| | 42 | Author: | Brackenridge
H. H.
(Hugh Henry)
1748-1816 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Modern chivalry  | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I have two objections to this duel matter.
The one is, lest I should hurt you; and the other is,
lest you should hurt me. I do not see any good it
would do me to put a bullet through any part of your
body. I could make no use of you when dead, for
any culinary purpose, as I would a rabbit or a turkey.
I am no cannibal to feed on the flesh of men.
Why then shoot down a human creature, of which
I could make no use. A buffaloe would be better
meat. For though your flesh might be delicate and
tender; yet it wants that firmness and consistency
which takes and retains salt. At any rate it would
not be fit for long sea voyages. You might make a
good barbecue, it is true, being of the nature of a
racoon or an opossum; but people are not in the habit
of barbecuing any thing human now. As to your
hide, it is not worth the taking off, being little better
than that of a year old colt. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 43 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Genius and knowledge command respect; but superior
genius and profound knowledge, combined with exalted
moral purity, cannot fail to excite unmingled admiration.
The reputation of an author in whom these qualities are
united, may be circumscribed during life; but its rise and
extension after death, prove that his claim to distinction
are well founded. It is no less the duty than the pleasure
of friendship, to fortify and sustain these claims. The impartiality
of criticism cannot but confirm the anticipations of
affection. I feel little reluctance in complying with your request.
You know not fully the cause of my sorrows. You are a
stranger to the depth of my distresses. Hence your efforts
at consolation must necessarily fail. Yet the tale that I am
going to tell is not intended as a claim upon your sympathy.
In the midst of my despair, I do not disdain to contribute
what little I can to the benefit of mankind. I acknowledge
your right to be informed of the events that have lately happened
in my family. Make what use of the tale you shall
think proper. If it be communicated to the world, it will
inculcate the duty of avoiding deceit. It will exemplify the
force of early impressions, and show the immeasurable evils
that flow from an erroneous or imperfect discipline. "What shall I say to extenuate the misconduct of last
night? It is my duty to repair it to the utmost of my power,
but the only way in which it can be repaired, you will not,
I fear, be prevailed on to adopt. It is by granting me an
interview, at your own house, at eleven o'clock this night.
I have no means of removing any fears that you may entertain
of my designs, but my simple and solemn declarations.
These, after what has passed between us, you may deem
unworthy of confidence. I cannot help it. My folly and
rashness has left me no other resource. I will be at your
door by that hour. If you choose to admit me to a conference,
14
provided that conference has no witnesses, I will
disclose to you particulars, the knowledge of which is of
the utmost importance to your happiness. Farewell. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 44 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I was resident in this city during the year 1793. Many
motives contributed to detain me, though departure was
easy and commodious, and my friends were generally solicitous
for me to go. It is not my purpose to enumerate
these motives, or to dwell on my present concerns and
transactions, but merely to compose a narrative of some
incidents with which my situation made me acquainted. Here ended the narrative of Mervyn. Surely its incidents
were of no common kind. During this season of
pestilence, my opportunities of observation had been numerous,
and I had not suffered them to pass unimproved.
The occurrences which fell within my own experience, bore
a general resemblance to those which had just been related,
but they did not hinder the latter from striking on my mind
with all the force of novelty. They served no end, but as
vouchers for the truth of the tale. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 45 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I sit down, my friend, to comply with thy request. At
length does the impetuosity of my fears, the transports of my
wonder permit me to recollect my promise and perform it.
At length am I somewhat delivered from suspense and from
tremors. At length the drama is brought to an imperfect
close, and the series of events, that absorbed my faculties,
that hurried away my attention, has terminated in repose. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 46 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I am very far from being a wise girl. So conscience
whispers me, and though vanity is eager to refute the charge,
I must acknowledge that she is seldom successful. Conscience
tells me it is folly, it is guilt to wrap up my existence
in one frail mortal; to employ all my thoughts, to lavish all
my affections upon one object; to dote upon a human being,
who, as such, must be the heir of many frailties, and whom
I know to be not without his faults; to enjoy no peace but
in his presence, to be grateful for his permission to sacrifice
fortune, ease, life itself for his sake. "If you ever injured Mr. Talbot, your motives for doing
so, entitle you to nothing but compassion, while your present
conduct lays claim, not only to forgiveness, but to gratitude.
The letter you entrust to me, shall be applied to
no purpose but that which you proposed by writing it. Inclosed
is the paper you request, the seal unbroken and its
contents unread. In this, as in all cases, I have no stronger
wish than to act as | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 47 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Stephen Dudley was a native of New York. He was
educated to the profession of a painter. His father's trade
was that of an apothecary. But this son, manifesting an attachment
to the pencil, he was resolved that it should be
gratified. For this end Stephen was sent at an early age
to Europe, and not only enjoyed the instructions of Fuzeli
and Bartolozzi, but spent a considerable period in Italy, in
studying the Augustan and Medicean monuments. It was
intended that he should practice his art in his native city, but
the young man, though reconciled to this scheme by deference
to paternal authority, and by a sense of its propriety,
was willing, as long as possible to postpone it. The liberality
of his father relieved him from all pecuniary cares. His
whole time was devoted to the improvement of his skill in his
favorite art, and the enriching of his mind with every valuable
accomplishment. He was endowed with a comprehensive
genius and indefatigable industry. His progress was
proportionably rapid, and he passed his time without much
regard to futurity, being too well satisfied with the present to
anticipate a change. A change however was unavoidable,
and he was obliged at length to pay a reluctant obedience to
his father's repeated summons. The death of his wife had
rendered his society still more necessary to the old gentleman. An hour ago I was in Second street, and
saw you. I followed you till you entered the Indian Queen
Tavern. Knowing where you are, I am now preparing to
demand an interview. I may be disappointed in this hope,
and therefore write you this. Why do I write? For whose use do I pass my time thus?
There is no one living who cares a jot for me. There was a
time, when a throbbing heart, a trembling hand, and eager
eyes, were always prepared to read, and ruminate on the
scantiest and poorest scribble that dropped from my pen;
but she has disappeared; the veil between us is like death. I need not tell you, my friend, what I have felt, in consequence
of your silence. The short note which I received, a
fortnight after you had left me, roused my curiosity and my
fears, instead of allaying them. You promised me a longer
account of some mysterious changes that had taken place in
your condition. This I was to receive in a few days. At
the end of a week I was impatient. The promised letter did
not arrive. Four weeks passed away, and nothing came
from you. Yes; the narrative of Morton is true. The simple recital
which you give, leaves me no doubt. The money is
his, and shall be restored the moment he demands it. For
what I have spent, I must a little while be his debtor. This
he must consent to lose, for I never can repay it. Indeed,
it is not much. Since my change of fortune, I have not
been extravagant. A hundred dollars is the most I have
laid out, and some of this has been in furniture, which I
shall resign to him. "I shall not call on you at Hatfield. I am weary of traversing
hills and dales; and my detention in Virginia being
longer than I expected, shall go on board a vessel in this
port, bound for New York. Contract, in my name, with
your old friend, for the present accommodation of the girls,
and repair to New York as soon as possible. Search out
No.—, Broadway. If I am not there to embrace you,
inquire for my wife or daughter, and mention your name.
