University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER II

Thomas Jefferson—Ambitious Young Man and
Statesman

Thomas Jefferson was born April 13, 1743, on the family
estate, Shadwell, Albemarle County, Virginia, four miles
east of Charlottesville. To-day an unpretentious station of
that name, on the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, marks the
plantation's original southern boundary, while on the near-by
rising hill northward a few straggling locust and sycamore
trees, planted by him on his twenty-first birthday, remain as
the only visible reminder of the historic frame mansion destroyed
by fire in 1770. His father, Peter Jefferson, who
owned and resided here from early manhood until death
(1757), cultivating so much of his nineteen hundred acres as
practical with thirty slaves, was possibly the most prominent
man of Albemarle in that day—standing high with his government,
his people, and the surrounding Indians. He was
large in body and strong in mind, possessing sound judgment,
a substantial and inspiring personality, and an education acquired
by self-effort through extensive reading and an eagerness
for general knowledge—a fine mathematician, a skilled
surveyor, following it, as did Washington, with remarkable
credit and success. He occupied a number of honorable and
important positions—Justice of the Peace, State and County
Surveyor, Colonel of the County, executor of large estates,
Church vestryman, member of the House of Burgesses, etc.—
while an early death deprived him of much assured distinction.
His estate joined another of local interest, Edgehill, owned and

occupied by William Randolph, with whom for years he enjoyed
the closest friendship, and finally a relationship by
marrying a brother's daughter, Jane Randolph. The fruition
of this union was ten children—six girls and four boys; of
the latter, three died quite young, while the eldest, Thomas,
alone survived to bring fame to the name. The father sympathized
with struggling humanity, espoused the popular side,
took pride in plain dress and appearance, and was solicitous
about his characteristics and theories being impressed upon
his son, whom he also had taught the darings of sport—to
ride a fleet horse, fire a gun, and brave a swollen stream in
pursuit of deer or turkey. He was a firm believer in education,
considering it a far better legacy than monetary inheritance,
desired his son, Thomas, to have the best, and previous
to death had begun to shape that by placing him when five
years old at an English school in Tuckahoe, and when nine
at the Latin school of Mr. Douglas, a Scottish clergyman,
where he studied Latin, Greek, French and mathematics, and
remained until fourteen, at the death of his father. The next
two years he spent only fourteen miles from Shadwell, at the
school of Rev. James Maury, a Huguenot, a broad-minded man
and a correct classical scholar, from where he entered (1760)
William and Mary College, Williamsburg—the then capital of
Virginia, an unpaved village of a thousand inhabitants, but
the center of much social, political and educational activity,
especially during winters when the Legislature and Great Court
were in session, as then many distinguished families took up
there a temporary residence. To all such Mr. Jefferson had
entrée, but was careful not to abuse the social side, as he held
ever foremost the object of his sojourn—an education.

Of the various college instructors there was one with whom
he formed the closest intimacy, speaking of him afterwards
in grateful terms: "It was my good fortune, and what probably
fixed the destinies of my life, that Dr. William Small of
Scotland was then professor of mathematics, a man profound
in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent
of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an
enlarged and liberal mind. He most happily for me, became
soon attached to me and made me his daily companion, when
not engaged in school; and from his conversation I got my

first views of the expansion of science and the system of
things in which we are placed." He was also a religious
skeptic and no doubt gave vent frequently, in the presence of
his youthful associate, to his agnostic doctrines with more or
less effect. Mr. Jefferson also while there became very friendly
with two other distinguished and highly educated men—
Governor Francis Fauquier, a thoroughly cultured, able and
aggressive gentleman, imparting much that should be imitated
as well as avoided, and George Wythe, a scholarly
lawyer, who became his law preceptor, and in due time the
same to Chief Justice Marshall and Henry Clay. The attainments
of these companions stimulated in Mr. Jefferson an
ambition and industry scarcely conceivable, so that in spite of
beginning college life with the enjoyment of various diversions—social
entertainments, healthful exercises, horseback
riding (for he had his own stable), playing the violin, etc.—
these by degrees were discarded, with the exception of a mile
run at twilight, in order that he might devote at least fifteen
hours to solid study, an application which only a strong, vigorous
and robust constitution, like his, could have safely endured.
Although adhering to such a studious regime and
braving successfully the many besetting temptations—cards,
wine and tobacco—so as to leave college morally sound when
not yet twenty (1762), he had gone so far as to become
strongly interested in Miss Rebecca Burwell, an heiress of
much beauty in manner and person, who, pretending a reciprocal
sentiment, clandestinely married another—Jacquelin
Ambler. To cover disappointment this unexpected conclusion
of a romance made Mr. Jefferson all the closer reader and
student of law—that upon which he had now entered with
strong determination and bright hopes under the mentorship
of his staunch friend, George Wythe. To the study of this
profession he devoted five entire years, passing the winters
in Williamsburg and the summers at Shadwell, being admitted
to the bar (1767) when twenty-four years of age. While
these five years had been spent profitably and satisfactorily,
yet apart from their pleasant memories others had entered
more or less depressing. Thus at the very beginning he encountered
love's delusion, and two years later the death of his
favorite sister, Jane, which inflicted a much more serious blow,
as she was the pride and ornament of the home, a beautiful
singer, his literary and musical companion—a grief from
which he never completely recovered, cherishing her memory
to the last in the expression: "Often in church some sacred
air which her sweet voice had made familiar to me in youth
recalls to me sweet visions of her whom I loved so well and
buried so young."

