 | The Cavalier daily Friday, February 9, 1973 |  |
Robert Byrd: From Country Butcher to U.S. Senator
By PAT GRANEY
Amidst the exuberance and
pomp of social and political
Washington stands one man
cold, stern, devoted, and
singularly different... This man
who serves at the number two
position in the United States
Senate as the Democratic
party's assistant majority
leader or "whip", is Senator
Robert Carlyle Byrd from West
Virginia.
From small-town butcher
to United States Senator,
Robert Byrd is an
extraordinary success story. He
is now considered one of
Washington's most powerful
men and is known for his
candor, diligence and
willingness to serve others. As
majority whip he has given the
position a prominence neither
of his immediate predecessors,
Edward Kennedy of
Massachusetts or Russell Long
of Louisiana, desired to do.
More importantly, however,
it appears that Byrd, at 55, is
next in line for the Majority
Leader spot in the Senate. As a
man filled with ambition and
tempered by experience, his
chances are better than
average.
His close association with
Majority Leader Mike
Mansfield (D.–Mont.), now 68,
also enhances his prospects for
advancement. Mansfield has
often praised Byrd's diligence,
even admitting that Byrd, as
whip, has "taken a load off his
back."
He marshals votes, acts as
an authority on Senate
procedure, frequently reminds
colleagues of points of order
and rules, and often performs
"little favors" for his fellow
senators, such as reminding
them of role calls. Yet his
willingness to serve others has
given him an image some
would term as professional
sycophancy.
Achieves Great Success
As a senator, Byrd has
achieved great success in
Washington. Even his bitterest
enemies consider him a
"master politician." He is
straightforward and
hard-working. These qualities
won him the whip position in
1971.
In effect, he runs the
day-to-day operation of the
Senate. With his procedural
authority, he can sway the
direction of legislation,
especially since he regulates
debates and lobbying time on
the floor.
Furthermore, if he were to —Associated Press
call on those comrades whom
he has at one time "served" in
some way, he might receive
Byrd Performing During 1958 Campaign; Some Say He "Fiddled" His Way Into Public Office
acknowledged political force
in the Senate.
At first seemingly
unimpressive, Robert Byrd
grows on you with a
charismatic charm, as he has
grown on the people of West
Virginia for the last 27 years.
His personality, however, is not
striking. In fact his manner is
brisk and at times almost rude;
he is in a hurry, and with good
reason.
Specifically, as majority
whip, he strives to be on or
near the Senate floor at all
times. He has one of the
highest attendance records in
the Senate. Prior to his
selection as whip in 1971, he
had an amazing 95.3 per cent
attendance record, missing
only 143 out of 3056 roll calls.
Anderson Lauds Stamina
As a result, he follows a
schedule that, as famed
columnist Jack Anderson once
said, "few other men could
stand. Sen. Byrd works a virtual
seven-day work week.
"The morning is usually
devoted to reviewing important
constituent mail and conferring
with his staff," explained Mr.
in the Senate. ...filled with ambition and tempered with
experience, his chances are better than average.
the floor for the rest of the
day, taking a few minutes off
to eat a light lunch by himself
in the Democratic cloakroom
just off the Senate floor."
"When the Senate adjourns,
Byrd returns to his office to
resume work on constituent
matters. He seldom goes home
for dinner until 10 p.m."
A man of medium build,
silver-gray hair worn long and
combed back, he strikes you at
first as exceedingly dull
because of his conservative
dress and low-keyed manner of
speech.
However, nothing could be
farther from the truth. His
mind is keen, his speech is
sharp and his manner attentive
and direct.
For example, during the
1946 race for the West Virginia
House of Delegates, his first
political contest, he was
plagued by lack of reputation
and finance. He did not even
know how to drive a car.
Yet, with the help of
friends for transportation,
Byrd shouldered his fiddle
and charmed the "holler" and
"crick" people of West Virginia
with his wit and talent. On
the other hand, he hit them
with a fiery tongue espousing a
pragmatic, fundamentalist
doctrine which has carried him
ever since.
Reminiscing about the first
race, Byrd said later, "I put up
the 10 dollar filling fee and ran
for the House of Delegates.