Make haste; the women long to see a youth in whose education
I had so large a share; and be sure, by your deportment,
not to discredit your instructer, and belie my good
report. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 48 | Author: | Summers
Lewis Preston
1868-1943 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | History of southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | 1001-1716. The history of Virginia, from the earliest times
until the date of the formation of Washington county by the
General Assembly of Virginia, is interesting and instructive, and
is necessary to a thorough comprehension of that part of our history
subsequent thereto. Capt. Robert Wade marc't from Mayo fort, with 35 men, in
order to take a Range to the New River in search of our Enemy Indians.
We marcht about three miles that Day to a Plantation,
Where Peter Rentfro formerly Lived and took up Camp, where we
continued safe that night—Next morning being Sunday, we continued
to march about three or four miles, and one Francis New
returned back to the Fort, then we had 34 men besides the Capt—
We marcht along to a place called Gobeling Town, where we Eat
our Brakefast—& so continued our march till late in the afternoon,
and took up Camp at the Foot of the Blew Ledge where we
continued safe that night—Next morning being Monday, the 14th,
Inst. we started early and crossed the Blew Ledge and Fell upon
a branch of the Little River, called Pine Creek,— I have the honor to acquaint you in obedience to his Majesty's
commands, on the 13th curr't, I met at this place all the principal
Chiefs of the upper and lower Cherokee Nations, and on the 14th
by his Majesty's royal authority concluded the Treaty with said
Indians, ratifying the cession of land lying within the Provinces of
South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia by them to his Majesty
and His heirs forever, and confirming the Boundary line
marked by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, according
to the several agreements entered into with said Indians.
The line now ultimately confirmed and ratified by said Treaty was
as follows: Brothers,—On the 20th day of December last, being in Williamsburg,
we received instructions from Lord Botetourt, a great and
good man, whom the great King George has sent to preside over his
Colony of Virginia, directing us to wait on your father, John Stuart,
Esq., Supt. Indian Affairs, in order to have a plan agreed
upon for fixing a new Boundary between your people and his
Majesty's subjects in the Colony of Virginia. On our way to the
place, to our great joy, we met with our good brothers, Judds
Friend and the Warrior of Estitoe, who with great readiness took
a passage with us from Governor Tryon, to this place where we had
the happiness to wait upon your father, Mr. Stuart, and with joint
application, represented to him the necessity of taking such measures
as may effectually prevent any misunderstanding that might
arise between his Majesty's subjects of the Colony of Virginia and
our brothers the Cherokees, until a full treaty be appointed and
held for the fixing a new Boundary that may give equal justice and
satisfaction to the parties concerned, and that his Majesty's subjects,
now settled on the lands between Chiswell's Mines, and the
Great Island of Holston River, remain in peaceable possession of
said lands, until a line is run between them and our good brothers
the Cherokees, who will receive full satisfaction for such lands as
you, our brothers, shall convey to our Great King for the use of his
subjects. His Excellency, the Right Honorable Norborne, the Lord
Botetourt, Governor in Chief of the Colony of Virginia, and the
King's Council of that Dominion, having ordered us to wait on you
and assist in settling the Boundary line between that Colony and
the Cherokee Indians, we beg leave to inform you that the line proposed
to be marked from Chiswell's Mines to the confluence of the
Great Kanawha and the Ohio, would be a great disadvantage to
the Crown of Great Britain, and would injure many subjects of
Britain that now inhabit that part of the frontier, and have in making
that settlement complied with every known rule of government
and the laws of that Colony. We, being in very destitute circumstances
for want of the ordinances of Christ's house statedly administered
amongst us; many of us under very distressing spiritual
languishments; and multitudes perishing in our sins for want of
the bread of life broken among us; our Sabbaths too much profaned,
or at least wasted in melancholy silence at home, our hearts
and hands discouraged, and our spirits broken with our mournful
condition, so that human language cannot sufficiently paint. Having
had the happiness, by the good providence of God, of enjoying
part of your labors to our abundant satisfaction, and being universally
well satisfied by our experience of your ministerial abilities,
piety, literature, prudence and peculiar agreeableness of your
qualifications to us in particular as a gospel minister—we do,
worthy and dear sir, from our very hearts, and with the most cordial
affection and unanimity agree to call, invite and entreat you to
undertake the office of a pastor among us, and the care and charge
of our precious souls, and upon your accepting of this our call, we
do promise that we will receive the word of God from your mouth,
attend on your ministry, instruction and reproofs, in public and
private, and submit to the discipline which Christ has appointed
in his church, administered by you while regulated by the word of
God and agreeable to our confession of faith and directory. And
that you may give yourself wholly up to the important work of the
ministry, we hereby promise to pay you annually the sum of ninety
pounds from the time of your accepting this our call; and that we
shall behave ourselves towards you with all that dutiful respect
and affection that becomes a people towards their minister, using
all means within our power to render your life comfortable and
happy. We entreat you, worthy and dear sir, to have compassion
upon us in this remote part of the world, and accept this our call
and invitation to the pastoral charge of our precious and immortal
souls, and we shall hold ourselves bound to pray. The following letter is just received from the camp on Point
Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa (as then spelled),
dated October 17, 1774: "To be engraved on the Great Seal, Virtus, the genius of the
Commonwealth, dressed like an Amazon, resting on a spear with
one hand and holding a sword with the other hand and treading
on Tyranny, represented by a man prostrate, a crown fallen from
his head, a broken chain in his left hand and a scourge in his
right. In the exergon the word "Virginia" over the head of Virtus,
and underneath the words, "Sic semper tyrannis." On the
reverse a groupe, Libertas, with her wand and pileus. On the other
side of her Ceres, with the cornucopia in one hand and an ear of
wheat in the other. On the other side Eternitas, with globe and
phœnix. In the exergon these words: Deus Nobis Hæc Otia Fecit." Some time ago, Mr. Cameron and myself wrote
you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the
Indians respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made
of them on the rivers Wattaga, Nolichucky. We are since informed
that you are under great apprenhension of the Indians doing mischief
immediately. But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set
his friends and allies, the Indians, on his liege subjects: therefore
whoever you are, that are willing to join his Majesty's forces as
soon as they arrive at the Cherokee nation, by repairing to the
King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their
families and be free from all danger whatever; yet, that his
Majesty's officers may be certain which of you are willing to take
up arms in his Majesty's just right, I have thought fit to recommend
it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable
ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe
a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty
King George, and that they are ready and willing, whenever called
on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America;
which paper, as soon as it is signed and sent to me safe by hand,
should any of the inhabitants be desirous of knowing how they are
to be free from every kind of insult and danger, inform them that
his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march
them through the Creek to the Chickasaw nation, where five hundred
warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come
by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession
of the frontiers of North Carolina and Virginia, at the
same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea
coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef,
cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price
for them by applying to us, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied. The deposition of Jarret Williams taken before
me, Anthony Bledsoe, a justice of the peace for the county aforesaid,
being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God,
deposeth and saith: That he left the Cherokee nation on Monday
night, the 8th inst. (July); Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of
Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening by your messenger. The
news is really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians,
who are doubtless advised to break with the white people,
by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But
I cannot conceive that you have anything to fear from the pretended
invasion by British troops, by the route they mention.
This must, in my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate
the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or
turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be
able to effect. "I hereby certify that when I was ordered by the Executive last
summer to take command of an expedition against the Cherokee
Indians, it was left to my own choice whether to take the troops down
the Tennessee by water, or on horseback, they were to be paid for
such pack horses as might be lost without default of the owners.
