| | 61 | Author: | Howe
Henry
1816-1893 | Add | | | Title: | Historical collections of Virginia  | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | The term of service for which the Petersburg Volunteers were engaged having expired,
they are permitted to commence their march to Virginia, as soon as they can be
transported to the south side of the lake. George W. Smith, governor, A. B. Venable, president of the bank, Benjamin Botts, wife, and niece,
Mrs. Tayloe Braxton, Mrs. Patterson, Mrs. Gallego, Miss Conyers, Lieut. J. Gibbon, in attempting to save
Miss Conyers; Mrs. E. Page, Miss Louisa Mayo, Mrs. William Cook, Miss Elvina Coutts, Mrs. John Lesley,
Miss M. Nelson, Miss Nelson, Miss Page, Wm. Brown, Miss Julia Hervey, Miss Whitlock, George
Dixon, A. Marshall (of Wythe) broke his neck in attempting to jump from a window, Miss Ann Craig,
Miss Stevenson, (of Spottsylvania,) Mrs. Gibson, Miss Maria Hunter, Mrs. Mary Davis, Miss Gerard,
Thomas Lecroix, Jane Wade, Mrs. Picket, Mrs. Heron, Mrs. Laforest and niece, Jo. Jacobs, Miss Jacobs,
Miss. A. Bausman, Miss M. Marks, Edward Wanton, Jr., two Misses Trouins, Mrs. Gerer, Mrs. Elicott,
Miss Patsey Griffin, Mrs. Moss and daughter, Miss Littlepage, Miss Rebecca Cook, Mrs. Girardin and two
children, Miss Margaret Copeland, Miss Gwathmey, Miss Clay, daughter of M. Clay, member of Congress,
Miss Gatewood, Mrs. Thomas Wilson, Wm. Southgate, Mrs. Robert Greenhow, Mrs. Convert and child,
Miss Green, Miss C. Raphael. Whereas on complaint of Luke Hill in behalf of her Magesty yt. now is agt. Grace
Sherrwood for a peson suspected of withcraft & having had sundey: evidences sworne
agt: her proving many cercumstances & which she could not make any excuse or little
or nothing to say in her own behalf only seemed to rely on wt. ye. Court should doe
& thereupon consented to be tryed in ye. water & likewise to be serched againe wth.
experimts: being tryed & she swiming Wn. therein & bound contrary to custom & ye.
Judgts. of all the spectators & afterwards being serched by ffive antient weamen who
have all declared on oath yt. she is not like ym: nor noe other woman yt. they knew of
having two things like titts on her private parts of a Black coller being blacker yn: ye:
rest of her body all wth: cercumstance ye. Court weighing in their consideracon doe
therefore ordr. yt. ye. Sherr: take ye. sd. Grace into his costody & to comit her body to
ye. common Joal of this County their to secure her by irons or otherwise there to remain
till such time as he shall be otherwise directed in ordr. for her coming to ye. common
goal of ye: Countey to be brought to a ffuture tryall there. "Our proposition to the Cherokee chiefs to visit Congress, for the purpose of preventing
or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too late. The storm had gathered to a
head when Major Martin (the agent) had got back. It was determined, therefore, to
carry the war into their country, rather than wait it in ours; and I have it in my power
to inform you that, thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been successful. I
enclose the particulars as reported to me." Col. Arthur Campbell's report to Mr. Jefferson
is dated Washington county, Jan. 15, 1781. "The militia (he says) of this and the
two western North Carolina counties (now Tennessee) have been fortunate enough to
frustrate the designs of the Cherokees. On my reaching the frontiers, I found the Indians
meant to annoy us by small parties. To resist them effectually, the apparently
best measure was to transfer the war without delay into their own borders. "York county October ye 26th, 1696. I promise to give five pounds sterling towards
building the cott. house at Yorké Town, and twenty pounds sterl'g if within two years
they build a brick church att the same towne. As witness my hand ye day and year
above written. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 65 | Author: | Bouldin
Powhatan
1830-1907 | Add | | | Title: | Home reminiscences of John Randolph | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | JOHN RANDOLPH was the most remarkable character
that this country has ever produced; indeed, it is
doubted whether there ever lived in any country a man
so brilliant and at the same time so eccentric. A great deal
has been written concerning him, and yet the public curiosity
has been by no means satisfied. We purpose to add our
contribution, which is composed in a great measure of the
recollections of his old constituents and neighbors. But,
before entering upon our proper task of home reminiscences,
let us give an outline of our subject, reserving future chapters
for the completion of the picture. If it should meet your view I will preach the funeral of
your servant Billy at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the second Sabbath in
September. Such of your black people as may attend the meeting at
Mossingford on that day may reach your house by that time, and the meeting
will be closed in time for them to reach their homes by night. "Indeed, my attention had been, in some measure, distracted by the
scene of distress which my house has exhibited for some time past. Mr.
