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In the second part of this chapter more than half of the
material in the HS is not to be found in the SC ch. 7 & 8.
It looks as if Pan Ku, when he used the SC for his source,
made a practise of condensing that material while preserving its
essential features, and then added what important new material
he had gathered, especially from the imperial edicts and from
memorials to the throne. In the first few pages, the HS is
here excerpting its material from SC chap. 7, which gives a
fuller account than SC chap. 8; a little later it turns to SC
chap. 8. Cf. Mh II, 313ff.

The Fukien ed. (1549) follows the SC chap. 8 (Mh II,
378) in reading "Sui Ho" [OMITTED] instead of "in the train of"
[OMITTED]. But chap. 7 of the SC, in telling of this event (cf. Mh II,
315) reads "in the train of." Sui Ho was Kao-tsu's Internuncio,
not at all a military man; nowhere else is he said to have taken
part in any fighting. HS 31: 22b likewise reads "in the
train of"; 35: 1b, in recounting this incident has the same meaning.
The word H0 in the SC ch. 8 must therefore be an
interpolation.

These songs were a stratagem on Kao-tsu's part, to induce
homesickness in Hsiang Yü's soldiers as well as to deceive him
about the extent of the rebellion against him.

The HS is following the account in the SC chap. 8; but
the SC says "killed" instead of "beheaded" (cf. Mh II, 379).
Hsiang Yü committed suicide after being wounded more than
ten times and being cornered; then Wang Yi, a cavalryman, cut
off his head, and there was a fight among some of Kao-tsu's
generals and soldiers over his body and the reward for it. Cf.
Mh II, 320. For the splendid account of his final stand,
parting speeches, and death, cf. Mh II, 316-320, also HS
ch. 31; Glossary, sub Hsiang Chi.

Hsiang Yü had been made a Duke of Lu (cf. 1A: 13b) and
had spent some time there (cf. 1A: 33a).

Lit. "of the world" [OMITTED], indicating that he was now
master of the then known world, China.

This curious statement, worthy of a Confucian historian,
is taken from SC 7: 33a. Cf. Mh II, 321; HS 88: 3a.

Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) says that, since the SC
and chap. 31 of the HS add [OMITTED] "with the title of" at this
point, the word should be in the text here too.

Reading [OMITTED] with the official ed. (1739) instead of the present
[OMITTED]. The two words here seem practically interchangeable.

Hsiang Po was the person who defended Kao-tsu when he
was in danger of assassination at Hung-men. Cf. 1A: 22.

These four marquises were: Liu Chan (Hsiang Po), Marquis
of She-yang; Liu T'o, Marquis of P'ing-kao; Liu Hsiang, Marquis
of T'ao-an; the fourth is not listed in HS chap. 18, (p. 10b,
33a, and 58a, which furnish the preceding three names) nor
elsewhere; the SC merely gives his name as the Marquis of
Hsüan-wu [OMITTED]; cf. Mh II, 322. The granting of the imperial
surname, Liu, was an especial honor.

Kao-tsu was uncertain of the loyalty of Han Hsin.

Wang Nien-sun explains that [OMITTED] is here a meaningless
auxiliary word. Cf. 4: 19b.

[OMITTED]. In the time of the Ch'in dynasty the phrase
[OMITTED] "blindly risking the commission of a crime
worthy of capital punishment" (cf. Mh II, 126) was used in a
memorial to the emperor. Chou Shou-ch'ang tells that the
former Han dynasty followed the Ch'in customs, so continued the use of this phrase,
merely altering its words slightly, as in the text. When Wang Mang came to the
throne, he loved to follow ancient practises, so he had officials use the phrase [OMITTED],
"I bow my head to the earth," which is found in the Book of History. His courtiers
however thought this phrase was not sufficiently humble, so wrote [OMITTED]. "I
bow my head to the earth, making repeated obeisances," (found in Mencius V, II, vii,
4; Legge, p. 386.) Liu Chao (fl. first half of the vi. cent A.D.) in his comment on
chap. 11 of the HHS, quotes a memorial of Ts'ai Yung (133-192), written when he
was on frontier duty, which begins, "Your servant Yung, bowing his head to the earth
and making repeated obeisances, memorializes Your Majesty the Emperor [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]" and ends, "Your servant, knocking his head on the
earth as one who is worthy of capital punishment, bowing his head to the earth and
making repeated obeisances, brings [this matter] to your hearing [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]." Thus the Later Han dynasty combined the phraseology introduced
by Wang Mang with that used earlier.

The memorial in the text uses all the stock phraseology of address to an emperor
except the word, "Emperor." This memorial is not in the SC, altho Kao-tsu's reply is
quoted there; the mention of the names of the kings presenting it leads us to think
that it is genuine.

Lit. "the steps below [the throne of] the great king." The Emperor is often
addressed as [OMITTED], which phrase is equivalent to the European "Your Majesty,"
but is much more humble.

I.e., to establish their own state and dynasty. Cf. H. Maspero, La Chine antique,
pp. 167-171.

The term regularily used for himself by the Emperor or by
a king, when speaking to his subjects. It may usually be
translated merely "I." Here it seems to have a special significance.

I.e., everyone in the (Chinese) world.

The SC tells that Kao-tsu declined the title for the customary
three times before accepting. Cf. Mh, II, 380.

The HS has corrected the SC here. Cf. Mh, II, 381, n. 1.

This is not the River Szu [OMITTED] in Honan, but the one in
Shantung. Cf. Mh II, 381, n. 2. SC ch. 99, HS 43: 14b
tell that Kao-tsu ascended the throne at Ting-t'ao, which is on
this river Szu. Lü Shen (prob. fl. dur. 265-330) says, "Formerly
after [the Emperor Kao-]tsu of the Han [dynasty] had subjugated
the world, he ascended the imperial throne at Ting-t'ao on
the northern bank of the Szu River."

Ju Shun says, "From the time of the Ch'in and Han
[dynasties] on, only the Son of Heaven alone employed [the
word [OMITTED]]." It was also used by an Empress Dowager, cf.
11: 1b, 98: 10b.

The SC writes [OMITTED] where the HS writes [OMITTED]. These words
were interchangeable.

Yü-chang is later said to belong to the kingdom of Huai-nan;
HS chap. 34 says it belonged to Ying Pu—the inclusion
of this name here may be a copyist's addition.

Hsiang, Kuei-lin, and Nan-hai belonged at that time to
Chao T'o, who, four years after this edict (196 B.C.) was confirmed
by Kao-tsu as King Wu of Nan-yüeh (cf. 1B: 19a and
SC chap. 113); hence the appointment of Wu Jui as king of
these three regions was largely an empty gesture. The troops
of Min-yüeh had come in the train of Wu Jui, hence he is made
overlord of Nan-yüeh! His kingdom was really confined to
Ch'ang-sha.

Yen Shih-ku says, "In sacrifice blood and raw food [OMITTED]
are preferred."