That expedition not being carried on, I was directed by His Excellency
the Governor to take command of the militia ordered to
suppress the Tories who were at that time rising in arms, and to
apply to that purpose the same means and powers which I was invested
with for carrying on the Cherokee expedition, under which
direction I marched a number of mounted militia to King's mountain,
S. C. We have now collected at this place about 1,500 good men,
drawn from the counties of Surry, Wilkes, Burke, Washington and
Sullivan counties in this State, and Washington county in Virginia,
and expect to be joined in a few days by Colonel Clarke, of Georgia,
and Colonel Williams, of South Carolina, with about 1,000 more.
As we have at this time called out our militia without any orders
from the Executives of our different States, and with the view of
expelling the enemy out of this part of the country, we think such a
body of men worthy of your attention, and would request you to
send a general officer immediately to take the command of such
troops as may embody in this quarter. Our troops being all militia
and but little acquainted with discipline, we would wish him to be
a gentleman of address and able to keep up a proper discipline without
disgusting the soldiery. Every assistance in our power shall
be given the officer you may think proper to take the command of us. Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of
barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before
an aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who, by
their shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of
their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, that if you wish to
be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters
in four days abused by the dregs of mankind; in short, if you
wish to deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms
in a moment and run to camp. The `Back Water' men have
crossed the mountains; McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland
are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend
upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of
mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon
you and look out for real men to protect them. I am on my march to you by a road leading from
Cherokee Ford, north of King's mountain. Three or four hundred
good soldiers could finish this business. Something must be done
soon. This is their last push in this quarter. Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances
to injure the citizens of America. "A statement of the proceedings of the western army, from the
25th day of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson
and the army under his command. On receiving intelligence that
Major Ferguson had advanced up as high as Gilberttown, in Rutherford
county, and threatened to cross the mountains to the western
waters, Colonel Campbell, with 400 men from Washington
county, Virginia, Colonel Isaac Shelby with 240 men from Sullivan
county, North Carolina, and Lieutenant-Colonel John
Sevier with 240 men from Washington county, North Carolina,
assembled at Watauga on the 25th day of September,
where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, with
160 men from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who
had fled before the enemy to the western waters. We began
our march on the 26th, and on the 30th we were joined by
Colonel Cleveland on the Catawba river, with 350 men from the
counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly a
right to command in chief, on the first day of October we dispatched
an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our situation,
and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the
whole. In the meantime Colonel Campbell was chosen to act as
commandant till such general officer should arrive. We marched to
the Cowpens, on Broad river in South Carolina, where we were
joined by Colonel James Williams, with 400 men, on the evening of
the 6th of October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped
somewhere near the Cherokee ford of Broad river, about thirty
miles distant from us. By a council of the principal officers, it
was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with
900 of the best horsemen, and leave the weak horse and footmen
to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with 900 of the
best horsemen about eight o'clock the same evening, and marching
all night came up with the enemy about three o'clock, P. M., of the
7th, who lay encamped on the top of King's mountain, twelve
miles north of the Cherokee ford, in the confidence that they would
not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous to the attack,
on the march, the following disposition was made: Colonel Shelby's
regiment formed a column in the center on the left; Colonel Campbell's
regiment another on the right; part of Colonel Cleveland's
regiment, headed in front by Major Winston, and Colonel Sevier's
regiment formed a large column on the right wing; the other part
of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed by Colonel Cleveland himself,
and Colonel Williams' regiment, composed the left wing. In
this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the
enemy before we were discovered. Colonel Shelby's and Colonel
Campbell's regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire while the
right and left wings were advancing to surround them, which was
done in about five minutes; the greatest part of which time a heavy
and incessant fire was kept up on both sides; our men in some parts,
where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance,
two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional
ardor to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the
summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the
top of the ridge to where Colonel Cleveland commanded, and were
there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately hoisted by
Captain DePeyster, their commanding officer (Major Ferguson
having been killed a little before), for a surrender, our fire immediately
ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms, the greatest
part of them charged, and surrendered themselves to us prisoners
at discretion. I came to this place last night to receive General Gates'
directions how to dispose of the prisoners taken at King's mountain,
in the State of South Carolina, upon the 7th instant. He has
ordered them to be taken over to Montgomery county, where they
are to be secured under proper guards. General Gates transmits
to your Excellency a state of the proceedings of our little party to
the westward. I flatter myself we have much relieved that part of
the country from its late distress. "A letter of the 7th from Governor Jefferson was read, inclosing
a letter of the first from Major-General Gates with a particular
account of the victory obtained by the militia over the enemy at
King's mountain, on the 7th of October, last, whereupon Resolved:— Orders have been sent to the county lieutenants of Montgomery
and Washington, to furnish 250 of their militia to proceed
in conjunction with the Carolinians against the Chickamoggas.
You are hereby authorized to take command of said men. Should
the Carolinians not have at present such an expedition in contemplation,
if you can engage them to concur as volunteers, either at
their own expense or that of their State, it is recommended to you
to do it. Take great care to distinguish the friendly from the hostile
part of the Cherokee nation, and to protect the former while you
severely punish the latter. The commissary and quartermaster in
the Southern department is hereby required to furnish you all the
aid of his department. Should the men, for the purpose of dispatch,
furnish horses for themselves to ride, let them be previously
appraised, as in cases of impress, and for such as shall be killed, die
or be lost in the service without any default of the owner, payment
shall be made by the public. An order was lodged with Colonel
Preston for 1,000 pounds of powder from the lead mines for this
expedition; and you receive herewith an order for 500 pounds of
powder from Colonel Fleming for the same purpose, of the expenditure
of which you will render account. We came into your country to fight your
young men. We have killed not a few of them and destroyed your
towns. You know you began the war, by listening to the bad councils
of the King of England and the falsehoods told you by his
agents. We are now satisfied with what is done, as it may convince
your nation that we can distress them much at any time they are
so foolish as to engage in a war against us. If you desire peace,
as we understand you do, we, out of pity to your women and children,
are disposed to treat with you on that subject and take you
into our friendship once more. We therefore send this by one of
your young men, who is our prisoner, to tell you if you are also
disposed to make peace, for six of your head men to come to our
agent, Major Martin, at the Great Island within two moons. They
will have a safe passport, if they will notify us of their approach
by a runner with a flag, so as to give him time to meet them with a
guard on Holstein river, at the boundary line. The wives and children
of these men of your nation that protested against the war, if
they are willing to take refuge at the Great Island until peace is
restored, we will give them a supply of provisions to keep them
alive. "The fulfillment of this message will require your Excellency's
further instructions, and in which I expect North Carolina will
assist, or that Congress will take upon themselves the whole. I
believe advantageous promises of peace may be easily obtained with
a surrender of such an extent of country, that will defray the
expenses of war. But such terms will be best insured by placing a
garrison of two hundred men under an active officer on the banks
of the Tenasee. Your faithful services and the exertions which you made
to second the efforts of the Southern army, on the 15th inst.,
claim my warmest thanks. It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge
my entire approbation of your conduct, and the spirited
and manly behavior of the officers and soldiers under you. Sensible
of your merit, I feel a pleasure in doing justice to it. Most
of the riflemen having gone home, and not having it in my power
to make up another command, you have my permission to return
home to your friends, and should the emergency of the southern
operations require your further exertions, I will advertise you. "I am very happy in informing you that the bravery of your battalion,
displayed in the action of the 15th, is particularly noticed
by the General. It is much to be lamented that a failure took
place in the line which lost the day, separated us from the main
body and exposed our retreat. I hope your men are safe and that
the scattered will collect again. Be pleased to favor me with a
return of your loss, and prepare your men for a second battle. "Beginning at a white walnut and buckeye at the ford of Holston
next above the Royal Oak, and runneth thence—N. 31 W. over
Brushy mountain, one creek, Walker's mountain north fork of Holston,
Locust cove, Little mountain, Poor Valley creek, Clinch mountain,
and the south fork of Clinch to a double and single sugar trees
and two buckeye saplings on Bare grass hill, the west end of Morris'
knob, fifteen miles and three quarters. Thence from said knob
north crossing the spurs of the same, and Paint Lick mountain the
north fork of Clinch by John Hines' plantation, and over the river
ridge by James Roark's in the Baptist Valley, to a sugar tree and
two white oaks on the head of Sandy five miles, one quarter—twenty
poles. I am now going to speak to you about powder. I have
in my towns six hundred good hunters, and we have very little powder.