Mr. Jefferson, with his training, might truthfully have been
considered the finest educated man of his country at that day,
as he possessed a masterly knowledge of Latin, Greek, French,
and mathematics; knew considerable of the Indian dialects,
Anglo-Saxon, Spanish, Italian, science, agriculture, and architecture;
had been a close student of literature, history, biography,
philosophy, and was well-grounded in the various phases
of law. He once remarked to his grandson: "I have never
sat down in idleness, since when a boy, I first found pleasure
in books," and his thirst for information was insatiable, as he
eagerly seized every possible means of obtaining it. In later
life he was recognized as a veritable "walking encyclopædia,"
but the stranger—farmer, mechanic, scientist, lawyer, physician,
theologian—by personal contact thought him in turn
simply one of his own craft, as he invariably adapted his conversation
to suit each individual. He regarded farming the
most moral and ennobling vocation, and farmers as God's
chosen people, consequently, as might have been expected, he
now assumed control of his landed estate, Shadwell, and in
addition began the practice of law in Albemarle and adjoining
counties, having his office in Charlottesville. He was the
staff of the home, consisting of his mother, brother, and three
younger sisters—the three older being absent, Jane by death,
Mary by marriage to Thomas Bolling, and Martha by marriage
to Dabney Carr—and fully appreciated the responsibility
assumed, but in the spirit of confidence and happiness.

From the beginning both chosen interests were highly successful,
for he increased his lands in value and acreage, and
gained daily professional business and renown. As a lawyer
he was patient, accurate and fearless, but nothing of an orator
—not even a pleasant public speaker, his voice when elevated
becoming husky and indistinct. His talent for investigation
and summarizing caused all of his cases to be well-prepared,

but in a few pithy, characteristic sentences, thereby avoiding
the tricks of the fluent speaker. His nephew once asked an
old man, who in youth had heard Mr. Jefferson often plead at
court, how his grandfather ranked as a speaker, and received
this reply: "Well, it is hard to tell, because he always took
the right side." In the first year he had before the General
Court of Virginia alone sixty-eight cases; in the second year
one hundred and fifteen; in the third one hundred and ninety-eight,
and so it continued throughout the eight years he practiced,
until August 11, 1773, when he passed over his legal
business to Edmund Randolph. In addition to the higher
court practice, each year he was retained as attorney or counsel
for three to five hundred cases—his clients coming from the
most reputable and aristocratic of his own and mother country,
including the Blands, Burwells, Carters, Harrisons,
Careys, Lees, Nelsons, Pages, Randolphs, etc. Mr. Jefferson,
soon after reaching majority, became vestryman of his parish
church, and justice of the county court, as had his father before
him. In 1769 he was elected to the House of Burgesses,
which he entered amidst foreboding clouds, as public sentiment
throughout the colonies was drifting from the mother
country, owing to increased distrust in George III and Parliament.
Virginia had already caught the contagion, so that
her legislative body echoed loud the spirit of revolution, containing
as it did so many formidable advocates—especially
three of towering strength: Washington, its sword; Henry,
its tongue; Jefferson, its pen.

Early in the session Mr. Jefferson prepared resolutions and
an address in reply to Governor Botetourt's inaugural message,
but only the former were accepted. Shortly thereafter
he introduced a bill making the emancipation of slaves lawful,
which was rejected promptly and emphatically, but adopted
twelve years later (1782). It was during this absence from
home that the family mansion at Shadwell was destroyed by
fire (February 1, 1770), with all of its valuable historic contents
of furniture, books, legal papers, etc.—his "fiddle" being
saved by the servants as the only thing they considered of
special value. Fortunately Monticello had been begun the
year before and was advanced sufficiently to shelter the family
by enduring numerous inconveniences. Two years later, January

1, 1772, Mr. Jefferson married and brought to his new
home Mrs. Martha Skelton, the childless widow of Bathurst
Skelton (their only child having died in infancy), then twenty-three
years of age, and the daughter of John Wayles, a
wealthy lawyer of Williamsburg.

