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Coyote Marries his Own Daughter, Chiricahua Apache Text

excerpted from Chiricahua Apache Texts, with Ethnological Notes

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18. Coyote Marries his Own Daughter as told by Sam Kenoi
 18.1. 
Coyote lived with his many children.
 18.2. 
Then he pretended to be sick.
 18.3. 
Then his wife made a bed for him there.
 18.4. 
Then he lay down up there.
 18.5. 
Then he spoke thus to his wife:
 18.6. 
He had sexual desires toward his daughter. So he spoke thus.
 18.7. 
They knew him by a large wart that was on the side of his head.
 18.8. 
Then, every day, his wife swept [the ground] under him.
 18.9. 
Then, the next day, his wife was coming again to the place under him.
 18.10. 
"The worms have fallen. We shall go right away. 'When the worms fall, you will go.' he said to us."
 18.11. 
Sadly, they started off.
 18.12. 
Then he spoke thus to his mother:
 18.13. 
Then his mother spoke thus to him:
 18.14. 
In spite of that, the little one spoke thus to his mother:
 18.15. 
But then his mother stopped him.
 18.16. 
Then, at a place still further on, that Coyote himself, carrying four prairie dogs, met his children.
 18.17. 
Then that Coyote, when he met his children, spoke thus to them:
 18.18. 
Then his wife spoke thus to him:
 18.19. 
Then, though it was indeed him, he spoke thus to her:
 18.20. 
Then she spoke thus to him:
 18.21. 
Then he spoke thus to her:
 18.22. 
Then she gave him her oldest daughter.
 18.23. 
"My wife, search for lice on me."
 18.24. 
Putting his head in her lap, he lay on his side as she searched for lice on him.
 18.25. 
Then he spoke thus to her:
 18.26. 
Then that girl thought thus.
 18.27. 
And a big wart was on the side of his head!
 18.28. 
She went back to him with her mother.
 18.29. 
[The mother] picked up a big stone.
  
Linguistic Notes by Harry Hoijer
  
Ethnological Notes Morris Opler

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18. Coyote Marries his Own Daughter as told by Sam Kenoi

Coyote lived with his many children.

(18.1)[1]
Ma'ye biche'shke łáͅgo hiłnaaheestáͅná'a.
Bijeekeͅ' 'íłtsénaagháń ńnánzhóͅ.
Yaabóóndiiná'a.
Coyote lived with his many children.
His oldest daughter was very pretty.
He wanted to marry her.
 
[_]
(18.1) Linguistic Notes

1. hiłnaaheestáͅná'a 'he lived with them'. Literally: 'he sat about with them'. 3rd person of naa-hi-...-táͅ 'several sit about' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. A plural verb.is used here because the total number is more than one.

2. bijeekeͅ' 'his daughter'.

3. 'íłtsénaagháń 'she who was oldest': 'íłtsé 'first'; naaghá 'she lives, she goes about' [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 4.9 §4].

4. yaabóóndiiná'a 'he wanted to marry her'. yaa- 'to her'; bóóndii 'he has sexual desire, he wants, desires'. Bi- 3rd person pronoun plus hoo- and a stem -ndii.

Then he pretended to be sick.

(18.2)[2]
Nágo kaa'ígodeestíͅná'a.
Bigha'isdzáń 'áiłndíná'a.
"Doonzhóͅdago kaasítíͅ."
yiiłndíná'a.
"'Aaí ditsiͅ 'óó'áí bikáyá téesk'eh shá'ágólá. 'Ákaa dashisíłtee."
goołndíná'a.
Then he pretended to be sick.
He spoke thus to his wife:
"I am badly sick."
he said to her.
"Make me a bed on that tree that stands there. Put me up there."
he said to her.
 
[_]
(18.2) Linguistic Notes

1. kaa'ígodeestíͅná'a 'he pretended to be sick'. 3rd person perf. of kaa-'í-go-di- ...[si- perf.]-ł-tee 'to pretend to be sick' [act. intr.]. kaa- 'sickness, disease' [a noun]. The prefix complex í-go-di- apparently means 'to pretend to be'. This theme is obviously neither -tee 'one person lies' nor -ł-tee 'to handle an animate being'. It may be a mediopassive in which the signs of the -l- class have entirely disappeared.