I hope you will speak to my elder brother of Virginia, to take
pity on us, and send us as much as will make our fall's hunt. He
will hear you. We are very poor, but don't love to beg, which our
brother knows, as I have never asked him for anything else before.
I thank him however for all his past favors to the old towns. I
hope he will not refuse this favor I ask of him, I have taken Virginia
by the hand, and I do not want to turn my face another way, to
a strange people. The Spaniards have sent to me to come and speak
to them. I am not going, but some of my people have gone to hear
what they have to say. I am sitting still at home with my face
towards my elder brother of Virginia, hoping to hear from him soon.
I will not take of any strange people till I hear from him. Tell him
that when I took hold of your hand, I looked on it as if he had
been there. The hold is strong and lasting. I have with this talk
sent you a long string of white beads as a confirmation of what I
say. My friendship shall be as long as the beads remain white. The memorial of the Freemen inhabitating the Country Westward
of the Alleghany or Appalachian mountain, and Southward of the
Ouasioto*
*Indian name for Cumberland mountain.
Humbly sheweth: "Your Deputies, after mature consideration, have agreed to address
you on the subject of your Public Affairs, well knowing that
there is only wanting an exact and candid examination into the
facts to know whether you have been well served or abused by your
Representatives, whether Government has been wisely administered
and whether your rights and Liberties are secure. As members of
the Civil Society, you will acknowledge that there are duties of importance
and lasting obligation which must take place before individual
conveniences or private interest, but it must be granted that
in free Communities the laws are only obligatory when made consonant
with the constitution or Original Compact; for it is the only
means of the surrender then made, the power therein given and the
right ariseth to Legislate at all. Hence it is evident that the power
of Legislators is in the nature of trusts to form Regulations for the
good of the whole, agreeable to the powers delegated, and the deposite
put into the General stock, and the end proposed is to obtain
the greatest degree of happiness and safety, not for the few but
for the many. To attain these ends and these only, men are induced
to give up a portion of their natural Liberty and Property
when they enter into society. From this it is plain that Rulers may
exceed their trust, may invade the remaining portion of natural
liberty and property, which would be a usurpation, a breach of
solemn obligation and ultimately a conspiracy against the majesty
of the people, the only treason that can be committed in a commonwealth.
A much admired writer on the side of Liberty begins
his work with the following remarkable sentence, which we transcribe
for your information, and entreat you to read and ponder
well: After having been honored lately with the receipt of several
of your Excellency's letters, particularly that of the 17th of
May last, and the several communications made in consequence of
them, particularly my letter of the 13th of June, the principal officers
and the Whig interest in this county seemed to rest satisfied
that an amicable and enlightened administration would pave the
way to the Legislature and to Congress for the efficient and permanent
redress of the principal, and in some cases the almost
intolerable grievances of the western inhabitants. But while
secure in this confidence, we have to lament that the voice of
calumny and faction has reached the seat of supreme rule, and
that, without a constitutional enquiry, without a fair hearing, it
has been in some degree listened to, and had effect. It is hard to
defend when it is not known what we are charged with, and at
all times who can disarm private pique, or be able to withstand
malice and envy without feeling some smart. But political fury,
engendered by Tory principles, knows no bounds and is without
a parallel. Bernard and Hutchison have exhibited to Governors
and the world, examples that ought to teach wisdom to this and
succeeding generations. We are told (but it is only from report)
that we have offended government on account of our sentiments
being favorable to a new State, and our looking forward for a separation.
If such a disposition is criminal, I confess there are not
a few in this county to whom guilt may be imputed, and to many
respectable characters in other counties on the western waters. If
we wish for a separation it is on account of grievances that daily
become more and more intolerable, it is from a hope that another
mode of governing will make us more useful than we are now to the
general confederacy, or ever can be whilst so connected. But why
can blame fall on us, when our aim is to conduct measures in an
orderly manner, and strictly consistent with the Constitution.
Surely men who have bound themselves by every holy tie to support
republican principles, cannot on a dispassionate consideration
blame us. Our want of experience and knowledge may be a plea
against us. We deplore our situation and circumstances on that
account, but at the same time firmly believe that our advances to
knowledge will still continue slow, perhaps verge towards ignorance
and barbarism, without the benefit of local independent institutions. THE MEMORIAL OF ARTHUR CAMPBELL. It is with great concern that we hear that a number
of your Towns' people have lately been killed by some white men
between Clinch river and Cumberland mountain, and that you
blame the Virginians for it. As to who done it, I cannot certainly
say, but have heard that one hundred men from Kentucky
had gone towards Chickamogga Towns to take satisfaction for the
murder that was done on the Kentucky path last October, and
what made the people exceedingly angry, was that they heard their
Captives, mostly women, were all burnt in the Chickamogga Towns. "August 26, 1791, a party of Indians headed by a Captain Bench,
of the Cherokee tribe, attacked the house of Elisha Ferris, two
miles from Mockison Gap, murdered Mr. Ferris at his house, and
made prisoner Mrs. Ferris and her daughter, Mrs. Livingston, and
a young child together with Nancy Ferris. All but the latter were
cruelly murdered the first day of their captivity. "About 10 o'clock in the morning, as I was sitting in my house,
the fierceness of the dog's barking alarmed me. I looked out and
saw seven Indians approaching the house, armed and painted in a
frightful manner. No person was then within, but a child of ten
years old, and another of two, and my sucking infant. My husband
and his brother Henry had just before walked out to a barn at some
distance in the field. My sister-in-law, Susanna, was with the
remaining children in an out-house. Old Mrs. Livingston was in
the garden. I immediately shut and fastened the door; they (the
Indians) came furiously up, and tried to burst it open, demanding
of me several times to open the door, which I refused. They then
fired two guns; one ball pierced through the door, but did me no
damage. I then thought of my husband's rifle, took it down but it
being double triggered, I was at a loss; at length I fired through the
door, but it not being well aimed I did no execution; however the
Indians retired from that place and soon after that an old adjoining
house was on fire, and I and my children suffering much from the
smoke. I opened the door and an Indian immediately advanced
and took me prisoner, together with the two children. I then discovered
that they had my remaining children in their possession,
my sister Sukey, a wench with her young child, a negro
man of Edward Callihan's and a negro boy of our own about eight
years old. They were fearful of going into the house I left, to
plunder, supposing that it had been a man that shot at them, and
was yet within. So our whole clothing and household furniture
were consumed in the flames, which I was then pleased to see, rather
than that it should be of use to the savages. Whereas by the wrong doing of men it hath been the unfortunate
lot of the following negroes to be slaves for life, to-wit: Vina,
Adam, Nancy sen., Nancy, Kitty and Selah. And whereas believing
the same have come into my possession by the direction of Providence,
and conceiving from the clearest conviction of my conscience
aided by the power of a good and just God, that it is both
sinful and unjust, as they are by nature equally free with myself,
to continue them in slavery, I do, therefore, by these presents, under
the influence of a duty I not only owe my conscience, but the just
God who made us all, make free the said negroes hoping while
they are free of man they will faithfully serve their Maker through
the merits of Christ. Whereas my negro man John (alias) John Broady, claims a
promise of freedom from his former master General William Campbell,
for his faithful attendance on him at all times, and more particularly
while he was in the army in the last war, and I who claim
the said negro in right of my wife, daughter of the said General
William Campbell, feeling a desire to emancipate the said negro
man John, as well for the fulfillment of the above-mentioned promise,
as the gratification of being instrumental of prompting a participation
of liberty to a fellow creature, who by nature is entitled
thereto, do by these presents for myself, my heirs, executors and
administrators fully emancipate and make free to all intents and
purposes the said negro man John (alias) John Broady from me