On May 16, 1773, his gifted and beloved brother-in-law,
Dabney Carr, died at the age of thirty, leaving his young
wife (nee Martha Jefferson), and six small children to the
tender mercy of Mr. Jefferson, by whom they were adopted
and supported. All of us University students were well-acquainted
with the mutual fondness of these two gentlemen,
and in our visits to the Monticello graveyard almost the first
object instinctively sought was the oak tree and tomb thereunder
of this dearest youthful companion of Mr. Jefferson,
not two yards from his own grave. We knew of their reciprocal
promise—that the survivor should see the other buried
under its broad foliage, where in boyhood they had spent together
so many hours in profitable study and pleasurable discussion.
The writer listened more than once to Mr. Wertenbaker
recite the episode with ever-increasing fervor and delight
as he emphasized Mr. Carr's death and burial to have
occurred during Mr. Jefferson's absence from home, and upon
his return, making known their boyish promise, proceeded to
fulfil the obligation by removing the body to its present resting
place.

Mr. Jefferson, July, 1774, enjoyed a double election—to the
Convention and to the House of Burgesses—but owing to indisposition
the following month was unable to attend the
former which convened at the Raleigh Tavern, Williamsburg.
He, however, prepared and sent a document, "Summary View
of the Rights of British America," to Peyton Randolph and
Patrick Henry, which proposed the instruction to the Virginia
delegates in the Continental Congress. This proved
possibly the most important political pamphlet of the South in
the earlier days of the Revolution, being not only printed
anonymously at Williamsburg, but also in Philadelphia and
London. It breathed the spirit of independence so strongly,
that, amusingly to the knowing, Mr. Jefferson was accused by
some of pilfering from it in the "Declaration of Independence."
He attended the Convention, March 1775, at St.

University—Lawn View

(Early drawing, just before completion, 1824)

FACING 44

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John's church, Richmond, during which Patrick Henry made
his second world renown speech, "Give Me Liberty, or Give
Me Death," resulting in the appointment of a committee, of
which he was a member, "to devise plans for putting the colony
upon a military basis." That body also previous to adjournment
selected him its representative in the Continental Congress,
as the successor to Peyton Randolph, who was to be
recalled to preside over the House of Burgesses. Before
leaving for his new position Mr. Jefferson enthusiastically
prepared a firm, courageous and rebellious reply to Lord
North's "Conciliatory Proposition," which had been referred
to the Burgesses by the Governor for their consideration. It
was in this belligerent frame of mind, at the age of thirty-two,
that he went to Philadelphia and took his seat in Congress,
June 1775. He could calculate an eclipse, survey an estate,
read many languages, tie an artery, plan an edifice, plead a
case, break a horse, dance a minuet and play the violin—a reputation
that had preceded him and of which John Adams,
then also a member of that body, wrote in 1822: "Mr. Jefferson
came to Congress bringing with him a reputation for
literature, science, and a happy talent for composition. Writings
of his were handed about, remarkable for the peculiar
felicity of expression." Shortly after entering upon duties,
Congress, feeling an explanation to the world necessary of the
battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill, appointed
a committee for drafting suitable declarations, which, when
finished, proved unsatisfactory. Immediately Mr. Jefferson
and John Dickinson were added to the committee, and their
personal efforts soon produced something thoroughly acceptable.

Congress appointed, July 1775, Franklin, Jefferson, Adams
and Lee a committee to report on Lord North's "Conciliatory
Proposition," but Mr. Jefferson's colleagues at once requested
him to draft the reply, which he did with signal satisfaction.
Thus in a few weeks his aggressive and fearless nature brought
him to the front of that honorable body, eliciting kindly expressions
from every turn—that of the great Adams being a
striking compliment: "He was so prompt, frank, explicit and
decisive upon committees and in convention that he soon seized
upon my heart." Congress adjourned August 1775, when

Mr. Jefferson returned to Richmond and took his seat in the
Virginia Convention, only to be re-elected to represent the
colony in the next Congress. It was at this session of the
Convention that a petition was presented by the Baptists, imploring
the privilege of their denominational ministers preaching
to Baptist soldiers. The request was granted, and Mr.
Jefferson's vote for it was his first act in a movement directed
by himself leading to the disestablishment of the church in
Virginia, and to the general separation of the Church and
State in America. In September he returned to Philadelphia,
where he found Congress greatly aroused over passing events,
especially the presence of an agent of France, offering the
support of his government in any resistance that might be
determined upon against England. Congress appointed Jay,
Franklin and Jefferson a committee to confer with the envoy,
resulting in successful conferences that led not only to our
French alliance, but to Mr. Jefferson's diplomatic career in
France. In the early part of the month he mourned the loss
of his second child, Jane Randolph, and in December was
called home by the illness and death of his mother. As a fact
he was very unfortunate with his children, as out of six, only
two survived infancy—Martha and Mary; the former born
September 27, 1772, died October 10, 1836; the latter born
August 1, 1778, died April 17, 1804.