2. -gha'isdzáń 'wife'. Apparently a compound of -gha-, a unique morpheme, and 'isdzáń 'woman'.

3. kaasítíͅ 'I am sick'. kaa 'sickness' plus the 1st person of -tíͅ 'one animate being lies' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. Cf. §1 above.

4. téesk'eh 'bed, sleeping place'.

Then his wife made a bed for him there.

(18.3)
'Ákoo bigha'isdzáńń 'ákaa téesk'eh bá'ágólaaná'a.
Then his wife made a bed for him there.

Then he lay down up there.

(18.4)[4]
Nágo 'ákaa dahneestíͅná'a.
Ha'shíͅń 'izi hóółdzi'í náyíń'áͅná'a.
Bit'ahyá nyíń'áͅná'a.
Then he lay down up there.
From somewhere he had brought a liver back that was rotten.
He had put this by his side.
 
[_]
(18.4) Linguistic Notes

'izi hóółdzi'í 'a liver that was rotten'. -zi liver'. hóółdzi', perf. of ...[hi- perf.]-ł-dzi 'to become rotten' [act. intr.].

Then he spoke thus to his wife:

(18.5)[5]
Nágo bigha'isdzáńń 'áiłndíná'a.
"'Ádzáͅáͅee shitł'áhee dá'ałtsojíͅda góshó. Ch'osh naaniidágo, doonshóńlídadaał. 'Ákoo daahka. Dáháń dlóͅí łik'aaí díͅíͅ' yajishgo nahdáhíłghoń baagodaałtééł. 'Aań 'íłtsénaagháń baagodaałtééł."
goołndíná'a.
Then he spoke thus to his wife:
"Sweep right here under me every day. When worms begin to fall, you will know I am gone.[1] Then you will go away. You will give [my daughter] to anyone you meet carrying four fat prairie dogs. You will give him the oldest one."
he said to her.
 
[_]
(18.5) Linguistic Notes

1. dá'ałtsojíͅda 'every day'. dá- just'; 'ałtso [or 'iłtso] 'all, every'; jíͅ 'day' ; -da 'only, even'.

2. góshó 'you sweep it'. 2nd person imp. with place object of ...[hi- perf.]-ł- zho 'to sweep, brush' [act. tr.].

3. doonshóńlídadaał 'you will know I am gone'. Negative with future enclitic -daał of the 2nd person with 1st person object of ni-0ó-...-lí 'to expect someone, to hope for someone'. Literally: 'you will not hope for me'; a euphemistic way of saying 'you will know I am dead'.

4. baagodaałtééł 'you will give her to him'. 2nd person dual future with 3a object of 0aa-ni-...[ni- perf.]-ł-tee 'to give someone an animate being' [act. tr.] aa- 'to'; ni- completive. The latter prefix appears only in the imp. mode.

Why Coyote should use the 2nd person dual when addressing his wife is not clear. The 2nd person dual is a polite form of address generally applied only to those relatives with which one maintains a respect relationship.

[_]
Ethnological Note 1
"To be gone" is the accepted euphemism for death.

He had sexual desires toward his daughter. So he spoke thus.

(18.6)[6]
Bijeekeͅ'nń hich'iͅiͅnabóóndii.
Nágo 'ándíná'a.
He had sexual desires toward his daughter. So he spoke thus.
 
[_]
(18.6) Linguistic Notes

hich'iͅiͅnabóóndii 'he had sexual desires toward her'. hich'iͅiͅ 'toward her'; na- ? bóóndii see note 18:1, §4.

They knew him by a large wart that was on the side of his head.

(18.7)
Bíńtł'ayá soͅoͅs ntsaaí baadasi'áͅí beebégóziͅná'a
They knew him by a large wart that was on the side of his head.[2]
 
[_]
Ethnological Note 2
That is, the members of Coyote's family knew that he had a large wart on the side of his head. The informant did not know this tale very well, and, in the first telling of it, omitted this detail which is important later [see paragraph 23, et. seq.]. He afterward made this insertion which is, therefore, curiously out of context.

Then, every day, his wife swept [the ground] under him.

(18.8)
Ákoo dá'ałtso jíͅda, bitł'áhee gojishóná'a
Łai jíͅgo 'iziní łáͅgo ch'osh baagooslíͅná'a.
Nágo ch'oshí naayandiłná'a.
Then, every day, his wife swept [the ground] under him.
One day there appeared many worms on that liver. And he was dropping the worms down [to the ground].

