University of Virginia Library

John Epps

Godwin Rings Agnew's Bell

Presidential aides John
Ehrlichman and H. R.
Haldeman might just have been
talking to a wall. For over a
week Ehrlichman and now
Haldeman have been trying to
unimplicate President Nixon of
criminal involvement
concerning the Watergate
scandals. But they can't even
fully convince the members of
their own party.

For example, Mills Godwin
obviously decided that to
invite the President into
Virginia to aid his campaign for
governor would, in fact, turn
out to be something less than
an aid. It could, and probably
would, be like Winston
Churchill asking aid from
Adolf Hitler. The voters just
would no buy it.

But that leaves Godwin
without one of the big guns he
had hoped to aim at Lieut.
Gov. Henry Howell, his
opponent. Linwood Holton
used it very successfully in 1969
and Godwin, no doubt, had
been looking forward to a
presidential visit. But President
Nixon had to go and get
nabbed running an
unscrupulous campaign and
ordering illegal bombing raids
and ordering doctors' offices
burgled and concealing
evidence from the Senate and
his own prosecutor and...The
best laid plans of mice and
men, etc.

Until the Senate hearings
began to disclose some startling
facts about the White House, a
visit by Nixon on behalf of
New Republican Godwin
would probably have been a
great help for the Republican's
chances of gaining a second
term in the Governor's
Mansion. After all. Virginia
voted overwhelmingly for
Nixon in 1972 (along with
approximately 48 other states).

But after a cloud was hung
over the President by former
White House Counsel John
Dean and after the shocking
story of secret bombing raids
over Cambodia in 1969 and
1970 was disclosed, a campaign
swing by Nixon, no doubt,
would have turned into more
of a self-defense exercise for
the President than a shot in the
arm for Godwin.

Godwin, in making his
announcement of a
non-invitation to the President,
did say, however, that if Vice
President Agnew came in the
framer governor's behalf, it
would be a welcome gesture. A
visit by Agnew, however,
would probably not wield the
strength that a visit by Nixon
did four years ago. However, it
could be a good test of
Agnew's strength as he moves
into the first steps of the 1976
presidential race. If he comes,
it would seem not
unreasonable that he will keep
a close watch on the polls in
Virginia.

If the polls indicate a close
race before the Vice
President comes (if he comes),
he would be very interested in
how the polls change after his
visit. If the voters react
favorably to his visit, it might
prove to Agnew that his
strength is substantial and give
him incentive to make a serious
bid for the nation's top office,
since he now claims that he has
not, yet, made up his mind as
to whether to throw his hat
into the ring.

If he does decide to join the
fight, Virginia would probably
be a very important state for
him. Howard Baker could give
Agnew a very tough struggle
for the votes in the South,
always a key area for any
conservative candidate. If
Agnew could build himself a
base in the Old Dominion with
a grateful governor to ask
favors of come 1976, he would
start a campaign for the
Southern delegates at the
Republican convention with
not a little confidence. And a
confident Agnew is an effective
Agnew.

If the Vice President
remains virtually unscathed by
the scandals being pried out of
the White House, and if he
takes every opportunity
offered him, such as the one
offered by Mills Godwin, he
could be a very serious threat
to take the Republican
nomination. After that,
however, he is on his own.

The key for Agnew, if he
comes to Virginia, is how much
he helps Godwin and whether
Godwin wins his race. If the
Vice President comes and
Godwin still loses to Henry
Howell, then Mr. Agnew must
begin to take stock of his
chances in 1976.