Some of my friends said I
could not win because I had no
money and no connections. I
took my violin under the arm,
and everywhere I went I played
two or three tunes to get
attention, after which I would
make my little speeches. It has
been said I fiddled my way
into the state legislature.
Perhaps so."
His ability to relate so well
with the "country folk" in
West Virginia can be traced to
his birth. Orphaned only ten
months after he was born in
Wilkesboro, N.C., he was raised
by foster parents during the
depression years in the southern
West Virginia mining town of
Stokesberry.
For Robert Byrd there were
many days of pinto beans and
cornbread, a fare hardly
customary for a prospective
U.S. Senator.
He graduated from Mark
Twain High School at 16 as
valedictorian and began to
work in a service station three
miles from home. Soon he
married and obtained a job as a
butcher. Cold mornings and
long winter walks to work each
day did not exactly offer
encouragement of better things
to come, especially for a
political career.
Yet, these "lowly
beginnings" enabled Robert
Byrd to begin his career by
relating exceedingly well with
the people of West Virginia. He
now appeals to a majority of
voters by running on the same
law-and-order, fundamentalist
platform emphasizing his rise to
prominence from poverty. His
manner is smooth and his
philosophy "down home."
In fact, his popularity has
given him an unparalleled
political record in the state.
Since that 1946 race, he has
served two terms in the state
House, one in the West Virginia
Senate, three in the United
States House of Representatives
and three in the Senate.
Not only has Mr. Byrd
never lost a political election,
he has held more elective
legislative positions than any
other West Virginian. He has
been popular ever since he
"fiddled" his way into the
state legislature in 1946.
In the 1958 Senatorial race
he lead the ticket, winning by a
margin of 18,573 votes, and in
1964 he received 85.4 per cent
of all Democratic votes cast.
In recent election years, his
fiddle has lain dormant – with
the enormous pluralities he has
won at the polls, he no longer
needs it. In fact, in the 1970
Senate re-election campaign,
Byrd did not even use bumper
stickers or buttons; his
newspaper campaign ads were
two inch by one column and
said simply, "Byrd November
Third."
Since that first race,
Byrd has come a long way, first
by educating himself at four
southern West Virginian
colleges and by moving to the
United States House of
Representatives in 1952.
Holds Key Positions
Although he served an
uneventful three terms in
Washington with the House of
Representatives, in the last few
years he has held key
subcommittee positions in the
Senate. His middle-of-the-road
policies have placed him in a
position to wield authority on
both sides of the political
fence.
"I consider myself a
pragmatist, "Byrd said with
a smile, a gesture one rarely
receives from the serious
statesman. "I think everyone
considers himself in the best
light. The problem comes in
seeing ourselves as others see
us. I think of myself as a
centrist," he paused, "a
middle-of-the-road pragmatist
not a doctrinal liberal, but a
middle-of-the-road political
philosopher whom I hope has
his feet on the ground."
Follows Neutral Policies
Looking closer, his
evaluation seems correct. As a
"good" friend of President
Nixon's, Byrd has sided
with the Administration in
recent years more often than
not, yet he has diplomatically
swayed neither too far to the
political left nor right to
endanger his ever-increasing
popularity.
His hard-nosed
law-and-order emphasis has
placed him often in agreement
with the Executive Branch. He
has supported Nixon's.
economic, law-and-order and
Vietnam policies, and has
shown "consideration" for the
Supreme Court Understandably
the Republican National
Committee conveniently failed to
allot any campaign funds to his
opponent in 1970.
The senator's record since
1967 shows that he has voted
with the President more often
than most of his fellow Senate
democrats. In 1971 he sided
with Nixon on 55 percent
of the Senate's votes; in
1969-70, 52 per cent; and in
1967-68, 57 per cent of the
time. Byrd, however,
denies any partiality to a
particular side.
"I have been a good friend
of all the Presidents under
whom I have served, and they
number five," he explained. "I
vote on the basis of the
question which is before the
Senate, not necessarily with
the majority, not necessarily
with the President, but by
judging the issue on the basis
of the facts and then voting in
accordance with what I believe
to be in the best interests of
the country, number one, my
state and its people, and then
the party."
Supports President Nixon
The senator has supported
Nixon in Indochina. In fact
he has been called "rather
hawkish" for his frequent
support. He said in August
1972 that he believed the
President to be "on the right
track" in Vietnam.