Then, the next day, his wife was coming again to the place under him.

(18.9)[9]
Nágo łai jíͅgo, bigha'isdzáńń bitł'áshíͅ náánóołghołná'a.
Ch'osh 'isda'yeesndilí nii'yá yaaheesndilgo, yiiłtsáͅná'a.
T'áͅyá biche'shkéne yaanáłghoná'a.
Hichaná'a.
Then, the next day, his wife was coming again to the place under him.
She saw the worms he had dropped lying scattered about on the ground.
She went back to her children.
She was weeping.
 
[_]
(18.9) Linguistic Notes

biche'shkéne 'her children'; -ne 'people of such and such a group.

"The worms have fallen. We shall go right away. 'When the worms fall, you will go.' he said to us."

(18.10)
"Ch'osh naaneesdaa. Haͅh hooká. 'Ch'osh naaniidágo, daahka,' nałjindín."
biche'shkéneí daayiiłndíná'a.
"The worms have fallen. We shall go right away. 'When the worms fall, you will go.' he said to us."
she said to her children.

Sadly, they started off.

(18.11)
Joodaajibááyégo, jideeskaná'a.
Dásí haná'an 'ijikáyá, 'áń bizáͅáͅyéń, 'ikéyánaagháń, t'áͅyá ditsiͅ 'óó'aní 'ákaa nádeesgalná'a.
Ditsiͅ 'óó'ání' bikáshíͅ bitaanń yaanáałghogo yiiłtsáͅná'a.
Sadly, they started off.
When they were nearly out of sight, the small one, the youngest one, looked back to the tree that stood there.
He saw his father jumping from the tree that stood there.

Then he spoke thus to his mother:

(18.12)[12]
Nágo bimáń 'áyiiłndíná'a:
"Shimá, ditsiͅ 'óó'ání bikáshiͅ shitaa yaanáałgho 'íyéhé!"
goołndíná'a.
Then he spoke thus to his mother:
"My mother, [I'm] sure my father jumped from the tree that stands there!"
he said to her.
 
[_]
(18.12) Linguistic Notes

'íyéhé a particle denoting certainty: 'surely, positively'.

Then his mother spoke thus to him:

(18.13)
Nágo bimáń 'áyiiłndíná'a.
"Doo'ájindída, shishke'é. 'Iłk'idáͅ 'édiͅiͅ. Doojózjída."
bimáń biiłndíná'a
Then his mother spoke thus to him:
"Do not say so, my child. He is gone long ago. Do not mention him."
his mother said to him[3]
 
[_]
Ethnological Note 3
Mention of the dead is forbidden by the Apache, especially in the presence of relatives of the deceased.

In spite of that, the little one spoke thus to his mother:

(18.14)
Dá'ághát'éndah, 'áń bizáͅáͅyéń bimáń 'áyiiłndíná'a:
"Dooda, dishdí! Dooda, dishdí! Shitaa 'át'íͅ! Dábí 'át'íͅ!"
ndíná'a.
In spite of that, the little one spoke thus to his mother:
"No, I say! No, I say! It was my father! It was certainly him!"
he said.

But then his mother stopped him.

(18.15)[15]
Dá'ághát'éndah bimáń bich'aaghagóchiͅná'a.
nDáséyá jakaná'a.
But then his mother stopped him.
They went on.
 
[_]
(18.15) Linguistic Notes

bich'aaghagóchiͅná'a 'she stopped him. 3rd person imp. of 0-ch'aa-gha-go-ni-...[hi- perf.]-chiͅ 'to forbid someone, to stop someone [from doing]'. The prefix complex cannot be defined.

Then, at a place still further on, that Coyote himself, carrying four prairie dogs, met his children.

(18.16)[16]
Nágo, náánándáséee, 'áń Ma'yeń bichee'shkénení dábíní dlóͅí díͅíͅ' yajishgo, godáhíłghoná'a.
Goghaͅ'nń gochiͅiͅyáłti ndah doobégojísiͅdaná'a.
Then, at a place still further on, that Coyote himself, carrying four prairie dogs, met his children.
Her husband talked to her but she did not recognize him.
 
[_]
(18.16) Linguistic Notes

goghaͅ'nń 'her husband'. -ghaͅ' 'husband'; -n past tense.

