encampment, the Pretors of the
Waters, and others, both chiefs and assistants. At the time of the Later Han [dynasty],
there were first established the Palace Captains at the Northern Army, having charge
of the five encampments. The commentator Liu [Chao, (fl. dur. 502-556), in a note
to HHS, Tr. 27: 7b] says that formerly there was the Colonel of the Capital Encampment
commanding affairs within the encampment of the Northern Army. After
the Revival [23-25], the [Colonel of] the Capital Encampment was abolished, [but]
there were however established Palace Captains to superintend the five encampments.
[Each palace had its encampment]. In addition, according to Pan [K'u's]
Table [19 A: 23a], after [the discussion of the Colonel of] the Capital Encampment
there [are mentioned] eight Colonels, all of whom were first established by the Emperor
Wu. According to my notion, before [the time of] the Emperor Wu, the Northern
Army was under the Palace Military Commander, hence he commanded the Chief of
the Capital Encampment, his assistants and other officers.
"The Southern Army was probably governed by the Commandant of the [Palace]
Guards [cf. Glossary sub voce]. According to Pan [Ku's] Table, the Commandant of
the [Palace] Guards had charge of the soldiers encamped as a guard to the palace
gates. When Chou P'o had entered the Northern Army, `there was still the Southern
Army.' So he first sent Ts'ao Cho to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards
not to admit Lü Ch'an at the gate of the [Front] Hall [in the Wei-yang Palace], and
afterwards sent the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang], to pursue [Lü] Ch'an and kill
him in the official's privy of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace's quarters in the Wei-yang
Palace. According to this [account], we know that the Southern Army was under the
Commandant of the [Palace] Guards."
This Front Hall was the hall of audience in the Wei-yang Palace; the imperial
apartments were there.
The SC writes [OMITTED]; the HS reads the first word as [OMITTED],
which Wei Chao (197-273/4) and Teng Chan (fl. ca. 208) interpret
as [OMITTED]. Cf. Mh II, 436, n. 1.
The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. (prob. xi or xii
cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) omit [OMITTED]. The fact that
the sun was declining was probably taken as an approval by
Heaven of this destruction.
Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) says that according to 19 A: 8a
the Chief of the Gentleman-at-the-Palace controlled the gates
and doors to the Palace in general and the Hall, hence his office
was inside the Palace. HS 50: 5b speaks of a "chief in the office
[OMITTED] of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace," which Wang Hsien-ch'ien
thinks was this place. The Han dynasty's palace as a whole
was called a [OMITTED]; within it was the Front Hall [OMITTED], the Forbidden
Apartments [OMITTED], the Tung-ko [OMITTED] (p. 132, n. 2), the
Harem [OMITTED], etc.
The day after the one in which the preceding events, including
the murder of Lü Ch'an, happened. According to
p. 204 n. 2, this was Sept. 27, 180 B.C.
This was the second "Young Emperor"; the first one was
Hsiao-hui's natural child and had been imprisoned to death by
the Empress Dowager in 184 B.C.; the second Young Emperor
was Lü Hung. His three supposed younger brothers were (1) the
Marquis of Chih, Lü Chao, who had succeeded Lü Heng as
King of Heng-shan, (2) the Marquis of Hu-kuan, Lü Wu, who
had become the King of Huai-yang, and (3) the Marquis of
Chang-p'ing, Lü T'ai, who had become King of Lü. (The SC [cf.
Mh II, 441] speaks of the King of Liang, but Liang is a mistake
for Lü. At that time the King of Liang had been Lü Ch'an.)
The name of the place, Lü, was changed to Chi-ch'uan [OMITTED],
so that Lü T'ai is also called the King of Chi-ch'uan.
Possibly alluding to Ts'ao Ts'an's phrase, "Your Majesty
sits with unruffled garments and folded hands." Cf. p. 186 n.
1, ad fin. Much of this eulogy is taken from the corresponding
passage in SCHC 9:37f; cf. Mh II, 442.
CHAPTER III
Appendix
THE ECLIPSES DURING THE REIGN OF THE EMPRESS OF
KAO-TSU
i. Two eclipses are recorded during this period of eight years. In the
second year, the sixth month, on the day ping-hsü, the last day of the
month, a solar eclipse is recorded (3: 3a). The Han-chi (6: 2a) notes
this eclipse in the sixth month without giving any day. The date in
the HS corresponds to July 26, 186 B.C., but there was no eclipse at
that time.
In the seven years from the last total eclipse in the reign of Emperor
Hui, in 188 B.C., to the next total eclipse of 181 B.C., 15 eclipses occurred,
of which only one was visible in China.[1]
This umbral eclipse is Oppolzer's
number 2434, on May 6, 184 B.C., 15 days before a ping-hsü day;
calculation of its circumstances shows that it merely reached a magnitude
of 0.08 in the present Soochow at 8:48 a.m., local time, a magnitude
of 0.05 at the present Changsha at 8:08 a.m., and was invisible in
northern China, including Ch'ang-an.