forever. As witness my hand and seal, this 20th day of September,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. ATTENTION! "ATTENTION!" "THE TOCSIN OF PATRIOTISM. "INFANTRY! To the Freeholders of the County of Washington. NOTICE! "ATTENTION! "COMPANY ORDERS! ATTENTION RIFLEMEN! VOLUNTEER RIFLEMEN. "ATTENTION! Resolved, That it is expedient for the carrying out of the objects
of this meeting that the committee hereby appointed shall solicit
the concurrent support of the people of Russell, Tazewell, Washington,
Smyth, Wythe, Mercer, Giles, Boone, Monroe, Logan, Wyoming,
Kanawha, Fayette and Greenbrier counties, in behalf of
obtaining a survey for the Virginia and Tennessee railroad from
New river along Walker's creek and Holston Valley, passing the
Gypsum bank and Salt Works to the Tennessee line for intersection
with the Tennessee railroad at the most convenient point. Resolved, That this convention highly approve of the proposed
General Railroad Convention to be held at New Orleans, on the
first Monday in January next, and request the appointment by the
president, on its behalf, of five delegates thereto. Abingdon Academy! In reply to yours of the 16th instant in reference to the Stonewall
Jackson Institute, I assure you that any scheme designed to
perpetuate the recollections of the virtue and patriotism of General
Jackson meets with my approval. As he was a friend of learning,
I know of no more effective and appropriate method of accomplishing
the praiseworthy object in question than the establishment of
an institution in which the young women of our country may be
trained for the important and responsible duties of life. I hope
the institution established by the people of Southwest Virginia, and
dedicated to the memory of General T. J. Jackson, may meet with
entire success and prove a blessing to the State. Pursuant to an order of court, we the subscribers have laid off the
Prison Bounds, as in the annexed Platt. Beginning at the N. W. corner of the gaol at a stump S. 35° E.
40 poles, crossing the road at 3 forked white oak saplings; thence N.
62° E. 35 poles crossing a creek at the old fording at a large white
oak tree by the north side of the road; thence N. 32° W. 30 poles
crossing said creek N. E. of head of a spring at a white oak stake
and an old black stump; and thence to a white oak sapling on a N. E.
stony bank on Mr. Willoughby's lot; thence S. 62° W. 36 poles to
the north end of the prison house at the beginning. "In obedience to an act of the assembly entitled "An act for
extending the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina." I enclose you a copy of a law, with a proclamation of the
Governor of Virginia, by the same conveyance. I am instructed
to exercise the authority of the State to the boundary, usually
called Walker's line. In this business, it is the wish of the Executive
that the subordinate officers conduct themselves in an amicable
manner to the inhabitants over which North Carolina formerly
exercised Jurisdiction, and with due respect to the authority
of the Government south of the River Ohio; these orders are perfectly
consonant to my own feelings and sentiments. Therefore,
Sir, if you have any objections to make to the change taking place,
or anything to ask in favor of the people, it will be respectfully
attended to by me and immediately reported to the Governor of
Virginia. The enclosed letter from the commanding officer of the
militia of Sullivan county, seems to be an avowal of an opposition
to an act of our Legislature, for establishing Walker's line as the
boundary line to this State. "In obedience to commissions respectively conferred upon us
under an act of the legislature of the State of Virginia passed
the 18th day of March, 1856, and an act of the legislature of the
State of Tennessee, passed the 1st day of March, 1858, authorizing
the executives of each of said States respectively to appoint commissioners
`to again run and mark' the boundary line between
the States of Virginia and Tennessee, we the undersigned commissioners,
proceeded to discharge the duties assigned us, and beg
leave to submit the following as our joint action: Our first object
was to determine the duty with which we were charged under the
acts of both states, which we found to be substantially the same
and both exceedingly vague and indefinite. Herewith I submit a map of the boundary line
between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, as traced and remarked
by the field party in my charge under your direction. The territory in the form of a triangle, lying between the top
of Little mountain and the red lines on the map in what is known
as "Denton's Valley," has heretofore been recognized by the citizens
residing therein as included in the State of Virginia, and the
top of Little mountain is recognized as the boundary line. To this
supposed boundary both States have heretofore exercised jurisdiction,
and north of the summit of the mountain the citizens residing
in the triangle have derived their land titles from the State of
Virginia; they have there voted, been taxed, and exercised all the
rights of citizens of that State. The line, though plainly marked
from the top of Little mountain westward nearly to the river, and
the cross line at Denton's Valley running south twenty-two west
and connecting the north and south lines, seem not to have been
recognized as the boundary line, the very existence even of the
cross line being unknown until we discovered it; but it is also well
defined and so distinctly marked as to leave no doubt that it was
run and marked in 1802. With this single exception, the line as
traced by us has been, as far as we are able to ascertain, recognized
throughout its entire length for fifty-seven years as the true boundary
line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee. The latitude,
as marked on the map east of Bristol and at Cumberland Gap,
was carefully determined by Professor Keith with a "zenith transit"
or transit instrument, the most modern and improved astronomical
instrument now in use, and may be relied upon as perfectly
accurate, except at Bristol, and that was ascertained under
disadvantageous circumstances, but it is believed to be nearly correct.
West of Bristol, except at Cumberland Gap, the latitude was
determined by Lieutenant Francis T. Byan, of the corps of United
States topographical engineers, with a "sextant," and may also be
relied upon as correctly determined. In your letter of instructions to observe the Solar Eclipse
of August 7th, at or near Bristol, Tenn., you also directed me to
comply, if practicable, with the request made by the President of
Washington College, Virginia, to connect the station at Bristol,
the position of which would be astronomically determined, with
one or more of the monuments which mark the boundary line of
the State of Virginia in that vicinity, so that the longitude and
latitude thereof may be accurately known. Your commissioners, appointed by decree of this honorable court,
dated April 30, 1900, to ascertain, retrace, re-mark and re-establish
the boundary line established between the States of Virginia
and Tennessee, by the compact of 1803, which was actually run
and located under proceedings had by the two States, in 1801-1803,
and was then marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond,
and which ran from White Top mountain to Cumberland Gap, respectfully
represent that they have completed the duties assigned
to them by the said decree of April 30, 1900, that they have remarked
and retraced the said boundary line as originally run and
marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond in the year 1802,
and that for the better securing of the same they have placed upon
the said line, besides other durable marks, monuments of cut limestone,
four and a half feet long and seven inches square on top,
with V's cut on their north faces and T's on their south faces, set
three and a half feet in the ground, conveniently located as hereinafter
more fully described, so that the citizens of each State and
others, by reasonable diligence, may readily find the true location
of said boundary; all of which is more particularly set forth in the
detailed report of their operations which your commissioners herewith
beg to submit, together with two maps explanatory of the
same, a list of the several permanent monuments and other durable
marks, and a complete bill of costs and charges. And your commissioners
further pray that this honorable court accept and confirm
this report; that the line as marked on the ground by said
commissioners in the years 1901 and 1902 be declared to be the
real, certain and true boundary between the States of Tennessee
and Virginia; that your commissioners be allowed their expenses
and reasonable charges for their own services in these premises, as
shown on the bill of costs which forms a part of this report; and
finally that your commissioners be discharged from further proceedings
in these premises. Please pay to Mr. Andrew Jackson or order two thousand five
hundred one dollars sixty-seven cents which place to account of Col. James King
Dec'd
Aug. 17th 1825
Aged 73 years
A Patriot
of
1776. Had I seen you when at Huntsville I should have spoken to you
and recommended to your kind attention Major John Campbell, lately of
the Council of State in Virginia, now a resident of Alabama. I consider
him a young man of great merit for integrity, strength and correctness of
judgment and purity of political principles. In his welfare I take great interest.
