| The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. | 
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| TO JARED SPARKS.
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|  | The writings of James Madison, |  | 
TO JARED SPARKS.[134]
Dear Sir,—I have duly received your letter of 
March 30. In answer to your enquiries "respecting 
the part acted by Gouverneur Morris (whose life, 
you observe, you are writing) in the Federal Convention 
of 1787, and the political doctrines maintained 
by him," it may be justly said that he was an 
able, an eloquent, and an active member, and shared 
largely in the discussions succeeding the Ist of 
July, previous to which, with the exception of a few 
of the early days, he was absent.
Whether he accorded precisely "with the political 
doctrines of Hamilton" I cannot say. He certainly 
did not "incline to the Democratic side," and was 
very frank in avowing his opinions when most at 
variance with those prevailing in the Convention. 

was done by Hamilton; but he contended for certain
articles, (a Senate for life, particularly,) which he
held essential to the stability and energy of a Government
capable of protecting the rights of property
against the spirit of Democracy. He wished to make
the weight of wealth to balance that of numbers,
which he pronounced to be the only effectual security
to each against the encroachments of the other.
The finish given to the style and arrangement of 
the Constitution fairly belongs to the pen of Mr. 
Morris; the task having been probably handed over 
to him by the Chairman of the Committee, himself 
a highly respectable member, with the ready concurrence 
of the others. A better choice could not 
have been made, as the performance of the task 
proved. It is true that the state of the materials, 
consisting of a reported draught in detail, and 
subsequent resolutions accurately penned, and falling 
easily in their proper places, was a good preparation 
for the symmetry and phraseology of the instrument; 
but there was sufficient room for the talents and 
taste stamped by the author on the face of it. The 
alterations made by the Committee are not recollected. 
They were not such as to impair the merit of the 
composition. Those, verbal and others, made in the 
Convention, may be gathered from the Journal, 
and will be found also [to leave] that merit altogether 
unimpaired.
The anecdote you mention may not be without a 
foundation, but not in the extent supposed. It is 

was at a critical stage of its proceedings. The
knot felt as the Gordian one was the question between
the larger and smaller States on the rule of
voting in the Senatorial branch of the Legislature; the
latter claiming, the former opposing, the rule of
equality. Great zeal and pertinacity had been shewn
on both sides; and an equal division of the votes on
the question had been reiterated and prolonged till
it had become not only distressing but seriously
alarming. It was during that period of gloom that
Dr. Franklin made the proposition for a religious
service in the Convention, an account of which was
so erroneously given, with every semblance of authenticity,
through the National Intelligencer, several
years ago. The crisis was not over when Mr. Morris
is said to have had an interview and conversation
with General Washington and Mr. R. Morris, such as
may well have occurred; but it appears that on the
day of his re-entering the Convention a proposition
had been made from another quarter to refer the
knotty question to a committee with a view to some
compromise; the indications being manifest that
sundry members from the larger States were relaxing
in their opposition, and that some ground of compromise
was contemplated, such as finally took place,
and as may be seen in the printed Journal. Mr.
Morris was in the deputation from the large State
of Pennsylvania, and combated the compromise
throughout. The tradition is, however, correct that
on the day of his resuming his seat he entered with

speeches painted the consequences of an abortive
result to the Convention in all the deep colours
suited to the occasion. But it is not believed that
any material influence on the turn which things
took could be ascribed to his efforts; for, besides
the mingling with them some of his most disrelished
ideas, the topics of his eloquent appeals to the members
had been exhausted during his absence, and
their minds were too much made up to be susceptible
of new impressions.
It is but due to Mr. Morris to remark, that to the 
brilliancy and fertility of his genius he added, what 
is too rare, a candid surrender of his opinions when 
the lights of discussion satisfied him that they had 
been too hastily formed, and a readiness to aid in 
making the best of measures in which he had been 
overruled.
In making this hastened communication, I have 
more confidence in the discretion with which it will 
be used, than in its fulfilment of your anticipations. 
I hope it will at least be accepted as a proof of my 
respect for your object, and of the sincerity with 
which I tender you a reassurance of the cordial esteem 
and good wishes in which Mrs. Madison always 
joins me.
I take for granted you have at command all the 
printed works of Mr. Morris. I recollect that there 
can be found among my pamphlets a small one by 
him, intended to prevent the threatened repeal 

as necessary to support the Bank of N. America, and
when the repeal was viewed as a formidable blow
to the establishment. Should a copy be needed, I
will hunt it up and forward it.
|  | The writings of James Madison, |  | 