The explanation of this eclipse recording is not easy. It is possible
that the eclipse of 184 B.C. was observed at Wu (present Soochow) or
Lin-hsiang (present Changsha). But at both of those places the eclipse
was little more than a mere contact. At Wu it began at 8:12 and ended
at 9:04, lasting 48 minutes; at Lin-hsiang it lasted from 7:48 to 8:16,
only 28 minutes. It was unobservable except by special means, such
as watching the reflection of the sun in water or in a mirror in order to
reduce its glare. A patient astronomer who knew that the eclipse was
expected or some farmer accidentally seeing the sun reflected in a flooded
rice-field might have seen the eclipse. The Administrator of the Commandery
might have then considered it important and have reported
might have been mistaken for ping-hsü. The whole procedure however
involves so many hardly probable events that it seems better to
reject this eclipse as unobservable.
Then how did this listing of an eclipse come to be made? It is not
found in the SC; the SC likewise does not record the total eclipse of
188 B.C., which the HS has recorded correctly. It is possible that some
eclipse outside of this period of seven years was mistaken for this one;
if so, the order of the listed eclipses has somehow been disarranged.
Thus it might have been the eclipse of Sept. 29, 192 B.C.; indeed, if
that is the case, we can say that all the eclipses from 194 to 175 B.C.
were recorded. There is however no other reason for adopting this date.
The juxtaposition of this eclipse in the "Annals" with an earthquake,
the death of a pretended child of Emperor Hui, Pu-yi, a flood, and a
star seen in daytime (3: 3a, b) make it look as though someone thought
that an eclipse was due because of the Empress Dowager's actions, and
inserted it into the annals Pan Ku was using to supplement the SC.
The latter does not have any of these five calamities, although it elsewhere
records the death (with a different month) in its "Tables" (17: 8b).
If this listing is an insertion, I do not think that we can blame it upon
Pan Ku; the great exactness of the HS's list of eclipses in the latter
half of Former Han times and his rejection of the eclipse listed in 157
B.C. just before the death of Emperor Wen (cf. ch. 4: App. III, vi),
shows that Pan Ku did not unwarrantly insert eclipses into his History.
Possibly some particularly bold government official manufactured this
eclipse to express his dislike of the Empress Dowager's rule and reported
it. If so, his deed, if detected, would have brought him capital punishment;
during the reign of Emperor P'ing, Kung-sun Hung was accused
of having falsely reported a lesser calamity—that a fire had damaged
government buildings—and was imprisoned and executed (cf. 100A: 5b).
The report of a calamitous visitation was felt as a reflection upon the
government, and was dangerous. Since at that time there was much
criticism of the Empress Dowager's actions, some official might however
have ventured to memorialize an eclipse. At that time the Han officials
did not lack bravery. The foregoing seems the best explanation of this
eclipse.
ii. In the seventh year, the first month, on the day chi-ch'ou, the last
day of the month, a total eclipse is recorded (3: 4b). HS 27 Cb: 13b
adds, "It was 9 degrees in [the constellation] Ying-shih [whose stars
were then in 319.3° and 320.2° R.A.], [which constellation] is [taken
to represent] the interior of the Palace chambers. At that time the
The next year it was fulfilled," when the Empress Dowager died in the
next year. It was indeed dramatic that the only solar eclipse total in
Ch'ang-an for centuries should have come just before the death of the
Empress Dowager.
Hoang's calendar gives this date as March 4th, 181 B.C., for which
Oppolzer lists his solar eclipse no. 2441. Computation of this eclipse
shows that it was total in Ch'ang-an at 2:52 p.m., local time,
although Oppolzer and Ginzel calculate the umbral path as passing
through central China. The SC 9: 7b says, "In daytime it became
dark." The sun was in longitude 340.7° = 342.3° R.A.
Besides those whose location Oppolzer gives, the following 4 partial eclipses were
invisible in China because they belong to initial or terminal runs of exeligmos series whose
nearest umbral eclipse was located near the south pole: no. 2430 (i.), no. 2431 (t.), no.
2439 (i.), and no. 2440 (t.). In addition, 4 partial eclipses were visible in the northern
hemisphere, but calculation shows that all were invisible in China: no. 2428, on Dec. 31,
187 B.C. was far outside of Chinese territory. No. 2429, on May 28, 186 B.C. was
invisible south of 60° lat. No. 2437, on Oct. 19, 183 B.C. was visible only as far east as
European Russia and western Siberia. No. 2438, on Mar. 15, 182 B.C., was located
far outside of Chinese territory.
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