Well knowing his merit, I have thought it proper to communicate
to you the sense I entertain of it, in the hope that it might be of some service
to him. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 51 | Author: | Thatcher
B. B.
(Benjamin Bussey)
1809-1840 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Memoir of Phillis Wheatley | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Not a great many of the younger readers of
this little book may know much about Slavery,
though they have all heard and read, of course,
that such a thing exists, and that even in the
southern and western parts of our own country.
I do not intend here to discuss the nature of
it, or the circumstances that gave rise to it
in the first instance, or the effect it is believed
to have on the country and the people in and
among which it is found. All these matters
are more proper for another place. My object
is simply to call the attention of those who feel
an interest in the condition and character of the
African race, to some particulars respecting
individuals of that race, who have, at different
times, been slaves in different parts of this
country, and whose characters were quite too
interesting to be passed over by the historian
in utter silence. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 56 | Author: | Lindsay
James H.
(James Hubert)
1862-1933 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The McCue murder | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | On Sunday, September 4, 1904, J. Samuel McCue, for twenty years a
member of the Charlottesville Bar, just retired from his third term as
Mayor of that city, reputed rich man, and officer in the Presbyterian
Church, arrived about 6 o'clock from Washington, where he had been
for several days, on what business does not appear, although Mrs.
McCue had been informed by him that he was in the National Capital
taking depositions in a murder case. An hour before he reached the
city Mrs. Fannie M. McCue, his wife, had come in from Red Hill, a
small station on the Southern railway, some seven miles south of Charlottesville,
and was at home when her husband entered the house.
Without going into the parlor, where she was with a visitor, he went
upstairs to the bath-room to rid himself of the stains of travel. When
he met her, the manner of his greeting, and all other details of that
evening until the supper hour, are lacking. The occurrences at the
evening meal come into the story at a later period. Dear Aunt Sallie,—I received your kind and affectionate letter a few
minutes ago, and will answer now, as I am afarid I will forget it. We
are now at home with Aunt Sammie and Uncle Marshall Dinwiddie,
who are very kind and good to us, but I come home and miss my dear
mother, whom I put before my God, and who I miss many times in the
day. "I do not wish to worry you, as I know you have worries enough, but
I do think you ought to send me my watch, as it is all I have to pay Mr.
Harmon to get me free from the treacherous man I have. Now, if you
won't send it to me send me word how much you want me to pay you. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 57 | Author: | Smith
Margaret Vowell | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Virginia, 1492-1892 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland,
Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents
shal come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certaine science,
& meere motion, we have giuen and graunted, and by these presents for
vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt to our trusty and well-beloued
seruant, Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires and assignes
for euer, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for euer
hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen,
and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his
heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and
the same to haue, holde, occupy & enioy to him, his heires and assignes
for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, iurisdictios, royalties, priuiledges,
franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea
and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any
of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons,
bodies politique or corporate; and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs, our heires
and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there
to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his
heires & assignes, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues,
or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realm of
England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance
whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Whereas Wee, by our letters pattents under our great seale of England,
bearing date att Westminster, the tenth day of Aprill, in the year of our
raigne of England, France and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the
39th, have given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the said
letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and conduct two several
Colonies or plantations of sundry our loving people willing to abide and
inhabit in certain parts of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences,
priviledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same
letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee according to the effect
and true meaning of the same letters pattents, doe by these presents,
signed with our hand, signe manuel and sealed with our privy seale of
our realme of England, establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well
beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our Tower of London,
Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George
Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Knight, Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder
of the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John Dodderidge,
Esq., Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr., John Eldred of the citty of
London, merchant, Thomas James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and
James Bagge of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall
be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Virginia or any the
territories of America, between thirty-four and fourty-five degrees from
the æquinoctial line northward, and the Islands to the several collonies
limitted and assigned, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of
Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have full power
and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and under us, our heires and
successors, to give directions to the councels of the several collonies which
shal be within any part of the said country of Virginia and America,
within the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands aforesaid, for
the good government of the people to be planted in those parts, and for
the good ordering and desposing of all causes happening within the same,
and the same to be done for the substance thereof, as neer to the common
lawes of England, and the equity thereof, as may be, and to passe under
our seale, appointed for that councel, which councel, and every and any
of them shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, and
others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our heires and successors,
and att our and their will and pleasure, and the same councel of
Virginia, or the more part of them, for the time being, shall nominate and
appoint the first several councellours of those several councells, which are
to be appointed for those two several colonies, which are to be made plantations
in Virginia and America, between the degrees before mentioned,
according to our said letters pattents in that behalfe made; and that each
of the same councels of the same several colonies shal, by the major part
of them, choose one of the same councel, not being the minister of God's
word, to be president of the same councel, and to continue in that office
by the space of one whole year unless he shall in the meantime dye or be
removed from the office; and we doe further hereby establish and ordaine,
that it shal be lawful for the major part of either of the said councells,
upon any just cause, either absence or otherwise, to remove the president
or any other of that councel, from being either president, or any of that
councel; and upon the deathes or removal of any of the presidents or
councel, it shall be lawful for the major part of that councel to elect
another in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, as
they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said councellours, and wee
doe establish and ordaine, that the president shal not continue in his office
of presidentship above the space of one year; and wee doe specially
ordaine, charge, and require the said president and councells, and the
ministers of the said several colonies respectively, within their several
limits and precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe
provide, that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be
preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several
colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the
salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or border upon them,
according to the doctrines, rights, and religion now professed and established
within our realme of England. Captaine Martine, we are to request50
50request, McDowell.
you upon sight hereof, with all
convenient speed to repaire hither to James citty to treatt and conferre
wth us about some matters of especial51
51especiall,
McDonald.
importance, wch concerns52
52concerne, McDonald and Bancroft.