He did not return to Congress until May 1776, but with renewed
energy for work, and on the first day resolutions were
passed advising the colonies to form individual separate governments.
Five days later news came that the Virginia Convention
had adopted a resolution instructing its delegates in
Congress to support a motion declaring the "United Colonies
free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance or
dependence upon the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain."
Mr. Jefferson's relative, Archibald Cary, reported the resolution,
as he had also the reply to Lord North's "Conciliatory
Proposition," a fact, coupled with Mr. Jefferson being in Richmond
at the time the resolution was passed, and his custom of
never appearing himself in legislative measures when others
would serve for him, leading to the belief that he had a hand
in drafting and passing this most important act of the Convention.
Congress at once took up the Virginia resolution,

whereupon R. H. Lee (June 7) moved, "That the colonies
be declared independent," which after two days' discussion
was postponed twenty days for further action, so that the
other colonies might reach their final decisions. Congress,
however, was not idle any of this time, as on the 10th, Jefferson,
Adams, Franklin, Sherman and Livingston were appointed
to draft the "Declaration of Independence," and upon
Mr. Jefferson devolved the composing of that celebrated document—a
task requiring just three weeks, and performed in
his parlor, second-story front room, southwest corner of Seventh
and Market Streets, Philadelphia, since called "The Declaration
House," upon the site of the present Penn National
Bank building—which was brought before Congress on the
28th, read, laid upon the table, then taken up, debated three
days, slightly modified and passed on the afternoon of July
4th. Although this great instrument even to-day stands as
the exponent of rare thought and decision, yet it has been
criticised for both style and principles. At first it was claimed
to have been copied somewhat from Locke and Otis, but Mr.
Jefferson denied any plagiarism, while he boldly acknowledged
it to contain no new ideas or sentiments in these words: "I
turned to neither book or pamphlet while writing it; it is
virtually my political creed and faith." Although re-elected
to Congress, June 1776, he resigned that seat in September,
owing to the demands of domestic affairs and the need of his
counsel in the Virginia Legislature, chiefly in framing the new
Constitution, of which he prepared the outlines. Congress in
October selected Franklin, Deane and himself envoys to
France, for effecting a treaty of alliance, and although it always
had been a cherished hope to visit Europe—that for
which his first sweetheart had been asked to defer marriage
several years, the alleged cause of her accepting another—yet
when the opportunity came, peculiar family circumstances compelled
him to decline the honor.

In the fall of 1776 he took his seat in the first Republican
House of Delegates of Virginia, and at once began a labor of
reform that proved the greatest work of his life, including a
revolutionizing of the public and private laws of the State.
The Virginia code sanctioned tyranny, cruelty and bigotry,
but it was now to be made reasonable, humane and just. He

fought to abandonment the pillory, whipping-post, stocks and
ducking-stool, the system of land tenure, and then introduced
a bill abolishing entails on the claim, "That one generation
has no right to bind succeeding generations; that the usufruct
of the earth belongs to the living, not to the dead; that entails
were contrary to good policy, tended to deceive honest traders
who gave credit on the visible possession of such estates, discouraged
the holder from improving his lands, and sometimes
did injury to the morals of youth by rendering them independent
of and disobedient to their parents. This privilege should
be annulled, and instead of an aristocracy of wealth, of more
harm and danger than benefit to society, we should make an
opening for the aristocracy of virtue and talent." Consequently
tenure by fee-tail was wiped from the statute, lands and
slaves could no longer be prevented by law from falling into
the hands of their rightful owners, and finally was removed
the only remaining prop of landed aristocracy—principle of
primogeniture. These reform blows fell hard upon the aristocracy—the
old families—so that the recoil and criticism
upon Mr. Jefferson was most severe from the great land holders,
extending sometimes to their children and grandchildren,
yet the time came later when few dishonored his memory, and
many stood proud of the man and his deeds.