Then that Coyote, when he met his children, spoke thus to them:

(18.17)
Nágo 'áń Ma'yenń biche'shkéní hidánáłghozhiͅ, 'ádaiłndíná'a:
"Ha'yáhee joodaanahabááyéyo dahkáná?"
daayiiłndíná'a.
Then that Coyote, when he met his children, spoke thus to them:
"Where are you who look so sad going?"
he said to them.

Then his wife spoke thus to him:

(18.18)
Nágo bighaa'isdzáńń 'ábiiłndíná'a:
"'Ch'osh naaniidágo, daahka,' nałjindí. Ákoo ch'osh naaneesdaa. 'Íbaͅaͅ 'áshíͅ hooka. 'Éjidiͅn.
ndíná'a.
Then his wife spoke thus to him:
"'When the worms fall, you will go,' he said to us. Then the worms fell. Therefore we are travelling here. He has gone."
she said.

Then, though it was indeed him, he spoke thus to her:

(18.19)[19]
Nágo dábí 'át'íͅ ndah, 'ágoołndíná'a:
"Haastiͅiͅí gojíyáͅłee. 'Iyáada jindíná'a, hálí?"
goołndíná'a.
Then, though it was indeed him, he spoke thus to her:
"The old man was wise. He said some thing else, no doubt?"
he said to her.
 
[_]
(18.19) Linguistic Notes

gojíyáͅłee 'he was wise'. 3a person of go-ni-...-yáͅ 'to be wise, sensible' [imp. Neut. Intr.; go- ?; ni- adj.]. -łee 'it used to be.

Then she spoke thus to him:

(18.20)
Nágo 'áałjindíná'a:
"'Ao. 'Dáhaań dlóͅí díͅíͅ' yajishń díń jeekeͅ' 'íłtsénaagháń baadaałtééł,' shiłjindín."
ndíná'a.
Then she spoke thus to him:
"Yes. 'You will give this oldest girl to anyone who carries four prairie dogs.' he said to me."
she said.

Then he spoke thus to her:

(18.21)
Nágo 'ágoołndíná'a:
"Ághát'é, dishndí, gojíyáͅłee!"

ndíná'a.
Then he spoke thus to her:
"It is so, I say, he was wise!"
he said.

Then she gave him her oldest daughter.

(18.22)[22]
Nágo bijeekeͅ' 'íłtsénaaghánń baajíńłtíͅná'a.
Kooghaͅ bá'ágojiláná'a.
Bijeekeͅ'nń, bigha'isdzáńgo, yiłsikéná'a sháͅ'shíͅ.
Then she gave him her oldest daughter.
She made a wickiup for him.[4]
His daughter, being his wife, sat with him in the sun.
 
[_]
(18.22) Linguistic Notes

1. yiłsikéná'a 'she sat with him' yił- with him' plus 3rd person of ké 'two persons sit' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. Note the dual verb with a singular subject [cf. note 18.1; §1].

2. sháͅ' 'sunshine, rays of the sun'.

[_]
Ethnological Note 4
Residence among the Chiricahua is matrilocal. The girl's mother, with the help of other female relatives, constructs a wickiup for the newly married couple not very far distant from her own home. House building is the work of the women.

"My wife, search for lice on me."

(18.23)[23]
Nágo bijeekeͅ'nń 'áiłndíná'a:
"Shigha'isdzáń, yaa sháháńghaał."
yiiłndíná'a.
"My wife, search for lice on me."
he said to her.
 
[_]
(18.23) Linguistic Notes

yaa sháháńghaał 'search or lice on me'. yaa 'lice'. shá- 'for me' plus 2nd person imp. Of há-di-...[si- perf.]-ghaał 'to search for' [act. intr.]. In this verb the prefix há- 'for' is evidently an archaic combination of a pronoun object plus a postposition. When any other than the 3rd person pronoun is expressed, the postposition becomes -ká 'for'; thus, shíkáńghaał 'look for me'. In other verbs, however, há- is treated as a non- postpositional prefix and the verb is transitive [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 1.19, §4].

Putting his head in her lap, he lay on his side as she searched for lice on him.