He did, however, support
Mike Mansfield's 1971
amendment calling for U.S.
military withdrawal upon the
release of American prisoners
of war within nine months.
"Vietnam has shown the
futility of going to war without
the clean-cut, prior support of
the American people," he said.
Now, Byrd is optimistic about the
"Peace" agreement announced
Jan. 23, and he believes that it
can be "a lasting peace."
"I have supported the
President's policy in Indochina.
I am hopeful about the peace
agreement. I think it is a peace
that can work, depending upon
the intent of the North
Vietnamese," he pointed out,
"specifically if they would
resist from further aggression,
and if all the major powers will
exercise proper restraint."
In light of his exceptionally
good relations with the White
House, Byrd offered some
analysis about recent
speculation that relations
between Congress and the
executive branch of
government are "strained,"
more precisely over the issue of
"separation of powers."
"I think the relations
between Congress and the
executive branch have been
strained to some extent,
mainly because of the issue of
the 'separation of powers'." He
quickly added, "I think,
however, that they are
basically good."
Furthermore, he told NBC
in early January that he
expected a struggle in Congress
early this year over the
"separation of powers" issue.
He said, however, that he
expected the Congress, based
on an historical perspective, to
win.
"I think the Congress will
be more assertive of its rightful
place in the system of checks
and balances. The struggle will
take place in many areas, for
example, in the area of war
powers, impoundment of
funds, executive privilege and
reorganization of the executive
branch."
Along these lines, Byrd is
critical of the administration's
restrictive $250 billion ceiling
placed on spending, and of the
recent impoundment by the
President of funds
appropriated by Congress.
Impounds Monies
"Some of the
impoundments are mandatory
by Congress, others are legal in
nature, and it is only in areas
where the administration
impounds monies that do not
fall under either of the two
categories that the problem is
created," he explained
methodically.
"Although the Constitution
provides that no money should
be drawn from the treasury
except in accordance with acts
of law, and this includes
appropriations bills, there is
nothing in the Constitution
that says that the President has
to spend monies that are 'made
available'."
"I don't know much about that image, I haven't given
it much thought. There's work to be done ..."
Byrd believes Congress has
been less assertive than it
should. If so, this would only
add weight to the theory that
it is becoming "dead weight."
"I feel that Congress should
lead the way in setting the
ceiling and determining the
priorities under that ceiling. I
also think that Congress should
exercise greater responsibility
than it has at some times in the
past," he said, "but I am
opposed to letting the
President determine the ceiling,
and letting him determine fully
as to where cuts should be
made."
Congress must ultimately
act from a legislative or judicial
standpoint, to restrict the
President's usurpation of
power, he asserted.
On the subject of
Congressional spending, Byrd
considers himself to be an
"economic liberal" in that he
has backed social, educational
and job programs. He has
pushed for poverty-aid
programs, but for less welfare
at times, notably, as chairman
of the Appropriations
Subcommittee for the District
of Columbia.
He agrees in part with
Nixon's philosophy,
"Government must learn to
take less from its people, so
that the people can do more
outlined during his Inaugural
Address Jan. 20.
"I think that's right as a
major premise. I do think,
however, that there are areas in
which government must take
the major part, for example the
postal service," he said. "There
are certain areas where the
government must perform the
actions rather than the people.
But the premise set forth by
the President is basically
sound."
"Then too, there are old
people," he paused to reorder
his thoughts, "there are sick
people. there are people who
need rehabilitation. These are
people who need help, and I
think the government has a
definite function to perform."
As a man who is not
especially popular or
responsive with the press,
Byrd's disagreement with the
Administration's recent
attempts to regulate television
networks is somewhat
surprising. Yet, as a man who
"tells it like it is," he merits
respect for his
straightforwardness and
practicality. He returns to a
pragmatic "self-control"
solution, away from
government.
"I think the best solution
to this thing is for the
networks to police themselves.
I am interested in maintaining
a free press. The less
government regulation in this
area, the better," he said
forcefully.
Byrd does, however, believe
the networks have abused their
privileges by slanting news
programs and must act to
police themselves. "This kind
of action is best, and would be
most in accordance with the
Constitution," he said.