He then championed a reform bill for easier naturalization
and expatriation, both being too severe, which not only passed
but led Congress to adopt its best features in a general naturalization
law. He next devoted his relentless energies in favor
of religious liberty, incorporating in his law, "No man shall
be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, ministry,
or place whatsoever; nor shall be enforced, restrained,
molested, or burdened in his body or goods; nor shall otherwise
suffer on account of his religious opinions or beliefs; but
all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain,
their opinion in matters of religion; and the same shall in no
wise diminish, enlarge or affect their civil capacities." Prior
to this: To call in question the Trinity, or to be a deist was
punishable with imprisonment without bail; to be a Catholic
debarred a man of the right to teach, to own a horse or a gun,
or to give testimony in a court of law; a Protestant minister,
not of the Anglican faith, could legally be drummed out of the

country. At first the bill met with disastrous opposition, and
it was not until ten years thereafter, when sentiment softened
and the massive strength of Mason, Madison, Nicholas and
Wythe was invoked, that the bill passed. Thus the United
States became the first Nation to separate Church and State,
to tolerate a free state by the side of a free church, along with
perfect freedom of religious opinion. It was this that Virginia,
yes, the entire country, needed, and Mr. Jefferson was
the first to realize seriously that need. In those days one could
not vote unless owning twenty-five acres of land with a house
thereon, or one hundred acres without a house; in a city one
must own land within the corporate limit—possibly the other
extreme of our present unrestricted franchise. He next drew
up and offered a bill preventing the further importation of
slaves by sea or land, as he was an abolitionist in theory but
recognized that to be impractical. "He did not believe the
negro could live as a free man side by side with the white man,
but he believed he should be free, and that he would be—nothing
was more clearly written in the book of fate." His plan
was to free the negroes by gradual emancipation—to regard
as lawfully free all slave-born children, to educate them at the
public expense, and when grown transplant them to some distant
and isolated colony where they might enjoy, under a mild
protectorate, the privileges of self-government.

Mr. Jefferson, however, had yet pent within himself one
other interest he considered of far greater moment to his
people, state and country—the general "Diffusion of Knowledge."
He recognized that a democracy must rest upon the
enlightenment of the masses, and accordingly brought forward
his system: Free elementary schools for all the children of
the State for a term of three years; high schools at convenient
places for superior and ambitious youths; a State university
at the top. Other states had set this most worthy example,
but Virginia seemed decidedly less ready for it than she did
for his other reforms—fortunately he was willing to abide
time. The actual revision of his State laws, 1777-1778, fell
upon himself and his old law preceptor, George Wythe, who
together went over carefully the whole body of British and
colonial statutes, extracting therefrom a concise and coherent
system. Their report consisted of one hundred and twenty-six

bills, and although a few were adopted from time to time,
as demanded, the entire number was not enacted into law until
1785, when Mr. Jefferson was abroad, but who, with proper
sagacity, had left the cause in the efficient hands of his promising
neighbor and political ally, James Madison.

Mr. Jefferson at the age of thirty-six, 1779, was elected by
the legislature Governor of his State, and re-elected in 1780,
but in that capacity proved neither a great administrator or
warrior—the kind of man then needed for the executive head,
as British invasion and Indian ravaging were largely the disturbing
elements—so that he himself did not regard those
years as specially creditable. Early in 1781 the British fleet
ascended the James River, and in June Cornwallis approached
Charlottesville, making it possible for a body of raiders, detached
by Tarleton, to visit Monticello the day after Mr. Jefferson
retired from the governorship in the hope of carrying
him away as a rich prize of war. Through individual alertness
they were foiled in this, but did succeed in injuring to an
appreciable extent the mansion, papers, property, and in capturing
twenty-seven slaves, who, after a season gladly returned,
but with a pestilence contracted in captivity from which
most of them died. Mr. Jefferson's dislike to England was
ever afterwards more intense, as his own eyes witnessed Cornwallis'
unnecessary devastation of Virginia and the perpetration
of many atrocious outrages. In the fall he was elected to
the Legislature which convened at Staunton, and appeared in
that body during December, but only for a period sufficient
to defend himself against the attacks of certain critics—retiring
thereafter to Monticello somewhat chagrined, yet chiefly
to guard with tender care the precarious health of his wife.

This withdrawal from the Legislature, spring of 1782, was
supposed by him a final retirement, even though it elicited
strong denunciation from enemies and inexpressible regret
from friends. Indeed, Mr. Monroe's attempt at recalling him
to a more healthy view of life was futile, since it reached him
just at the death of Mrs. Jefferson, September 6th, after most
trying months of apprehension. The fleeing from Richmond
at Arnold's approach, the solicitude for her husband's safety,
the birth of her last child, and the sad experiences with her
many dying servants, all contributed to a gradual decline which

no earthly hand could stay—a blow in spite of its assurance
that fell heavy upon Mr. Jefferson and inclined him to prefer
seclusion in his distressing grief.