He had taken the throne at Ting-t'ao, which is in the
present Shantung.

Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) shows that the [OMITTED]
were the [OMITTED] of the nobles, the offshoots of the noble families.
This phrase is also used in 1A: 34a, which fixes its meaning.

The SC adds that they were also to receive a year's supplies
[OMITTED].

Brigands and outlaws.

Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) says that [OMITTED] was anciently
written for [OMITTED].

This passage shows that there were private slaves in addition
to those enslaved to the government as a punishment.

Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says that according to the regulations
of the Ch'in dynasty, marquises (the highest rank in the
aristocratic hierarchy) had been given the revenue of estates.
Now the seventh rank and upward are so honored. Cf.
Glossary, sub Marquis.

Cf. p. 103, n. 5. This passage especially indicates the correct
meaning of this phrase, showing that they were distinct
from the other soldiers.

Yen Shih-ku explains, "If their noble ranks were high and
they had kingdoms or estates, they themselves acted as lords
to their people, hence it says, `Some who were lords of men.' "

The heads of government bureaux were entitled Chiefs [OMITTED],
their assistants were called Assistants [OMITTED]. Prefects and their
assistants were also called chiefs and assistants, respectively.
Cf. Mh II, Appendix I. Two personages with the same rank
greet each other with a long bow without any prostration,
according to Ying Shao.

The words "Kao Ch'i" may be an interpolation. Cf. Glossary,
sub voce.

The use of Chang Liang's style by the emperor (who
usually uses a person's given name) was an extremely courteous
form of address.

The Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.), the SC, the Han-chi
(ii cent.), and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) read, "in being
sure of obtaining the victory in battle and being sure of taking
and getting booty from whatever [place] one attacks."

Cf. Mh II, p. 303f, HS 1A: 35b.

Ju Shun comments, "According to the Code, [a carriage
with] four horses having long limbs is a chih-chuan [OMITTED]
("post carriage"); with four horses having medium limbs it is a
ch'ih-chuan [OMITTED] ("galloping carriage"); with four horses
having short limbs it is a sheng-chuan [OMITTED] ("riding carriage");
with one or two horses it is a yao-chuan [OMITTED]
("small carriage"). One who is in haste rides a sheng-chuan."
The Shuo-wen explains [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "post-carriage." Cf. also 12:
n. 9.3.

According to the Book of History, the Chou dynasty took
the empire without a serious struggle; Kao-tsu had to fight for
his position. Cf. HS 43: 10b-11b.

On this date, cf. Mh II, 384, n. 5. Hsün Yüeh (lived 148209)
in the Ch'ien-han-chi, following SC 16: 29, dates this
rebellion in the eighth month. The SC ch. 8 (Mh II, 384)
mistakenly dates it in the tenth month. Tsang Tu had been
set up as king by Hsiang Yü and moreover was guilty of murdering
the previous king of Yen, so, fearing punishment, he
revolted first.

The SC (Mh II, 384) tells that Tsang Tu had conquered
Tai after revolting. The HS leaves this statement out and so
leaves Fan K'uai's expedition motiveless.

The First Emperor had destroyed the inner and outer
walls of cities (Mh II, 165); Kao-tsu allowed them to be
rebuilt. But this edict was probably merely legalizing what
had been done previously, for we hear of fortified cities before
this time, even in Ch'in times; cf. 1A: 16b.

For this stratagem, cf. Mh II, 386, n. 3. A vassal must
visit the emperor when he arrives in the vassal's territory; in
this way Kao-tsu was able to capture Han Hsin without a
battle.

The SC merely says (Mh II, 386) that on the same day
that Han Hsin was arrested a general amnesty was proclaimed;
the HS quotes the proclamation, but leaves out its
date.

Reading [OMITTED] to mean [OMITTED], as in Analects XII, ix, 3 and
the [OMITTED]. This sentence is far from clear; Chavannes
translates quite differently.

Cf. p. 110, n. 3.

I.e., Ch'i on the east is similar to Ch'in on the west.

Gifts of this sort are sometimes said to be of [OMITTED] and sometimes
of [OMITTED], "real gold." For the distinction, cf. p. 175, n. 2.
Silver was not coined until 125 B.C. (Cf. HS 24B: 12b in the
comment.) HS chap. 24B: 3b says, "When the Ch'in ]dynasty]
united the world, its money [OMITTED] was of two sorts: actual gold
made into yi [OMITTED] [Meng K'ang, prob. ca. 180-260, says a yi was
20 ounces weight] was called the superior [kind of] money, and
copper cash made like the Chou [dynasty] cash. [On them]
is the inscription, `Half ounce'; their weight is the same as the
inscription. But pearls, jade, tortoise-shells, cowries, silver,
tin, and the like were used for vessels, ornaments, and valuable
treasures, not made into currency." Page 1b of the same
chapter says, "Actual gold an inch square weighs a catty [OMITTED].
Cash [OMITTED] are round with square holes; their weight is in terms
of shu [1/24 of an ounce, cf. ch. IV, App. I]."

HS 16: 4b to 9b records ten appointments on this date,
including that of Ts'ao Ts'an.

Of the preceding commanderies, Tung-yang, Chang, Wu,
T'an, Chiao-tung, Chiao-hsi, Lin-tzu, Chi-pei, Po-yang, and
Ch'eng-yang were not among the thirty-six commanderies of
Ch'in times. They were created in the period of Ch'u and Han,
after the downfall of the Ch'in dynasty.

The kingdom of Hanh had been in Honan; it was now
moved to a new region, in Shansi. In this way a possibly
rebellious noble was moved out of central China to the northern
border.

The present text says "thirty"; but the Han-chi says
"twenty"; HS 40: 7b and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084)
say the same; in the table in HS chap. 16, twenty-seven
appointments are recorded before the first month of Kao-tsu's
sixth year—the character [OMITTED] is plainly a copyist's error for [OMITTED].

The "double passageways" [OMITTED] were covered eleva d
passageways between the various palaces. The T'ai-p'ing
Yü-Lan, ch. 181, p. 4b says that between the Northern and
Southern Palaces there was a distance of 7 li; in between
there was a "double passageway" with three lanes: the central
one for the Emperor and the other two for the high officials.
Cf. Glossary.

These actions: holding a broom, welcoming him at the
door, and walking backwards, indicated that T'ai-kung was acting
as a subject, paying respect to the Emperor. SC 74: 3a tells
that when Tsou Yen "went to Yen, King Chao of Yen, holding
a broom, ran before him [to clear the way]." In the Chuang-tzu
it is said that "The duty of disciples is to shake [their
master's] skirts and sweep his mat."

The Emperor probably descended from his seat in his
chariot and lifted up T'ai-kung, who was bending down, sweeping
the path where the Emperor was to tread.

HS 33: 7b says that this general's name was Wang Hsi
[OMITTED]. For this event, cf. that passage.