(18.24)[24]
Gotsaask'ideyá nneet'áͅgo, nanneestíͅgo yaa báhájintáná'a.
Bíńtł'ashíͅ soͅoͅs ntsaaí baadasi''áͅí beebégóziͅná'a.
'Áshíͅgo hik'izhiͅiͅ nees'áͅná'a.
'Áshíͅgo 'inááshdiyałndi.
Putting his head in her lap, he lay on his side as she searched for lice on him.
They knew him by a large wart that was on the side of his head.
His head lay on that side.
She put her hand there every now and then.
 
[_]
(18.24) Linguistic Notes

1. gotsaask'ideyá 'in her lap'. -tsaask'ide 'lap'; no analysis.

2. nneet'áͅgo 'putting his head'. 3rd person perf. of ni-ne-ni-...[ni- perf.]-d- aa 'to move one's head to a stop' [mediopas.]. ni- to a stop'; ne-ni- ?. The theme is probably 'to handle a round object'; thus, the mediopassive -d-aa 'to handle one's own round object [i. e., one's head]'. ne-ni-[the ni- is probably the perf. prefix] combine to nee- in the 3rd person perf. [cf. nnenst'áͅ 'I have put my head down'].

3. nanneestíͅgo 'he lay on his side'. 3rd person perf. of nan-ni-...[si- perf.]-tee 'one person lies on his side' [act. intr.; nan- 'on [his] side'; ni- terminative].

4. 'inááshdiyałndi 'she put her hand [there] every now and then'. 'i- 'away'; náá- 'again and again'; di-yi- ? plus the prog. mode of -ł-ndi 'to make a movement of the hands' [act. intr.]. This prefix complex appears only in the prog.

Then he spoke thus to her:

(18.25)[25]
Nágo 'ágoołndíná'a:
"'Iͅiͅshíͅgo shégoja."
goołndígo, soͅoͅs ntsaaí baadasi'áͅshégo doodashdiłndikaahát'íͅdaná'a.
Dáhágoohndii, 'iiłhaazhná'a.
Then he spoke thus to her:
"They are on this side of me."
he said, not permitting her to put her hand on the side on which the big wart lay.
Suddenly, he fell asleep.
 
[_]
(18.25) Linguistic Notes

1. shégoja 'several are on me'. Analysis uncertain. shé- is probably shi- 'me' plus é- 'against, on' [pp.]. goja, however, is not clear. It may be a form of the theme - jaa 'several lie' [act. Intr.] but the mode cannot be identified.

2. doodashdiłndikaahát'íͅdaná'a 'he did not permit her to put her hand [there]'. doodashdiłndi, 3a person imp. of dah-di-...[si- perf.]-l- [ndi 'to move one's hands about' [mediopas.; dah- 'on'; di- ?]. kaahát'íͅ is probably a mishearing of kááhát'íͅ; 'he permits, allows her' [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 2.6, §1].

Then that girl thought thus.

(18.26)
Nágo 'áń jeekeͅ'ń 'áyinzíͅná'a.
"Haͅaͅshaͅ, 'iyáabaͅaͅ 'iͅiͅshíͅgo dooda'dihát'íͅda?"
jíńziͅgo, dá'iłhoshgo 'áshíͅgo k'éshdeesghalná'a.
Then that girl thought thus.
"Let's see, why does he not allow me to put my hand on this side?"
she thought, looking on that side as he slept.

And a big wart was on the side of his head!

(18.27)[27]
Nágo bíńtł'ashíͅ soͅoͅs ntsaaí baadasi'áͅná'a! Gotaanń 'át'íͅná'a!
Dá'iłhoshgo, kóͅóͅhégo bitł'áh hajałtsaná'a.
Gomáń bich'iͅiͅnájiiłteená'a.
Gomáń 'áałjindíná'a:
"Shimá, 'ágháń shitaanń 'át'íͅ! Bíńtł'ashíͅ soͅoͅs ntsaí baadasi'á! 'Áíbee dábí 'át'íͅí bégóziͅ!"
goołndíná'a.
And a big wart was on the side of his head!
It was her father!
As he slept, she slipped quietly out from under him.
She ran back to her mother.
She spoke thus to her mother:
"My mother, that one is my father! A big wart lies on the side of his head! That shows that it is surely him!"
she said to her.
 
[_]
(18.27) Linguistic Notes

hajałtsaná'a 'she slipped out'. 3a person perf. of 0-k'ee-hi|...[hi- perf.]-l-tsáá 'to slip out, to move while sitting' [mediopas.; ha- 'out'].