Two months later Mr. Jefferson, largely through the efforts
of Mr. Madison, was appointed by Congress Minister Plenipotentiary
to Europe—a position he had declined eighteen
months before, June 1781, when he thought it best to remain
in this country and return to his state Legislature in order to
clear himself of alleged charges. He, however, accepted the
appointment, believing a change of scene might temper his
sorrow, but by the following spring, 1783, foreign matters
were adjusted so as to render his going unnecessary—that
which mattered little, as the preparation all during the winter
for the trip acted well in lifting his gloom. In June, 1783, he
was elected again to Congress, and in that body soon became
one of its most powerful leaders, serving on every important
committee and frequently as chairman. He initiated and
headed the ceding by Virginia to the Government of the entire
Northwestern Territory, and submitted to Congress the plan
adopted for its government—the development along lines of
self-government and ultimate statehood of each growing community—surely
one of the greatest contributions to our political
history, as he neglected nothing, giving boundaries of
States proposed, nature of their temporary government to be
established, conditions of admission into full statehood, and
fanciful names of the new States. The most far-reaching
stipulation was the prohibition of slavery or involuntary servitude
in those States after 1800, a clause that at the time
killed the plan, only to be taken up, however, and passed in
1787. At the same session he also proposed and had adopted
a modification of Mr. Morris' monetary unit and plan, thus
giving us four coins in the decimal ratio—ten dollar gold
piece, silver dollar, silver dime, and copper cent.

In 1784 Mr. Jefferson was appointed by Congress, for the
fourth time, to a foreign post, it being now to France, with
Adams and Franklin as colleagues. He reached Paris August
6th, accompanied by his eldest daughter, Martha, whom he
placed in a fashionable convent. The mission was to negotiate
treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and was conducive
of slight results, even though the next year (1785) he

succeeded Franklin as Minister Plenipotentiary to that court,
who returned home, while Adams was sent to the court of
England. His "Notes on Virginia" were published soon
after reaching Paris, which assured him to be a man of power,
as well as a happy and forceful writer. He had entertained
eminent Frenchmen at Monticello, knew many of that country's
officers, which together with his frank, graceful and
genial manners, made him only second to Franklin in recognized
popularity. He was known also to be an uncompromising
advocate of the sentiments of liberty and national
rights, then so popular throughout France, but in spite of all
this his desired treaty of commerce remained a dream for a
time, as the foreign people, especially the English, mistrusted
our Nation's credit—many regarding us as cheats and swindlers.
Upon this point he wrote: "We are branded for the
non-payment of our debts, and the want of energy in our Government.
I consider the extravagance which has seized my
countrymen as a more baneful evil than Toryism was during
the war. This feeling is most pronounced in England, as
that nation hates us, so do the ministers, and the King more
than all others." He, however, finally succeeded in getting
France to suppress many duties on American products, to
abolish certain ones for specific periods, and in general to
make concessions which were granted to no other country.
This he believed more important from the moral than the
material stand-point, recognizing in it the willingness of the
French government for national intercourse as well as the
people's cordial and friendly feeling.

The Barbary powers had been accustomed to capture and
confiscate vessels of all nations, holding the crews for ransom,
and at last an American vessel was so treated—that which incited
a conference between Mr. Jefferson and Adams but with
a disagreement as to the best action to be taken. Mr. Jefferson
was firm that such a practice should be stopped by force,
and to that effect advised Congress, arguing and advocating
the necessity of a navy—his acknowledged child—"if we
mean to be commercial."

In addition to his diplomatic duties Mr. Jefferson kept in
sight the doings at home—aiding her interests wherever possible.
Thus he procured a statue of Washington, consulted

architects and furnished plans for the Statehouse in Richmond,
corresponded with Washington in reference to improving the
navigation of the Potomac and the running of a canal through
the Dismal Swamp, followed the desire of Kentucky to separate
from Virginia, advocating it as soon as they could agree,
and kept in touch with our governmental action, especially
in the formation and adoption of the Constitution, which he
heartily favored and approved. In his second year abroad he
spent two months in travel, chiefly in the rural districts of
England. The next year (1787), having broken his right
wrist and becoming much depleted thereby, he journeyed up
the Seine and down the Saone and Rhone to and from Aix,
where he spent three months drinking the waters; also visited
Genoa, Italy. The next year he met Adams by appointment
at Amsterdam, and after transacting pending business proceeded
up the Rhine to Strassburg, observing everywhere the
people—their condition, habits, daily occupations, and all
economic questions dependent upon soil, climate, products, etc.
In a letter to Lafayette he said: "In great cities I go to see
what travelers think alone worthy of being seen; but I make
a job of it, and generally gulp it down in a day. On the other
hand, I am never satiated with rambling through the fields and
farms, examining the culture and cultivators with a degree of
curiosity which makes some take me for a fool and others to be
much wiser than I am. You should take the journey, for it
would be a great comfort to inspect the condition of all the
provinces of your own country, but it must be absolutely
incognito. You will feel a sublime pleasure in the course of
this investigation and a sublime one hereafter when you shall
be able to apply your knowledge to the softening of their beds
or the throwing a morsel of meat into their kettle of vegetables."