Chu Tzu-wen (before 1198) argues that in this passage
and in the parallel sentence in the biography of Hanw Hsin,
the word [OMITTED], which has been translated "together with," is not
in the original text, because it does not make sense to say that
these generals, together with their king, set up another person
as king and then collected their king's troops for this new king.
It is quite true that if we retain the word translated "together with," Hanw Hsin
cannot be included in the subject of the sentence regarding the collection of the
scattered troops. Chu Tzu-wen thinks that after Hanw Hsin had fled, his troops caused
trouble, not knowing where their king was. His generals thereupon set up another king
and gathered up the troops, then made a league with the Huns to resist the forces of
Hans. He may be right; Wang Hsien-ch'ien agrees with him.

However, on the principle that, other things being equal, a more difficult reading
is to be preferred, the word translated "together with" has been retained in the
translation, understanding that the construction is merely a loose one. Then Hanw
Hsin, from his refuge with the Huns, gave his consent and aid in setting up Chao
Li as king, but remained there, allowing the two generals to collect his scattered
troops.

In the time of the Chou dynasty, the state of Chao had occupied the region to
which Hanw Hsin had been appointed. Kao-tsu had also appointed Chang Ao as King
of Chao, but had given him only part of the territory of the former kingdom of Chao,
dividing it with the new kingdom of Hanh. Now that Hanw Hsin had been driven
out of this region, a scion of the former Chao kings was set up in his place, making
two kings of Chao, with different territories, a rebellious and a legitimate kingdom.
Possibly Chao Li had indifferent success as king, for on 1B: 16b a Chao Li is mentioned
as a general of Ch'en Hsi, but this may have been a different person.

The SC ch. 110 says that he heavily bribed the Yen-chih [OMITTED], who was the
Empress, the wife of the Shan-yü, the Hun emperor; HS 40: 16b says, "His plan is
secret, the world has not succeeded in hearing [what it was]." But Huan T'an (prob.
died 29 A.D.) in his Hsin-lun, writes, "Someone said, `Ch'en P'ing dissolved the siege
at P'ing-ch'eng for Kao-tsu, but it is said that this affair is secret, that the world has
not succeeded in hearing [what it was]. He used workmanship that was marvellous
and surpassingly good, hence it was kept hidden and not transmitted. Have you
been able, by considering the circumstances, to understand this affair?' I answered
him [thus]: This stratagem was on the contrary shabby, mean, awkward, and evil,
hence it was hidden and not reported. When Kao-tsu had been besieged for seven
days, Ch'en P'ing went and pursuaded the Yen-chih. The Yen-chih spoke to the
Shan-yü and [Kao-tsu] was let out. From this we can know what he used to persuade
her. At that time Ch'en P'ing must have said, `The Han [Emperor] has such
fine and beautiful women that no one in the world can express [the beauty] of their
forms and countenances. Now he is seriously distressed and has already sent a fast
messenger to get and bring them, intending to present them to the Shan-yü. When
the Shan-yü sees these women, he will certainly love and desire them greatly. If he
loves and desires them, then you, the Yen-chih, will daily be [more and more]
separated from him and [will see him] infrequently. It is better to take advantage
of the fact that [these women] have not yet arrived and order that the Han [Emperor]
should be allowed to escape and go. If he is gone, he will not bring [these]
women here.' The Yen-chih was a woman who had a jealous disposition, which
necessarily made her all the more hate [that such things should happen], so she mixed
in [the affair and the Han Emperor was allowed] to go. This explanation is simple and
necessary. When [this stratagem] was employed, [Ch'en P'ing] wanted to make
[people think that it was] a supernatural marvel, hence it was kept hidden and
secret and not divulged. Liu Tzu-chün [Liu Hsin, d. 23 B.C.] heard of my saying and
at once called it good." P'ei Yin (fl. 465-472) adds the further detail that Ch'en
P'ing had some painters first paint pictures of these women.

This was Chang Ao, not Chao Li. This slight almost cost Kao-tsu his life. Cf.
1B: 13a and the Glossary, sub Chang Ao.

The SC (Mh II, 393) reports this event in the next (eighth) year; its Table puts
it in the ninth year, probably because of the confusion about the day. Cf. n. 3.

According to Chavannes' calendar (T'oung Pao, vol. VII, p. 24) and that in Variétés
Sinologiques vol. 29, there could have been no hsin-mao day in the twelfth month of
Kao-tsu's seventh year. Chavannes' calendar puts such a day in the twelfth months
of the eighth and ninth years; Variétés Sinologiques vol. 29 allows such a day only in
the twelfth month of the ninth year. In view of the length of time required for Liu
Hsi to travel to Lo-yang and have his successor appointed, it seems probable that
this appointment occurred in the following (the first) month. The tenth day of the
first month of Kao-tsu's seventh year—Feb. 15, 200 B.C.—was a hsin-mao day; this
appointment was probably made on that date. But the next sentence mentions "the
spring," which means the first month: either the HS believed that the appointment
was made in the twelfth month (not noticing that then "hsin-mao" must be a mistake)
or the historian is completing his account of a sequence
of events that began in the twelfth month before he mentions
another month, therefore omitting to say "first month"
because he had trespassed into it.

Since all punishments involved some mutilation, the
lightest sentence was that of cutting off the beard. It carried
a two year sentence of penal servitude. Cf. 8: 24b.

Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the word [OMITTED] is redundant;
the SC and the Han-chi do not have it; it is a dittography for the
next occurrence of this word.

We read [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED] of the text at the suggestion of
Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813); the Official ed. (1739) also reads
thus.

The SC in this passage and the HS in the preceding and
following passages mentions Hanw Hsin; the word "Wang"
has evidently dropped out here.

The orthodox historian calls the army of a rebel, "robbers."

He is making a play on words. The name of the city,
Po-jen [OMITTED], sounds the same as the words [OMITTED], which
mean "a harassed person." This association saved him from
assassination.

Cf. 1B: 12a. At P'ing-ch'eng Kao-tsu was besieged at a neighboring walled hill.

Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "with woven ornaments."

Hu San-hsing defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "with pricked designs in all
five colors."

Yen Shih-ku defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "ornamented silk, the
same as the present flowered silk." Fine satin is also called by this name.

Wang Hsien-ch'ien defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "crape linen made out of Pueraria
phaseoloïdes."

Yen Shih-ku defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "fine linen made out of Pueraria phaseoloïdes."

Yen Shih-ku defines [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] "woven fibres of Sida or hemp
abutilon, Boehmeria nivea or Urtica nivea, made into cloth and coarse."

Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) says that [OMITTED] is defined in the Shuo-wen as a "fish-net."
He says the word here should be [OMITTED], which he defines as [OMITTED] "a cloth
made of hair [imported from] the western [nomads of central Asia or Mongolia by
the name of the] Hu." Yen Shih-ku says it is [OMITTED]
"woven hair, like the present rugs and the mat used by the Emperor in worshipping
Shang-ti." This sumptuary law has become famous.