She went back to him with her mother.

(18.28)
Bich'iͅiͅnáshdiyeest'áázhná'a, dágomáńbił
Dá'iłhoshná'a
Baanájít'áázhná'a.
Bíńtł'aashíͅ bik'éshdeesghalná'a.
Dándí dábí 'át'íͅná'a!
She went back to him with her mother.
He was still asleep.
The two of them went to him.
They looked at the side of his head.
It was indeed him!

[The mother] picked up a big stone.

(18.29)[29]
Tséntsaaí náshn'áͅná'a.
Gotsiit'á dahjiis'áͅná'a.
'Iłhoshzhiͅ bik'izhiͅ njíńyáná'a.
Bitsii tsé k'eejiiłkaaná'a.
Jiyeesxíͅná'a.
[The mother] picked up a big stone.
She put it on top of her head.
She stood over him where he slept.
She threw the stone on his head.
She had killed him.
 
[_]
(18.29) Linguistic Notes

k'eejiiłkaaná'a, 'she threw it on it'. 3a person imp. of 0-k'ee-hi-|...[ni- perf.]-ł- kaa 'to throw a large flat object on someone' [act. tr.; kee- on'; hi- ?]. In the text, bitsi- 'his head' apparently makes the pronoun object before k'ee- unnecessary.

Linguistic Notes by Harry Hoijer

[_]
(18.1) Linguistic Notes

1. hiłnaaheestáͅná'a 'he lived with them'. Literally: 'he sat about with them'. 3rd person of naa-hi-...-táͅ 'several sit about' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. A plural verb.is used here because the total number is more than one.

2. bijeekeͅ' 'his daughter'.

3. 'íłtsénaagháń 'she who was oldest': 'íłtsé 'first'; naaghá 'she lives, she goes about' [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 4.9 §4].

4. yaabóóndiiná'a 'he wanted to marry her'. yaa- 'to her'; bóóndii 'he has sexual desire, he wants, desires'. Bi- 3rd person pronoun plus hoo- and a stem -ndii.

[_]
(18.2) Linguistic Notes

1. kaa'ígodeestíͅná'a 'he pretended to be sick'. 3rd person perf. of kaa-'í-go-di- ...[si- perf.]-ł-tee 'to pretend to be sick' [act. intr.]. kaa- 'sickness, disease' [a noun]. The prefix complex í-go-di- apparently means 'to pretend to be'. This theme is obviously neither -tee 'one person lies' nor -ł-tee 'to handle an animate being'. It may be a mediopassive in which the signs of the -l- class have entirely disappeared.

2. -gha'isdzáń 'wife'. Apparently a compound of -gha-, a unique morpheme, and 'isdzáń 'woman'.

3. kaasítíͅ 'I am sick'. kaa 'sickness' plus the 1st person of -tíͅ 'one animate being lies' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. Cf. §1 above.

4. téesk'eh 'bed, sleeping place'.

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(18.4) Linguistic Notes

'izi hóółdzi'í 'a liver that was rotten'. -zi liver'. hóółdzi', perf. of ...[hi- perf.]-ł-dzi 'to become rotten' [act. intr.].

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(18.5) Linguistic Notes

1. dá'ałtsojíͅda 'every day'. dá- just'; 'ałtso [or 'iłtso] 'all, every'; jíͅ 'day' ; -da 'only, even'.

2. góshó 'you sweep it'. 2nd person imp. with place object of ...[hi- perf.]-ł- zho 'to sweep, brush' [act. tr.].

3. doonshóńlídadaał 'you will know I am gone'. Negative with future enclitic -daał of the 2nd person with 1st person object of ni-0ó-...-lí 'to expect someone, to hope for someone'. Literally: 'you will not hope for me'; a euphemistic way of saying 'you will know I am dead'.

4. baagodaałtééł 'you will give her to him'. 2nd person dual future with 3a object of 0aa-ni-...[ni- perf.]-ł-tee 'to give someone an animate being' [act. tr.] aa- 'to'; ni- completive. The latter prefix appears only in the imp. mode.

Why Coyote should use the 2nd person dual when addressing his wife is not clear. The 2nd person dual is a polite form of address generally applied only to those relatives with which one maintains a respect relationship.