While abroad his enormous correspondence, the range of
subjects treated, and their length, is almost marvelous, bearing
evidence of the great energy and method with which he
worked. To some he sent new astronomic discoveries and
calculations, to others described improvements in musical instruments,
narrated explorations into natural history, sent
descriptions of architectural specimens, gave opinions on
statues and paintings, also accounts of agriculture and mechanical

invention. Everywhere he observed and recorded
faithfully social conditions, noting the excellences as well as
the defects. The more he saw of other countries, the more
highly he appreciated the superiority of his own, and always
used as a text: The abuses of the civilization of Europe, including
England, in advocating the education of the masses of his
own country. Especially was this his attitude towards France,
which he saw at a most unfavorable period—from the beginning
of the follies and defeats of the crown and nobility, to
the armed conflicts in the streets of Paris and the fall of the
Bastile. In spite of the attending and subsequent horrors, his
faith was not shaken in the ultimate good to humanity that
resulted from the Revolution. During those turbulent times
it required a level head to act always discreetly and above
criticism, but this Mr. Jefferson managed to do, in spite of
coming in contact and conferring with public men of varying
sympathies. As a fact he contributed much towards forming
the new French government, often interposing simply as a
lover of human liberty to produce a new life for the people,
then ground to dust by the abuses of the governing powers.
He incorporated his ideas in the "Charter of Rights," which
though not adopted, led to him being requested to assist in
drafting their Constitution—an honor he declined, and yet entertained
at his house "a number of leading patriots of honest
but different opinions, sensible of the necessity of effecting a
condition by mutual sacrifices, knowing each other and not
afraid, therefore, to unbosom themselves mutually." The
next morning after this assembly Mr. Jefferson waited upon
Count Montmorin with full explanation and apology for the
occurrence, only to receive this reply: "I wish you would
habitually assist at such conferences, for I am sure you will
be useful in moderating the warmer spirits, and promoting a
wholesome and practical reformation."

Mr. Jefferson after an absence of five years returned to
America, December 1789, having been granted a six months
leave for looking after his private affairs. But upon reaching
Norfolk found a letter from Washington tendering the appointment
of Secretary of State—that which he hesitated to
accept for several months, thinking his ambassadorship more
congenial to himself and important to his country, but finally

University—Eastern View

(From McKennie's store roof, 1872)

yielded to the appeal, when Washington sent Madison personally
to persuade and explain the nature of the duties, and
according to arrangement reached New York, the then seat of
Government, ready for duty, March 21, 1790.

In vigor of intellect, self-confidence and experience in public
affairs Mr. Jefferson at once took position side of Hamilton,
and these two became the dominant figures of the Cabinet,
as Knox and Randolph simply reflected their views. They
had never met personally before, but knew thoroughly of each
other, and that they differed radically in ideas of finance, government
and the constitution of society. Indeed, Mr. Jefferson
unhesitatingly affirmed of Hamilton. "He was not only
a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption;
he was wedded to the British form, thinking it absolutely perfect.
I want the Constitution to contain a Bill of Rights
securing freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom
from standing armies, trial by jury, a constant Habeas Corpus
act, and longer presidential term to make the occupant more
independent; he wanted it for a King and a House of Lords,
and desired the general government to make laws binding the
States in all cases. His system is adverse to liberty, and calculated
to undermine and demolish the Republic, by creating
an influence of his department (Treasury) over the members
of the Legislature. . . . I saw this influence actually produced,
and its first fruits to be the establishment of the great
outlines of his project by the votes of the very persons who,
having swallowed his bait, were laying themselves out to profit
by his plans; and that had these persons withdrawn, as those
interested in a question ever should, the vote of the disinterested
majority was clearly the reverse of what they made it.
These were no longer then the votes of the representatives of
the people, but of deserters from the rights and interests of the
people."