The indication of a person's position in society by his clothing was a common practice
of the time. The word [OMITTED] denoted not only a coarse woolen cloth, but also "clothes
of the common people." The Emperor Ching ordered his officials to wear certain
kinds of clothes and certain decorations on their carriages to indicate their rank.
Cf. 5: 8a. The Shang-shu Ta-chuan (supposed to have been recited by Master Fu, who
was 99 years old in 179-157 B.C.; the passage translated below is referred to in the
HHS, Treatise 29: 2a, written by Ssu-ma Piao, prob. ca. 240-304, and in HHS 49:
5b, by Fan Yeh, 398-445) ch. 1, p. 2, says, "The ancient Emperors [referring to the
time of Yao] had to [know how to] command the people. Those people who were
able to respect their elders and take pity upon orphans, who knew what to take and
what to reject, what to be attracted to and what to yield [to others] and who could
perform their parts with all their might [were allowed to ask for] a commandment
from their prince. If they secured the commandment, then only could they obtain
[the privilege of] riding in an ornamented carriage with a pair of horses or wear a
pair of embroidered brocade [collars]. Those who did not secure [the prince's] commandment
did not get to wear [such clothes] nor get to ride [in such carriages]. If
they did ride [in such carriages] or wear [such clothes], they were fined. Common
people had wooden carriages with a single horse and wore linen or plain silk." (Another
ed. puts this passage in ch. 2, p. 27b.) While the above passage is probably
rationalizing on the basis of Han practises, it shows that the sentiment underlying such
sumptuary distinctions was ancient. The Li-chi gives detailed rules for a gentleman's
clothing (cf. ch. x, xxxvi, Couvreur's trans. I, 620-2, II, 587-90; Legge, I, 449ff: II,
395f).

Ying Shao says, "It is a ceremonial utensil for drinking wine. Anciently they
were made of a horn and held four sheng [OMITTED]." [Shen Ch'in-han says he was mistaken,
anciently they held three sheng.] Han Fei-tzu 13: 7a, sect. 34 says, "Now if you have
a jade wine-cup (chih) [worth] a thousand [catties] of gold, and it is open through,
without a base, can it hold water?" Thus the chih [OMITTED] was a vessel for pouring, with
a base. The Po-ku T'u-lu has pictures of four of these chih dating from Han times.
One (seemingly typical) is said to be 2.5 inches high, with a rounded square mouth,
3.9 inches in its longest diameter and 3.1 inches in its shorter diameter, weighing 12½
ounces, and holding 9/100 of a wine-ladle (tou).

Cf. 1A: 3a.

This transportation was at the advice of Lou Ching, to
fill up the land, and to prevent their rebelling. They were the
kingly clans of the feudal states, Ch'i, Ch'u, Yen, Chao,
Hanh, and Weih. Cf. HS 43: 13b. More than 100,000 people
were thus moved. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that the word
[OMITTED] should here be given the ancient pronounciation for chu5.

Liu Pin (1022-1088) distinguished these words: tai [OMITTED] is
directly going after and taking a man who does not run away
[OMITTED]; pu [OMITTED] is searching for and
seizing a man who has run away [OMITTED].
Or tai is simply calling a person by name and summoning him;
pu is to tie and bind him [OMITTED].

This action consisted in giving themselves the treatment
criminals and slaves received, in order to enable them to go to
prison with their king. Cf. p. 118, n. 1. Chi Pu, a general of
Hsiang Yü, was hunted, after Hsiang Yü was killed. A price
was on his head. He similarily shaved his head, put an iron
collar around his neck, and sold himself into slavery in order to
escape. Cf. HS 37: 1.

Lit. "surpass their right." Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Anciently the right was
considered the more honorable," contrary to the practice in the Ch'ing court. The
Han dynasty regularly esteemed the right the more honorable. Cf. Mh II, 415, n. 1.

But such was not always the case in ancient times. Liu Pin (1022-1088) said,
"Those who are at peace and at home consider the left more honorable, whereas those
who are at war consider the right more honorable. Honoring the right was a custom
of the time of the Warring Kingdoms (iii & iv cent. B.C.)." Wu Jen-chieh (ca.
1137-1199) said, "[The statement], `Those who use weapons honor the right,' comes
from the book of [the philosopher] Lao-tzu [sect. 31]. Anciently in inauspicious matters
the right was esteemed; weapons are inauspicious instruments and so the right
was esteemed, probably because they were treated with inauspicious ceremonies. In
the Li-chi it says, `In riding in a prince's chariot we dare not leave the left [place]
empty,' and the commentator says that in a carriage the left is considered more
honorable. In a traveling carriage the left is more honorable, [whereas] in a
war chariot the right is more honorable. The Prince of Weih left his chariot and
rode a horse, emptying the left [place in the chariot], and himself invited Hou
Sheng [to occupy that place]; hence at the time of the Warring Kingdoms at times the
left was esteemed. The Li-Chi, chap. 35, in discussing carriages and war chariots, says,
`In the army the left is esteemed.' In the Tso-chuan it says, `Han Chüeh [OMITTED]
acting as charioteer took his place in the middle,' and the commentator Tu [Yü, 222284]
said, `Except for the commander-in-chief, the charioteer always was in the center
[place in the chariot], the general was on the left.' [Hence we] know that according
to the proprieties of the war chariot, only the prince and the commander-in-chief
esteemed the right. Among the rest of the generals the left was esteemed. Yen
Shih-ku, in a comment on chap. 14, wrote, `The Han [dynasty] followed the principles
of court procedure of the highest antiquity in honoring the right; hence those
officials who were serving the nobles who held office were called "left officials." '
According to the saying of Szu Wei, `Now we divide the land and establish officials for
it; this is to "left" it,' then the name of `left officials' was already in use in the Ch'un-ch'iu
period (722-486 B.C.)" Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755 A.D.) said, "Chung Hui
was the `left' chancellor [OMITTED] of T'ang, Yi-yin as `right' chancellor preceded him;
Ch'ing Feng was the `left' chancellor of Ch'i, Ts'ui Shu as `right' chancellor preceded
him, not necessarily in accordance with military etiquette. In their military etiquette
only the people of Ch'u esteemed the left; hence `the king rode with the left
cohorts.' [Tso-chuan, Legge, p. 319.] In the state of Lu [the most cultured in ancient
China] the position in the center of the army was left vacant and Chi [the chancellor]
commanded from the left division—then accordingly in Lu the left was also esteemed—
it is difficult to explain away these contradictory facts. Probably in matters of precedence,
those who esteemed the right were the more numerous." In popular usage today,
the right is the more esteemed.