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(18.6) Linguistic Notes

hich'iͅiͅnabóóndii 'he had sexual desires toward her'. hich'iͅiͅ 'toward her'; na- ? bóóndii see note 18:1, §4.

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(18.9) Linguistic Notes

biche'shkéne 'her children'; -ne 'people of such and such a group.

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(18.12) Linguistic Notes

'íyéhé a particle denoting certainty: 'surely, positively'.

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(18.15) Linguistic Notes

bich'aaghagóchiͅná'a 'she stopped him. 3rd person imp. of 0-ch'aa-gha-go-ni-...[hi- perf.]-chiͅ 'to forbid someone, to stop someone [from doing]'. The prefix complex cannot be defined.

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(18.16) Linguistic Notes

goghaͅ'nń 'her husband'. -ghaͅ' 'husband'; -n past tense.

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(18.19) Linguistic Notes

gojíyáͅłee 'he was wise'. 3a person of go-ni-...-yáͅ 'to be wise, sensible' [imp. Neut. Intr.; go- ?; ni- adj.]. -łee 'it used to be.

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(18.22) Linguistic Notes

1. yiłsikéná'a 'she sat with him' yił- with him' plus 3rd person of ké 'two persons sit' [si- perf. neut. intr.]. Note the dual verb with a singular subject [cf. note 18.1; §1].

2. sháͅ' 'sunshine, rays of the sun'.

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(18.23) Linguistic Notes

yaa sháháńghaał 'search or lice on me'. yaa 'lice'. shá- 'for me' plus 2nd person imp. Of há-di-...[si- perf.]-ghaał 'to search for' [act. intr.]. In this verb the prefix há- 'for' is evidently an archaic combination of a pronoun object plus a postposition. When any other than the 3rd person pronoun is expressed, the postposition becomes -ká 'for'; thus, shíkáńghaał 'look for me'. In other verbs, however, há- is treated as a non- postpositional prefix and the verb is transitive [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 1.19, §4].

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(18.24) Linguistic Notes

1. gotsaask'ideyá 'in her lap'. -tsaask'ide 'lap'; no analysis.

2. nneet'áͅgo 'putting his head'. 3rd person perf. of ni-ne-ni-...[ni- perf.]-d- aa 'to move one's head to a stop' [mediopas.]. ni- to a stop'; ne-ni- ?. The theme is probably 'to handle a round object'; thus, the mediopassive -d-aa 'to handle one's own round object [i. e., one's head]'. ne-ni-[the ni- is probably the perf. prefix] combine to nee- in the 3rd person perf. [cf. nnenst'áͅ 'I have put my head down'].

3. nanneestíͅgo 'he lay on his side'. 3rd person perf. of nan-ni-...[si- perf.]-tee 'one person lies on his side' [act. intr.; nan- 'on [his] side'; ni- terminative].

4. 'inááshdiyałndi 'she put her hand [there] every now and then'. 'i- 'away'; náá- 'again and again'; di-yi- ? plus the prog. mode of -ł-ndi 'to make a movement of the hands' [act. intr.]. This prefix complex appears only in the prog.

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(18.25) Linguistic Notes

1. shégoja 'several are on me'. Analysis uncertain. shé- is probably shi- 'me' plus é- 'against, on' [pp.]. goja, however, is not clear. It may be a form of the theme - jaa 'several lie' [act. Intr.] but the mode cannot be identified.

2. doodashdiłndikaahát'íͅdaná'a 'he did not permit her to put her hand [there]'. doodashdiłndi, 3a person imp. of dah-di-...[si- perf.]-l- [ndi 'to move one's hands about' [mediopas.; dah- 'on'; di- ?]. kaahát'íͅ is probably a mishearing of kááhát'íͅ; 'he permits, allows her' [see linguistic note to Chiricahua text 2.6, §1].

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(18.27) Linguistic Notes

hajałtsaná'a 'she slipped out'. 3a person perf. of 0-k'ee-hi|...[hi- perf.]-l-tsáá 'to slip out, to move while sitting' [mediopas.; ha- 'out'].

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(18.29) Linguistic Notes

k'eejiiłkaaná'a, 'she threw it on it'. 3a person imp. of 0-k'ee-hi-|...[ni- perf.]-ł- kaa 'to throw a large flat object on someone' [act. tr.; kee- on'; hi- ?]. In the text, bitsi- 'his head' apparently makes the pronoun object before k'ee- unnecessary.

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