both
us and the whole Colony and yourself. And of this we praye you not to
faile. `Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Burgesses of this Grand
Assembly, for God's glory and the public benefit of the Colony, to the
end that God might avert his heavy judgments that are upon us, that the
last Wednesday in every month be set apart for fast and humiliation, and
that it be wholly dedicated to prayers and preaching, &c. First. It is agreed and cons ted that the plantation of Virginia, and
all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remaine in due obedience and
subjection to the common wealth of England, according to the lawes there
established, And that this submission and subscription bee acknowledged
a voluntary act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon the countrey,
And that they shall have and enioy such freedomes and priviledges as
belong to the free borne people of England, and that the former government
by the comissions and instructions be void and null. First. That neither Governour nor councill shall be obliged to take
any oath or engagement to the Common-Wealth of England for one whole
yeare, And that neither Governor nor Councill be censured for praying
for or speaking well of the King for one whole yeare in their private
houses or neighbouring conference. "Whereas it appears by act of Assembly held at James Cittie in May,
1652, That it was agreed vpon and thought best by the then commissioners
for the parliament, and the Burgesses of the then a sembly, That the right
of election of all officers of this collony should be and appertaine to the
Burgesses, the representatives of the people, Now know yee, That wee
the present Burgesses of this Grand Assembly have a cordingly constituted
and ordained the severall persons vnder written to be the Governour,
Councill & Commissioners of this country of Virginia vntil the next
Assembly or vntil the further pleasure of the supreme power in England
shall be known. The Governour and Councill for many important causes do think fitt
hereby to declare, That they do now disolve this present Assembly. And
that the Speaker accordingly do dismiss the Burgesses. The Answer of the Burgesses to the declaration
of the Honourable Governour and Councill. Vpon your assurance of a speedy issue to conclude the acts so near
brought to a confirmation in this Assembly, wee are willing to come to a
speedy conclusion, And to referre the dispute of the power of disolving and
the legality thereof to his Highnesse, the Lord Protector: The House is vnanimously of opinion that the answer returned is
vnsatisfactory, and desire with as much earnestnes as the honourable
Governour and Councill have expressed, a speedy dispatch, and propose
That the Governour and Councill please to declare. Vpon your promise received of the speedy and happy conclusion, wee
revoke the declaration for the dissolution of the Assembly, and referre the
dispute of the power of dissolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse
the Lord Protector. Wee have considered the present constitution of the government
of Virginia and do propose, That wee find by the records The present
power of government to reside in such persons as shall be impowered
by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not
dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia, but the House of Burgesses. These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to will and
require you not to act orr execute any warrant, precept or command
directed to you from any other power or person then the Speaker of this
hon'ble. House, whose commands you are hereby required to obey and not
to decline therefrom vntill further order from vs the Burgesses of this
present Grand Assembly, hereof faile not as you will answer the contrary
at your perill. Given 2d. Apr. 58. Act I. "Whereas the necessity of the country being in danger of the oppression
company and the losse of our liberties for want of such an agent
in England as is able to oppose the invaders of our freedomes and truly to
represent our condition to his sacred majestie enforceth the employing a
person of quality to present our grievances to his majesty's gracious consideration
and endeavour the redresse which the right honorable Sir William
Berkeley his majestyes governor hath been pleased to undertake.
Bee itt therefore enacted that there be raysed by the country the some of
two hundred thousand pounds of tobacco and cask for his the said Sir William
Berkeley's support in his voyage; and that payment be made thereof
by the 20th of January in Yorke river and James river to such persons as
his honor shall appoint and that the secretary of state and speaker of the
assembly signe a manifesto to the governor of the country's engagement
for payment thereof."*
*Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. II., page 17.
Att a Grand Assemblie, Holden at James Cittie by prorogation from
the twentie third of March, 1660, to the twentie third of March 1661; and
thence to the twentie third of December 1662, in the fourteenth year of the
raigne of our soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc.
To the glorie of Almightie God and the publique good of this his Majesties
colonie of Virginia: "First.—We declare all due allegiance and obedience to our lawful
Sovereign, George the Third, King of Great Britain. And we determine
to the utmost of our power to preserve the laws, the peace, and good order
of this Colony, as far as is consistent with the preservation of our constitutional
rights and liberty. Copy sent the Governor,
(Thomas Jefferson)
on the 15th January, 1781. The general assembly of Virginia being well satisfied that the happiness,
strength and safety of the United States, depend, under Providence,
upon the ratification of the articles for a federal union between the United
States, heretofore proposed by congress for the consideration of the said
states, and preferring the good of their country to every object of smaller
importance, Do Resolve, That this commonwealth will yield to the congress
of the United States, for the benefit of the said United States, all
right, title, and claim that the said commonwealth hath to the lands
northwest of the river Ohio, upon the following conditions, to wit: That
the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into states containing
a suitable extent of territory, and shall not be less than one hundred
nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto
as circumstances will admit: That the states so formed shall be distinct
republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union, having
the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other
states. It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming,
being the only acting member of council for some time before the appointment
of chief magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia,
and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government,
and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein: Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress have published
their proclamation, announcing the signature and ratification of the preliminary
articles of peace between the several powers at war, and commanding
the citizens of these United States to cease from any farther
hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and his subjects, both by sea and
land: "Everybody knows I have the highest opinion of you as an officer,
and you know I love you as a friend; whatever may be your determination,
to retire or continue in service, my affection will accompany you.
I am, with esteem and affection, your most obedient humble servant, "Whereas it is shewn to the present General Assembly, that the government
of the United States is solicitous that certain lands at Old Point
Comfort, and at the shoal called the Rip Raps, should be, with the right
of property and entire jurisdiction thereon, vested in the said United
States for the purpose of fortification, and other objects of national defence, | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 58 | Author: | Kennedy
Philip Pendleton
1808-1864 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The Blackwater chronicle | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | If the reader will take down the map of Virginia,
and look at Randolph county, he will find that the
Blackwater is a stream that makes down from the
north into the Cheat river, some few miles below
the point where that river is formed by the junction
of the Dry fork, the Laurel fork, and the Glade
fork—the Shavers, or Great fork, falling in some
miles below: all rising and running along the western
side of the Backbone of the Alleganies. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 59 | Author: | Charlottesville (Va.) | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1945 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
approved March 24, 1922 (Acts 1922, p. 697 et seq.), and all
acts amendatory thereof, to and including the acts of 1944. "WHEREAS, the director of finance has received the full purchase
price of the property hereby conveyed as is evidenced by
his signature hereto. "THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this ......
day of .............., 19.., by and between the CITY OF
CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, hereinafter referred to
as the City, and ........, hereinafter referred to as Owner. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 60 | Author: | De Hass
Wills
1818?-1910 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | History of the early settlement and Indian wars of Western Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and
afterwards ratified by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the
west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for
their hunting ground. And as it is of the highest importance
to his Majesty's service, and the preservation of the peace,
and a good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving
them any just cause of complaint: This is therefore to forbid
any of his Majesty's subjects to settle or hunt to the west of
the Alleghany mountains, on any pretence whatever, unless
such have obtained leave in writing from the general, or the
governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same
to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers
and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several
posts erected in that part of the country, for the protection
of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be
seized, any of his Majesty's subjects, who, without the above
authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle
or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses
and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished according
to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a
court martial. What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for? The white people
killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought nothing of
that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin
prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to
war since; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. I have this moment received certain intelligence that the
enemy are coming in great force against us, and particularly
against Wheeling. You will immediately put your garrison
in the best posture of defence, and lay in as great a quantity
of water as circumstances will admit, and receive them coolly.