The present text reads, "the Grand Empress' [OMITTED], who would be Kao-tsu's
mother. But this reading is certainly wrong. On 1B: 4a Kao-tsu's mother is
spoken of as "deceased" and is given a posthumous title. Ju Shun quotes the comment
in the Han-chiu-yi (supposedly by Wei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57) as saying, "The
mother of the Emperor Kao-[tsu] died in the time of the wars at [a place] north
of Hsiao-huang; later a funerary temple [for her] was made at Hsiao-huang." When
Kao-tsu's father was given the title, "the Grand Emperor," his mother should also
have been given a title, if she were living; and since the historian quotes the edict
granting the title, the title would have been mentioned; its absence is proof that she
was dead. The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 12: 4a, written by one of China's keenest historians,
reads, "In the fifth month the Grand Emperor died at the Yüeh-yang palace;
in the seventh month on [the day] kuei-mao, the Grand Emperor was buried at Wan-nien."
The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien Kao-yi 1:3a (also by Szu-ma Kuang) says, "The Han-chi
[4:2b] in the fifth month has not the word hou and in the seventh month has
not the word `died.' " We have adopted this reading and omit these two characters.

On the other hand, the SC (Mh II, 393) writes, "In the spring and summer nothing
happened," from which it might be inferred that the SC puts both the death and the
burial of Kao-tsu's father in the seventh month. SCHC 7:65; 8:48, 60 (Mh II,
313, 365, 377) say that Hsiang Yü returned to the King of Hans his father, his mother,
his wife and children. But earlier, after the battle at P'eng-ch'eng, it says merely
that he sent to seek for his father and his wife, and that these two were captured by
Hsiang Yü (Mh II, 300, 301). Chao Yi (1727-1814), in his Nien-erh Shih Ta-chi 1:13b,
14a, argues that it is not exact to explain "father, mother, wife, and children" as merely
a general term for "family." Kao-tsu's father had a concubine in addition to the
wife who was Kao-tsu's mother, and Kao-tsu had children by concubines in addition
to the two by his wife, so that Kao-tsu's step-mother and his children by concubines
were among those captured and returned by Hsiang Yü.

Yen Shih-ku quotes the San-fu Huang-t'u (probably written iii to vi cent.) as saying
(at present this passage is a note to 6: 4b), "Kao-tsu first lived in Yüeh-yang, hence
the Grand Emperor also [lived] at Yüeh-yang. In the tenth year, the Grand Emperor
died and was buried on the plain north [of that place] and there was established
the town of Wan-nien." The HHS, Mem. 23: 10a says, Kuang-wu "travelled east
and passed Hsiao-huang, where is the park and mound of the Emperor Kao-[tsu]'s
mother, the Empress Chao-ling." Hence Kao-tsu's father and mother were not buried
together, as they would undoubtedly have been if they had died at the same place or
in close succession.

The Official ed. (1739) writes [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], and Sung Ch'i says the former should
be corrected to the latter.

These were temples to the Han dynastic house. Since a goodly number of the
kings were already members of the Liu family and eventually all of them were to be
members of that house, this act was quite appropriate, altho Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722)
says that it was "the beginning of impropriety," and that Wei Hsüan-ch'eng and Kung
Yü (q.v. in Glossary) first detected its wrongfulness.

Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says, "The old text [before vi cent.]
writes [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Han-shu K'an-wu [1034] has changed
it in accordance with the SC. Moreover the Chang River is
not to the north."

HS 28 Ai: 53a enumerates only 18 prefectures in the
Ch'ang-shan commandery; the territory of Ch'ang-shan was
evidently later curtailed.

Lit. "acted universally"; i.e., rewards had always been
given for some particular reason.

The SC has [OMITTED] "heard," instead of the HS [OMITTED] "asked
about."

He was given this title only for this campaign.

The SC tells that only those who had cursed and insulted
him were executed. Cf. Mh II, 395.

Cf. p. 119, n. 2.

He was accused of rebellion by a man of his suite whose
brother had offended him and feared he would be executed. The
Empress nee Lü (in the absence of Kao-tsu) tricked Han Hsin
into coming to the court and had him executed in the palace.
Cf. HS 34: 13a; Glossary, sub Han Hsin.

Lit. "the Yi and Ti." The SC, dealing with the time
of the legendary emperor Shun, speaks of the Yi [OMITTED] as the eastern barbarians (Mh I,
68 & n. 1), but the SC in chap. 116 and the HS in chap. 95 uses this same word to
refer to the barbarians in the west and south (including the peoples of the Tarim basin).
The word became a general term for barbarians, altho earlier it was restricted to those
in the east. Ti [OMITTED] was the word used in early times to refer to the barbarians to
the north of China (Mh I, 68 & n. 1).

Wang Hsien-ch'ien says, "Formerly when [Liu] Ju-yi was king of Tai and Chang
Ao was king of Chao, each had their own [territory] as their state. But after [Chang]
Ao was removed, [Liu] Ju-yi was moved to be king of Chao and then also governed
the region of Tai. Moreover Ch'en Hsi, as the Chancellor of State in Tai, was ordered
to superintend the borders of both Tai and Chao. When [Ch'en] Hsi rebelled, Chou
Ch'ang was the Chancellor of [Liu] Ju-yi's state, but Ch'ang-shan lost twenty cities,
[showing that] the state of Chao could not care for all [that territory]. Hence Chao
and Tai were again divided to be two states."

In the earlier part of the HS, T'ai-yüan is said to have 31 prefectures; 28 Bi: 38b
however mentions only 18.

It had been the capital of Hanw Hsin's Shansi state of Hanh. HS 4: 1b states
that Liu Heng's capital was at Chung-tu, so evidently he too, like Hanw Hsin, moved
his capital away from Chin-yang.

Ch'u Shao-sun (fl. 47-7 B.C.) in his supplement to SC 58: 8b, writes, "When the
vassal kings come to court and appear before the Son of Heaven, [according to] the
regulations of the Han [dynasty], each one must attend only four audiences. When
they first come they attend a semiformal reception [OMITTED]. At dawn on the first day
of the first month they bring the formal congratulations of the New Year at the
regular audience, offering furs [or leather [OMITTED]] and presenting jade circlets [OMITTED] and jade
to offer New Year's congratulations, which was a formal audience. The third day
after, a feast was given for the kings and they were granted gold, cash, and valuables.
The second day after they again attended a semi-formal audience, took their leave, and
departed. The whole stay [of the nobles] at Ch'ang-an was no more than twenty
days. The semi-formal audiences were semi-formal banquets [OMITTED], audiences in the forbidden
apartments [OMITTED]; the drinking was in the inner apartments [OMITTED], where
people who were not eunuchs were not allowed to enter." This practice then began
with Kao-tsu; he celebrated the tenth month as New Year's; in the time of the Emperor
Wu, New Year's day was changed to the first month; the court reception was
possibly continued in the tenth month, another was added in the first month.

Wang Nien-sun shows by the citation of parallel passages that [OMITTED] here means [OMITTED].