When Washington, through his great honesty of purpose,
brought Mr. Jefferson and Hamilton together, many thought
it ill advised, knowing how widely they differed. For a year,
however, their relations were pleasant, when the first great
difference occurred over the Bill for a United States Bank,
whose charter basis Mr. Jefferson pronounced absolutely unconstitutional,
although it was signed finally by Washington

—thus giving date and data for the first clear division of the
country into political parties. The second issue, was the criticism
and claimed interest Mr. Jefferson had in editor Freneau,
and his National Gazette—a controversy that proved to be
founded upon falsity, while the fact was established of Hamilton
largely supporting, by his departmental patronage, the
Federalist organ, Fenno's Gazette of the United States. In
this controversy Hamilton lost weight, as did his cherished
pet scheme—a strong central government, administered in the
English spirit; while the Jefferson idea became more popular—
a light and easy central government, that would respond readily
to the will of the populace; universal free trade, so highly
advantageous, but so long as foreign restrictions on our commerce
and carrying trade continues, they might best be
counteracted by a policy of liberal reciprocity. He believed in
retaliative methods for discriminating restrictions, considered
foreign relations to be of superlative importance, and his "Report
on the Privileges and Restrictions of the Commerce of the
United States in Foreign Countries," sent to Congress at that
time, contained severe criticism of Great Britain's rigorous
attitude towards our commerce in contrast with the fair and
equal principles of trade proposed by France, and embodied
the germs of all subsequent party discussion and division on
the tariff.

England after the ratification of the Treaty of Peace, remained
indifferent, even contemptuous, towards the United
States—manifesting anything but a conciliatory spirit on every
point, so that our Minister (Morris) was recalled, and no
treaty of commerce instituted until 1791, eight years after
peace had been declared. In May, 1792, Mr. Jefferson gave
forth his ablest State paper on "Foreign Relations," recounting
the debts paid to England, and her failure to live up to
promises, but it had no effect upon her actions. Then came
the internal dissensions of France, her declaration of war
against England, and the sending to our country of a new
Minister, Genet, who represented the extreme type of their
revolutionary movement. As might have been expected, the
partiality of the Federalists for England, and the Republicans
for France rendered the situation most acute throughout our
country. The Republicans recognized beneath the atrocities

of the movement a contest between the monocratic and democratic
principles of government, and the sympathies of most
of them were not to be extinguished because of excesses which
they considered inevitable in the transition from despotism to
freedom. In this war it was a political necessity that the
United States remained neutral. Hamilton and Knox thought
the treaty with France void, while Mr. Jefferson, Randolph and
Washington considered it valid, consequently the latter (Washington)
issued a proclamation of neutrality, which brought
down upon him much criticism from Freneau and other Republican
papers—the former's insolence to Washington personally
causing the first difference between him and Mr. Jefferson.

Genet upon arriving began to act in utter disregard of the
prevailing neutrality laws, thereby causing Mr. Jefferson to
write Monroe: "I do not augur well of the mode of conduct
of the new French Minister; I fear he will enlarge the evils
of those disaffected in his country. I am doing everything in
my power to moderate the impetuosity of his movements, and
to destroy the dangerous opinions which have been excited in
him that the people of the United States will disavow the acts
of their government, and that he has an appeal from the Executive
to Congress and from both to the people." While
Mr. Jefferson was grateful to France for her hospitality and
kind personal treatment, and the invaluable aid rendered his
country when in need, yet, in spite of recognizing now a golden
opportunity to reciprocate, saw plainly that such a course
would be disastrous to our infant country, consequently acquiesced
heartily in Washington's policy of strict neutrality,
and followed his line of duty so closely as to occasion Chief
Justice Marshall—who always towards him expressed faint
praise—to write: "The publication of his correspondence
with Genet dissipated much of the prejudice which had been
excited against him." Upon the subject Mr. Jefferson wrote
Monroe: "I fear the disgust of France is inevitable; we shall
be to blame in part, but the Minister much more so. His
conduct is indefensible by the most furious Jacobin. I only
wish our countrymen may distinguish between him and his
nation, and, if the case should ever be laid before them, may
not suffer their affection to the nation to be diminished." He
felt Genet's conduct would put weapons into the hands of the

Federalists. Hamilton urged an appeal by the government to
the people, but Mr. Jefferson thought such an explosion would
certainly endanger a dissolution of the friendship between the
nations, and ought, therefore, "to be deprecated by every
friend to our liberty; and no one but an enemy to it would
wish to avail himself of the indiscretion of an individual to
compromit two nations esteeming each other ardently. It will
prove that the agents of the two peoples are either great bunglers
or great rascals, when they cannot preserve that peace
which is the universal wish of both."

Genet's indiscreet language and insolence so increased that
the Cabinet requested from the French government his recall,
and adopted more stringent rules for maintaining neutrality
between the contending nations. In fact the affair occasioned
a wider separation of the two Cabinet factions, and
led to slight coolness between Washington and Mr. Jefferson,
which happily was only of passing duration. Mr. Jefferson,
however, had determined "to retire to scenes of greater tranquility,"
and in July sent his resignation to Washington, who
not only urged his retention, but would not accept it until its
second transmission, December 31, 1793.