They intend to decoy your garrison, but you are to guard
against stratagem, and defend the post to the last extremity. We, the subscribers, do hereby certify that the within specified appraisements
are just and true, to the best of our judgments; and that the several
articles were lost in the late unhappy defeat near M'Mechen's narrows, on
the 27th of September, 1777—as witness our hands, this 3d of October, 1777. On Monday afternoon, September 11, 1782, a body of about 300 Indians,
and 50 British soldiers, composing part of a company known as the `Queen's
Rangers,' appeared in front of the fort, and demanded a surrender. These
forces were commanded respectively by the white renegade Girty, and a
Captain Pratt. Yours of the 8th instant has just come to
hand, and I with pleasure sit down to answer your request,
which is a statement of my adventure with the Indians. I
will give the narrative as found in my sketch book. I was
born in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, February 4th,
1777. When about eight years old, my father, James Johnson,
having a large family to provide for, sold his farm, with
the expectation of acquiring larger possessions further west.
Thus he was stimulated to encounter the perils of a pioneer
life. He crossed the Ohio river, and bought some improvements
on what was called Beach Bottom Flats, two and a
half miles from the river, and three or four miles above the
mouth of Short creek, with the expectation of holding by
improvement right under the Virginia claim. Soon after we
reached there, the Indians became troublesome; they stole
horses, and killed a number of persons in our neighborhood.
When I was between eleven and twelve years old, in the
month of October, 1788, I was taken prisoner by the Indians,
with my brother John, who was about eighteen months older
than I. The circumstances were as follows:—On Saturday
evening, we were out with an older brother, and came home
late in the evening. The next morning one of us had lost a
hat, and about the middle of the day, we thought that perhaps
we had left it where we had been at work, about three-fourths
of a mile from the house. We went to the place and
found the hat, and sat down on a log by the road-side, and
commenced cracking nuts. In a short time we saw two men
coming toward us from the house. By their dress, we supposed
they were two of our neighbors, James Perdue and
J. Russell. We paid but little attention to them, until they
came quite near us, when we saw our mistake; they were
black. To escape by flight was impossible, had we been disposed
to try. We sat still until they came up. One of
them said, "How do, brodder?" My brother asked them if
they were Indians, and they answered in the affirmative, and
said we must go with them. One of them had a blue buckskin
pouch, which we gave my brother to carry, and without
further ceremony, he took up the line of march for the
wilderness, not knowing whether we should ever return to
our cheerful home; and not having much love for our commanding
officers, of course we obeyed orders rather tardily.
The mode of march was thus—one of the Indians walked
about ten steps before, the other about ten behind us. After
travelling some distance, we halted in a deep hollow and sat
down. They took out their knives and whet them, and talked
some time in the Indian tongue, which we could not understand.
My brother and me sat eight or ten steps from them,
and talked about killing them that night, and make our
escape. I thought, from their looks and actions, that they
were going to kill us; and, strange to say, I felt no alarm.
I thought I would rather die than go with them. The most
of my trouble was, that my father and mother would be fretting
after us—not knowing what had become of us. I expressed
my thoughts to John, who went and began to talk
with them. He said that father was cross to him, and made
him work hard, and that he did not like hard work; that he
would rather be a hunter, and live in the woods. This seemed
to please them; for they put up their knives, and talked more
lively and pleasantly. We became very familiar, and many
questions passed between us; all parties were very inquisitive.
They asked my brother which way home was, several
times, and he would tell them the contrary way every time,
although he knew the way very well. This would make them
laugh; they thought we were lost, and that we knew no better.
They conducted us over the Short creek hills in search
of horses, but found none; so we continued on foot until
night, when we halted in a hollow, about three miles from
Carpenter's fort, and about four from the place where they
first took us; our route being somewhat circuitous, we made
but slow progress. As night began to close in, I became
fretful. My brother encouraged me, by whispering that
we would kill them that night. After they had selected
the place of our encampment, one of them scouted round,
whilst the other struck fire, which was done by stopping the
touch-hole of his gun, and flashing powder in the pan. After
the Indian got the fire kindled, he re-primed the gun and
went to an old stump, to get some tinder wood, and while he
was thus employed, my brother John took the gun, cocked it,
and was about to shoot the Indian: alarmed lest the other
might be close by, I remonstrated, and taking hold of the
gun, prevented him shooting; at the same time I begged him
to wait till night, and I would help him kill them both.
The other Indian came back about dark, when we took our
supper, such as it was,—some corn parched on the coals, and
some roasted pork. We then sat and talked for some time.
They seemed to be acquainted with the whole border settlement,
from Marietta to Beaver, and could number every
fort and block-house, and asked my brother how many fighting
men there were in each place, and how many guns. In
some places, my brother said, there were a good many more
guns than there were fighting men. They asked what use
were these guns. He said the women could load while the
men fired. But how did these guns get there? My brother
said, when the war was over with Great Britain, the soldiers
that were enlisted during the war were discharged, and they
left a great many of their guns at the stations. They asked
my brother who owned that black horse that wore a bell? He
answered, father. They then said the Indians could never
catch that horse. We then went to bed on the naked ground,
to rest and study out the best mode of attack. They put us
between them, that they might be the better able to guard us.
After awhile, one of the Indians, supposing we were asleep,
got up and stretched himself on the other side of the fire, and
soon began to snore. John, who had been watching every
motion, found they were sound asleep. He whispered to me
to get up, which we did as carefully as possible. John took
the gun with which the Indian had struck fire, cocked it, and
placed it in the direction of the head of one of the Indians.
He then took a tomahawk, and drew it over the head of the
other Indian. I pulled the trigger, and he struck at the same
instant; the blow falling too far back on the neck, only
stunned the Indian. He attempted to spring to his feet,
uttering most hideous yells, but my brother repeated the
blows with such effect that the conflict became terrible, and
somewhat doubtful. The Indian, however, was forced to
yield to the blows he received on his head, and in a short
time he lay quiet at our feet. The one that was shot never
moved; and fearing there were others close by, we hurried
off, and took nothing with us but the gun I shot with. They
had told us we would see Indians about to-morrow, so we
thought that there was a camp of Indians close by; and fearing
the report of the gun, the Indian hallooing, and I calling
to John, might bring them upon us, we took our course
towards the river, and on going about three-fourths of a mile,
came to a path which led to Carpenter's fort. My brother
here hung up his hat, that he might know where to take
off to find the camp. We got to the fort a little before daybreak.
We related our adventure, and the next day a small
party went out with my brother, and found the Indian that
was tomahawked, on the ground; the other had crawled off,
and was not found till some time after. He was shot through
close by the ear. Having concluded this narrative, I will give
a description of the two Indians. They were of the Delaware
tribe, and one of them a chief. He wore the badges of his
office—the wampum belt, three half-moons, and a silver plate
on his breast; bands of silver on both arms, and his ears cut
round and ornamented with silver; the hair on the top of his
head was done up with silver wire. The other Indian seemed
to be a kind of waiter. He was rather under size, a plain
man. He wore a fine beaver hat, with a hole shot through
the crown. My brother asked him about the hat. He said
he killed a captain and got his hat. My brother asked him
if he had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a good
many. He then asked him if the big Indian had killed many
of the whites, and he answered, a great many, and that he
was a great captain—a chief. * * * * * Your note of this day I have duly received, and with sincere
pleasure proceed to comply with your requisitions; especially, as the facts
will have a more fitting and enduring place of record, than if stated in a
public print—which it was my intention to have done, had you not presented
a superior vehicle. Brigadier-General McIntosh having requested from
Congress leave to retire from the command of the westward,
they have, by a resolve of the 20th February, granted his
request, and directed me to appoint an officer to succeed him.
From my opinion of your abilities, your former acquaintance
with the back country, and the knowledge you must have
acquired upon this last tour of duty, I have appointed you to
the command in preference to a stranger, as he would not
have time to gain the necessary information between that of
his assuming the command and the commencement of operations. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
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