The following part of this edict is translated in G. Margouliès, Le Kou-wen Chinois,
p. 49f. This is one of the edicts leading up to the establishment of the examination
system.

King Wen had Chiang Tzu-ya as his chancellor, and Duke Huan had Kuan-chung
as his.

This phrase is more than a conventional expression of gratitude; it implies the
theory that the Han dynasty attained the throne by supernatural means, which
helped it greatly in continuing on the throne. Cf. HS 100A: 8b, 9a.

According to Shen Ch'in-han, in Kao-tsu's time there was not yet a Master of
Writing, hence all edicts and ordinances were drafted by the Secretaries, who transmitted
them outside the palace; the Grandee Secretary was the chief of the Secretaries,
hence he directly transmitted the edict to the Chancellor of State.

The text writes, "[Chou] Ch'ang," but that name is mistaken, for at this time
Chou Ch'ang was Chancellor of Chao. According to HS 19B: 3a, the Grandee
Secretary at this time was Chao Yao. He had been Secretary of the Tallies and
Imperial Seals and was appointed Grandee Secretary in 197. In 188, when Empress née
Lü took the throne, he was dismissed. His biography is in HS ch. 42.

Reading [OMITTED] instead of the present [OMITTED] with a quotation of this passage in a comment
by Li Shan (649-689) on the preface to Wang Yung's Ch'ü-shui Shih in
the Wen-hsüan. In addition to the fact that this reading restores the parallelism of
the sentence, there is ample evidence given by Ch'ien Ta-hsin that [OMITTED], and [OMITTED]
were interchanged. Yen Shih-ku, who commented on the whole HS, does not remark
on this character; evidently in his time the true reading was still understood.

Reading [OMITTED] with Liu Pin (1022-1088) and others for the [OMITTED]
in the text.

The Ku-wen-yüan 10: 3b (a collection of literature made in
T'ang or Sung times) tells that Tung Chung-shu (ii cent. B.C.)
sent a letter to the secretary of Kung-sun Hung (the Lieutenant
Chancellor in 128-123 B.C.) saying, "I wish that you, sir
marquis, would open wide the road [opened by] the Chancellor
of State Hsiao [Ho for the purpose of] seeking for capable
men, and would keep narrow the gate for their selection
and presentation [to the Emperor]." Hence Hsiao Ho
probably urged and approved of the edict in the text. The
task of selecting capable and able officials was the duty of the
Chancellor, so that the persons recommended by the various
magistrates went to him. In HS chap. 58, p. 6a we find the
statement, Kung-sun Hung "opened the Tung-ko [OMITTED] [a
small eastern hall in the palace] for the reception of capable
men." Hsieh Hsüan said to Chu Yün (in HS 67: 7a), "Stay
a while longer at the Tung-ko in order to interview the strange
gentlemen [sent up] from all quarters." In this passage we
find the earliest stage of the Chinese examination system.

The SC tells that P'eng Yüeh was first transferred to Shu
after it was heard that he planned to revolt; when he planned
to revolt a second time, he was exterminated. Cf. Mh II, 395.

Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) remarks that the Tung and the
Ying-ch'uan Commanderies were not disestablished; parts of
them were merely given to Liang and to Huai-yang.

Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) tells that Kao-tsu's father was
homesick and wanted to return home to Feng, but Kao-tsu built
another city with its walls, its official residences, its markets,
and its wards like those of Feng, calling it Hsin-feng, lit. "the
New Feng," and moved the people of Feng to fill it up. Yen
Shih-ku says this was "the old city of Hsin-feng." It is natural
that Kao-tsu should have given special privileges to people
from his home town. A similar exemption was granted to the
old Feng, cf 1B: 20b.

I.e., the Chinese, the people of the Yellow and Yangtze
river basins, which was then China proper. The SC (Mh
II, 168) says that the First Emperor sent inveterate vagabonds,
parasites, and shop-keepers to conquer the territory of Lu-liang
(present Kuang-tung), and made out of it the commanderies of
Kuei-lin, Hsiang, and Nan-hai.

Kao-tsu had previously granted other favors to his old
soldiers. In 202 B.C. (1B: 4b) the members of the noble houses
in Kuan-chung were exempted for twelve years and the soldiers
were granted honorary titles and they and their households
exempted from public service (no period specified). Officers
were given a step in rank and high officers were granted pensions.
In 200 B.C. (1B: 13a) those who were besieged with him in
P'ing-ch'eng, on his ill-fated campaign against the Huns, were
given life-long exemption from public service. Soldiers killed
in battle were to be sent home and buried at public expense.
Now (196 B.C.) those soldiers who had been with him thru his
whole victorious campaign from the time he started as a mere
King of Hans and who helped him to conquer Kuan-chung
were given life-long exemption. In 195 B.C. (1B: 22b) their
descendants were also granted exemption. These last two
grants seem to have been made in order to forestall possible
rebellions and to tie their interests to those of the house of Liu.

The Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien ed. (1549),
and the Official ed. (1739) read [OMITTED] instead of the text's [OMITTED],
thereby making the passage say that the Emperor "summoned"
him—a statement more in accordance with Chinese ideas of
propriety. I have retained the more difficult reading.

Ch'ing Pu started from his capital at the present Shou-hsien
on the Huai River in northern Anhui and struck at Kao-tsu's
cousin, whose capital was at the present Wu-hsien (Soochow)
in southern Kiangsu, then went north to attack the
Emperor's brother, whose capital was at the present T'ung-hsien
(Suchow) in northern Kiangsu. Liu Chiao fled north into the
present Shantung. Ch'ing Pu fled from Kao-tsu south thru
Anhui, probably past his capital, and was routed near the present
Chao Hu in central Anhui. He turned west, was again
routed in central western Anhui on the Pi River, and fled towards
Ch'ang-sha in Hunan. He was caught and killed at P'o-yang
in Kiangsi.

It was Kao-tsu's home.

Lit. "to assist at the feast."

Ying Shao says, "Its shape is like a sê [OMITTED] [ch'in [OMITTED] is
written in the text, but it is a mistake for sê. The SC Cheng-yi
(737) quotes this remark with sê] with a large head. It is
strung with strings and they are struck with a bamboo [plectrum]."
Yen Shih-ku adds that it has a narrow neck.

This poem became after his death a ritual chant, sung and
danced in the imperial ancestral temple by young people from
P'ei. Cf. Mh III, 234. This song has become famous. Parker
says it is "among the most remarkable specimens of genuine
ancient poetry." In addition to Chavannes' translation (Mh
I, clxi and II, 397), this poem has been translated by E. H.
Parker in the New China Review, I (1919), p. 630, and in E.
von Zach, Übersetzungen aus dem Wen Hsüan, p. 74. It was
written out in seal character by Ts'ai Yung (133-192) and
engraved on a stone tablet at the Ko-feng-t'ai (lit. "the Terrace
[where Kao-tsu] sang [about] the wind") and is still preserved
at P'ei.