On issues dealing with the
environment, Byrd, to use one
of his favorite phrases stands
truly in the "middle-of-the-stream".
Avoids Environmental Issues
As a senator from a state
where environmental criticism
centers around its leading
industry, coal, Byrd has
diplomatically taken neither a
"pro" nor "con" position
toward stricter regulation of
natural resources and land.
He has voted against mining
"Wilderness" areas before
1977, against giving the auto
industry a one-year extension
on a deadline to produce
pollution-free cars and against
an amendment that would
prevent establishing federal
water quality standards.
Yet, he voted against
reducing highway funds,
deleting Florida flood control,
and against the Proxmire
amendment forcing the
Defense Department to comply
with National Environmental
Protection Agency regulations,
all of which were measures
strongly advocated by
environmentalists.
"I recognize that we are
late in dealing with
environmental issues, but we
have acted in the past few
years with expedition and I
think with considerable
wisdom. I also think we have
to keep in mind that there has
to be a 'proper balance' in this
area, as in all others."
"While we must clean up
the environment and enforce
laws to that end, we also have
to keep in mind that we have
basic energy problems, as well
as economic and employment
problems. All these have to be
considered in striking the
proper balance."
Although Robert Byrd has
commanded respect for his
diligence and candor,
dominating state Democratic
elections and winning executive
favor, it has not always been so
easy. His record has a scar, and
it surfaced during his 1952
campaign for the U.S.
House of Representatives when
his opponent revealed that he
had been a member of the Ku
Klux Klan. Bluntly, Byrd
admitted to serving as a
kieagle, or organizer in the
Klan, during a campaign speech
explaining his opponent's
charge.
"I belonged from mid-1942 to
early 1943. Only 24 at the
time, I joined the order because
it offered excitement, and
because it was strongly opposed
to communism. About a year
later I became disinterested,
quit paying my dues and
dropped my membership in the
organization."
"During the nine years that
have followed followed I have
never been interested in the
Klan, but on the other hand I
have directed my energies
toward upholding my
community, my church and my
fellow citizens of every race,
creed and color."
This frankness managed to
save him the primary, but he
erred by mentioning dates.
Soon his Republican opponent
produced a letter which Sen.
Byrd had written in 1946 to
the Klan's Imperial Wizard
Samuel Green in Atlanta. This
clearly showed he had not, as
he claimed, lost interest in the
Klan.
"I am a former Kleagie
(organizer) of the Ku Klux
Klan."
"The Klan is needed today
as never before and I am
anxious to see its rebirth here in
West Virginia...I hope that you
will find it convenient to answer
my letter in regards to future
possibilities."
This letter prompted West
Virginia Gubernatorial
Democratic candidate Okey
Patteson to ask Byrd to leave
the state ticket. He lost the
party's support, but refused to
give up the race.
Instead, Byrd changed his
campaign approach, and
leveled an attack at his critics,
calling them "power mad," and
he claimed that they were
trying to divert attention from
"the real dangers of
communism, organized crime,
the moral values and
degeneration of religious life."
With this Protestant-fundamentalist
appeal, he again
won favor with the West Virginia
electorate, and went on to win
the race. It was the closest
Byrd would ever come to
losing an election.
Retrospectively, Byrd
discussed his Klan connections
in 1971, after his selection to
the majority whip post:
"It's difficult to say what
attracted me to the Klan. What
does attract someone into
doing something like that?
There was a time in our
history, back in my childhood,
when people belonged to the
Klan – some of the finest
people in the community –
ministers and lawyers, and
judges and so on."
Byrd Admits Mistake
"Well, it was a mistake. I
joined it – I was youthful, very
young. It had this fraternal
appeal. I wouldn't say it was
much fun. I just went to the
meetings. We didn't wear
masks. We talked about
Americanism, Communism. I
felt in those days we were
becoming too buddy-buddy
with Russia."
With the Klan entanglement
lingering in his past, Byrd did
nothing to improve his image
with blacks when later, then as
a United States Senator, he
chaired the Appropriations
Subcommittee for the District
of Columbia. Byrd served as
chairman from 1961 to 1969,
during which time he
aroused intense controversy
for his paring down of the
District's welfare ranks, of
whom a large proportion are
blacks.
| The Cavalier daily Friday, February 9, 1973 | |