The Official ed. (1739) reads [OMITTED] "its home," and quotes a
remark of Sung Ch'i that it should read lo [OMITTED]; the SC inverts to
read lo-[OMITTED].

According to the Feng-su T'ung-yi (written by Ying Shao), [OMITTED]
was an expletive in the region of Ch'u; that may be its meaning
here. But this word is used constantly as a sign of the imperative
mood, especially at the beginning of a phrase in edicts, so
that it seems to be straining the passage to give it any other
meaning here.

Lit. "the town that provides hot water for washing the
hair." On such estates the lords paid no taxes to the Emperor;
revenues from them went for the private expenses of the lord.
Cf. Mh I, 287, n. 1, ad fin.

The SC adds the words [OMITTED] "[they begged] Kao-tsu
to stay."

Ju Shun says, "They presented cattle and wine" to their
departing guest.

Cf. 1A: 10b, 11a, 12a, and 1B: 10b.

At the suggestion of Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) we
read [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED] Chao in the text. The Chao River was
in the Ling-liang Commandery (present Kuangsi), a place
which does not fit in with the preceding and following locations.
The Pi River was in the Chiu-chiang Commandery; the two
characters look alike and could easily have been exchanged.
This emendation makes Ch'ing Pu's course logical. Cf.
p. 135, n. 2.

Ku Tsu-yü (ca. 1631-1693) says however that the "Chao
Shui" was the Chao Hu [OMITTED] of the T'ai-hu (between
Chekiang and Kiangsu), with which Wang Hsien-ch'ien agrees.
His interpretation does not require any emendation of the text
and may be correct.

Yen Shih-ku says, "Some of the present texts have [OMITTED] after
the `Ch'en' [making it read, `Your subject, [Wu] Jui']; the
popular copies have corruptly interpolated it."

Kao-tsu did have an uncanny ability to size up a person's
character, and this statement may be merely logical reasoning
on his part, but it looks like a prophecy post factum. Ying
Shao says, "Kao-tsu was wise in planning [for the future].
`The look of a rebel' could even be known. That there would
be a revolt in the southeast and to be capable of fixing upon
`fifty years' is [however] what [only] a diviner would know."
Thus even he does not think that Kao-tsu could have on
the spur of the moment known the future except thru a
previous divination. In 154 B.C. Liu P'i did lead a rebellion
of six kingdoms, was defeated, trapped, killed, and his kingdom
abolished. Cf. HS 5: 4a; ch. 35; Glossary, sub Liu P'i.

In this sacrifice, Kao-tsu seems to have been following
the same policy that he followed in ennobling Yo Yi's descendant (cf. 1B: 16a)—to
conciliate his people by honoring their heroes. This was probably the first time
Confucius had been sacrificed to by anyone outside his own descendants. Cf. J. K.
Shryock, The State Cult of Confucius, ch. VI. This passage is very likely unhistorical,
for (1) there were no other imperial sacrifices to Confucius until 29 A.D.,
when the Emperor Kuang-wu merely sent a minister to sacrifice, and Kao-tsu's precedent,
if he really sacrificed in person, would have been followed by his successors, and
(2) this tradition that Kao-tsu sacrificed to Confucius is based on a passage in SC
ch. 47 which contains some other rather doubtful statements (cf. ibid. p. 95), while
Kao-tsu's Annals in SC ch. 8 omit this tradition. Kao-tsu's wound (cf. 1B: 32b)
might not have troubled him seriously at this time; he did not die until almost half a
year later. Cf. Duyvendak in Jour. of Am. Or. Soc'y, Sept. 1935, 55: 333-6.

The care of the tomb involved the making of regular offerings to the spirits of the
deceased as well as cleaning the mound, etc. Such offerings were expensive, hence the
provision of a number of families and their exemption from other taxes—the amount
they would otherwise pay as rent or taxes was to go for the provision of offerings,
etc. In ordering these sacrifices Kao-tsu was following his general policy of conciliating
his people in order to prevent further rebellions.

Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks that the character [OMITTED], which
now follows the phrase [OMITTED], should precede it. We have followed
his suggestion. There is probably some mistake in the
text at this point.

The Sung Ch'i ed. tells that the old text (before vii cent.) and
the Yüeh ed. (ca. xi-xii cent.) omit the reply of the physician.
The Ching-yu ed. (1034) also omits it. The physician's reply
is found in SC 8: 35b and is needed for the narrative.

Lit. "[wearing] clothes of [plain] cloth, and wielding a
three foot [sword]." Common persons were compelled to wear
plain cloth; three feet was the common length of a two-edged
sword. The SC has here the word [OMITTED], "sword"; the HS has
omitted it in condensing. Yen Shih-ku tells that the vulgar
copies have this word. Three ancient Chinese feet was about
27 inches long, English measure.

Lit. "after the `hundred years' "; previously in speaking of
his decease, Kao-tsu had said, "after my `ten-thousand years,' "
cf. 1B: 20a.

Here there is used the word at present often tabooed: [OMITTED].

Kao-tsu uses the pronoun nai [OMITTED]. Shen Ch'in-han says
that "originally nai was the pronoun used by a husband in
speaking to his wife," quoting the Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (vi cent.).
Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that it is merely a word of familiar
address.

The Han-chiu-yi written by Wei Hung (fl. 25-57), says,
"When the Emperor Kao-[tsu] died, on the third day, the
first clothes were put on the corpse in his room below the
window. There was made of chestnut wood a spirit tablet,
eight inches long, square in front and round behind, a foot in
circumference, which was placed in the window, facing outwards
from inside [the room]. Silk floss was spread out as a screen.
In front of it were four sticks of white wood as thick as a finger
and three feet long, bound with white fur, set in the four directions
in the window with the spirit tablet in their center. On
the seventh day the corpse was completely clothed, put into the
coffin, and sacrificed to in the window, [using] pap made of
glutinous millet and sheep tongues. When he had already
been buried, the spirit tablet was taken up, enclosed in a wooden
cover, and kept in the great hall of the temple, in a niche in the
western wall."

Since the throne always faces south, courtiers always face
north.

The Fukien ed. (1549) writes [OMITTED]; the SC, the Han-chi
(ii cent.) & other HS texts write [OMITTED].

I.e., destruction would come in a moment.

The ancestral temple of the imperial family.

[OMITTED]. The word became his temple name; cf. 5:2b.

[OMITTED]; this word is made his title.

[OMITTED], lit. "the Great Emperor." This is his posthumous
name. He is usually known as Han Kao-tsu, from the
name of the dynasty and words taken partly from his posthumous
title and partly from the phrase in note 4.

Referring to Li Yi-chi and Lou Ching. Cf. 1A: 15b; 1B: 7a.

Regarding legal punishments. Cf. 1A: 20a, b.

Cf. HS ch. 23; Glossary sub Hsiao Ho. The following
clauses are taken from SC 130:28.

HS 30: 60a lists "Han Hsin, in three chapters" among the
books on war and strategy. 30: 65a reads, "When the Han
[dynasty] arose, Chang Liang and Han Hsin arranged and
ordered its military methods."

Ju Shun interprets this phrase as referring to the calendar
and to weights and measures; Yen Shih-ku says the second part
of this phrase refers to the standard models [for weights and
measures]. Cf. 42: 5a.

He fixed the etiquette and laws of the Han ancestral
temple and to some extent the general etiquette and laws of
the Han dynasty. Cf. Glossary sub Shu-sun T'ung; Hu Shih's
account in Jour. N. C. Br. R. A. S. 60: 24-5.

The foregoing items are used in connection with the ceremonies
of enfeoffing nobles. Cf. Glossary, sub Marquis.

This stock phrase "in eulogy" introduces a summary by
the author. The practise of introducing an opinion by the historian, as distinguished
from the recital of facts, began with the Tso-chuan, which uses the phrase [OMITTED] for
that purpose. The SC uses the phrase [OMITTED] and the HS uses [OMITTED]each
marks a summary and expression of personal opinion.

The practise of introducing a quotation into the historian's summary is copied from
the SC, which frequently does that, one famous quotation extending over many pages.

The ancient distinction between the clan name [OMITTED] and the family name [OMITTED] is kept
in the following passage in the text—family names changed from time to time, since
they were based on incidental historical events, such as the possession of a particular
fief; clan names were inherited and did not change. But in Han times that distinction
was lost. Pan Ku seems to have known that distinction and to have realized
that in his time it was no longer pertinent. Szu-ma Ch'ien does not even seem to
know of this distinction, and confuses the two.

Ying Shao says that he not only made them obey his will but also nourished and
reared them. This passage is also quoted in the SC (Mh I, 168).

This literary phrase refers to Duke Wen of Chin (reigned 636-628 B.C.), who became
Lord Protector, the professed leader of the Chinese feudal states. The word
here translated China is [OMITTED].

Yen Shih-ku, basing his account on the Tso-chuan, says that in 621 B.C. Duke
Hsiang of Chin died and Szu Hui with Hsien-mieh [OMITTED] travelled to the state of
Ch'in where they went to meet the Prince Yung [OMITTED], intending to make him the
heir of Chin. In 620 B.C., using a Ch'in army, they brought Yung into Chin. But
when Hsüan-tzu of Chao set up Duke Ling [OMITTED] and fought with the Ch'in army,
defeating it at K'u-shou [OMITTED], Hsien-mieh fled to Ch'in and Szu Hui followed him.
Cf. Legge, Tso-chuan, p. 2435, 24616.

Yen Shih-ku continues that in 614 B.C. some people of Chin got Shou-yü of
Weih to pretend to revolt against Weih, and lured Szu Hui to welcome him. The state
of Ch'in returned to him his wife and children. The rest of his family remained in
Ch'in, but, since they had no official rank or fief, they took again the family name
previously used by Liu Lui.

The sentence in the text about the family again taking the Liu surname is quoted
from the Tso-chuan, Duke Lu, 13th year (Legge's translation, vol. I, p. 264, par. 2).
On that sentence Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) quotes a remark of K'ung Ying-ta (574648)
in his Tso-chuan Su, doubting the authenticity of this sentence in the Tso-chuan.
Szu Hui's family attained no prominence in the state of Ch'in in his lifetime nor did
they later do anything worthy of remark. Hence there was no reason for the Tso-chuan
to notice their surname. Moreover, the sentence about their surname does not fit in
with the subject matter of the preceding or following. He thinks it was not originally
in the Tso-chuan, but was added by some scholar when the Han dynasty arose,
as a means of gaining their favor.

In the time of the Han Emperor Ming (58-75 A.D.), Chia K'uei petitioned the
throne saying, "The five classics offer no proof or prophecy showing that the Liu family
is the descendant of Yao; only Tso has any definite statement." The sentence about
the Liu family was probably added to the Tso-chuan however before the time of
Chia K'uei; in 78 B.C. Kuei Hung [OMITTED] (HS 75: 1b) memorialized the throne,
saying, "The house of Han carries on the line of Yao," so that in his time the Tso-chuan
may have already contained this sentence. Later Liu Hsiang (76-6 B.C.)
praised Kao-tsu saying that he had "descended from the Emperor T'ang [Yao]," and
Wang Mang (ruled 6-23 A.D.) called the Han dynasty "the descendants of Yao."
Pan Piao himself in his Wang-ming-lun (cf. HS 100A: 10b) said, "[They are the]
descendants of the Emperor Yao." This spurious geneology had great political
importance. Cf. HS 100A: 7a-11a.

Wen Yin (fl. ca. 196-220) said that when, in the time of the Six States (468-246
B.C.), the state of Ch'in made an expedition against Weih, a Mr. Liu was with the
army and was captured by Weih, so that the family was thus made to live in Weih.

The state of Weih was destroyed by Ch'in in 225 B.C., but Yen Shih-ku thinks
that this sentence refers to the time when King Chao of Ch'in
(306-266 B.C.) made an expedition against Weih and the King
of Weih left the city of An-yi [OMITTED] and moved eastwards to
Ta-liang, calling his state Liang. Liu Ch'ang (1019-1068)
thinks Yen Shih-ku is mistaken.

Cf. 1A: 11a.

These six lines are of four words each and rime.

[OMITTED]. This is the first occurrence of this title in the book. It seems as if someone had thought that since Kao-tsu was at first known as "the Lord of P'ei," his grandfather must have been known as "the Lord of" at least the town he lived in. Cf. p. 40, n. 1.

The four regions in which Kao-tsu's supposed ancestors
had lived. The Fan family had held office in Chin, hence Chin
shamans were necessary to worship their ancestral spirits; a
branch of Fan Hui's descendants were supposed to have remained
in Ch'in, where they took the surname Liu, so that Ch'in
shamans were needed for them; the Liu family went to Weih
(which was also called Liang, from the name of its capital city),
hence Liang shamans were needed; later the family moved to
Feng, which was in Ching (Ch'u), so that Ching shamans were
also needed. The principle was that ghosts need the sort of
worship peculiar to the region where they lived and were buried.

The ancestors were taken as the surrogate or representative
of Heaven or as those who introduce the worshipers to
Heaven and so are worshiped simultaneously with Heaven.
Cf. "The Works of Hsüntze," chap. xix, 20; H. H. Dubs,
"Hsüntze," p. 114.

Cf. 1A: 6b, 7a.

The wonderful sights, the physiognomization, and the
emanation. Cf. 1A: 3b, 5b, 7b.

Cf. 1A: 9b.

Cf. p. 35, n. 2. This last sentence condenses Pan Piao's
essay on "The Discussion of the Destiny of Kings," found in
HS 100A: 8a-11b.