Curd breathed his last on Thursday morning, half past three o'clock, after
a most severe illness, which lasted sixteen days. I insisted on his coming
up here, where he had every possible aid, that the best medical aid, and
most assiduous nursing could afford him. During the last week of his
sickness I was never absent from the house but twice, about an hour each
time, for air and exercise; I sat up with him, and gave him almost all of
his medicines, with my own hand, and saw that every possible attention
was paid to him. This is to me an unspeakable comfort, and it pleased
God to support me under this trying scene, by granting me better health
than I had experienced for seven years. On Thursday evening I followed
him to the grave; and soon after, the effects of the fatigue and distress
of mind that I had suffered, prostrated my strength and spirits, and I
became ill. Three successive nights of watching were too much for my
system to endure; I was with him, when he died without a groan or a
change of feature." I understand several expressions have escaped you, in their
nature personal and highly injurious to my reputation. The exceptionable
language imputed to you may be briefly and substantially comprised
in the following statements: That you have avowed the opinion that I
was a rogue—that you have ascribed to me the infernal disposition to
commit murder to prevent the exposition of my sinister designs, and
through me have stigmatized those citizen soldiers who compose the
military corps of our country. No person can be more sensible of the
pernicious tendency of such cruel and undeserved reflections in their
application to public men, or private individuals than yourself; nor is any
man more competent to determine the just reparation to which they
establish a fair claim. Under these impressions I have no hesitation to
appeal to your justice, your magnanimity and your gallantry, to prescribe
the manner of redress, being persuaded your decision will comport with
the feelings of a man of honor—that you will be found equally prompt
to assert a right or repair a wrong. I transmit this letter through the
post-office, and shall expect your answer by such a channel as you may
deem proper. Several months ago I was informed of your having said that you
were acquainted with what had passed in the grand jury room at Richmond
last spring, and that you declared a determination to challenge me.
I am to consider your letter of the last night by mail as the execution of
that avowed purpose, and through the same channel I return you my
answer. Whatever may have been the expressions used by me in regard
to your character, they were the result of deliberate opinion, founded on
the most authoritative evidence, the greater part of which my country imposed
upon me, to weigh and decide upon; they were such as to my
knowledge and to yours have been delivered by the first men in the Union,
and probably by a full moiety of the American people. Infirm as your health is, your country has
made another call upon you for your services. I have no right to ask,
nor do I enquire whether you will accept of this highly honorable appointment.
As a friend I have a right to say your country has no further
claims upon you, and that you ought to consult your own comfort and
happiness. I cannot express to you how deeply I am penetrated by your note
which Peyton has this moment handed to me. The office of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to Russia will soon become vacant, and I am anxious that the
place should be filled by one of the most capable and distinguished
of our fellow-citizens. By the last mail I received, under Mr. Van Buren's cover, your
letter, submitting to my acceptance the mission to Russia. 1. Resolved, That while we retain a grateful sense of the many services
rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the United States, we owe it to our
country and to our posterity to make our solemn protest against many of
the doctrines of his late proclamation. There was an unusually numerous collection of people at Charlotte
Court-house to-day, it being expected that the subject of the proclamation
would be taken into consideration, and hoped that Mr. Randolph might
be there. Though in a state of the most extreme feebleness, he made his
appearance last night, and to day at twelve o'clock was lifted to his seat
on the bench. He rose and spoke a few minutes, but soon sat down exhausted,
and continued to speak sitting, though sometimes for a moment
the excitement of his feelings brought him to his feet. He ended his
speech by moving a set of resolutions, of which a copy is subjoined. I confirm to my brother Beverly the slaves I gave him, and for which I
have a reconveyance. Codicil to this my will, made the 5th day of December, 1821. I revoke
the bequest to T. B. Dudley, and bequeath the same to my executor,
to whom also I give in fee simple all my lots and houses in Farmville,
and every other species of property whatever that I die possessed of,
saving the aforesaid specifications in my will. The codicil of 1826. The Codicil of 1828. In the will above recited, I give to my said ex'or, Wm. Leigh, the
refusal of the land above Owen's (now Clark's) ferry road, at a price that
I then thought very moderate, but which a change in the times has rendered
too high to answer my friendly intentions towards my said executor
in giving him that refusal. I do, therefore, so far, but so far only, modify
14
my said will as to reduce that price 50 per cent.; in other words, one-half,
at which he may take all the land above the ferry road that I inherited
from my father, all that I bought of the late John Daniel, deceased,
and of Tom Beaseley, Charles Beaseley, and others of that name
and family, this last being the land that Gabriel Beaseley used to have in
possession, and whereon Beverley Tucker lived, and which I hold by
deed from him and his wife, of record in Charlotte county court. As lawyers and courts of law are extremely addicted to making wills
for dead men, which they never made when living, it is my will and desire
that no person who shall set aside, or attempt to set aside, the will
above referred to, shall ever inherit, possess or enjoy any part of my estate,
real or personal. Codicil of 1831. The will of January 31st. 1832. I received my dear papa's affectionate epistle, and was sorry to find that
he thought himself neglected. I assure you, my dear sir, that there has
scarcely a fortnight elapsed since uncle's absence without my writing to
you, and I would have paid dearly for you to have received them. I sent
them by the post, and indeed no other opportunity except by Capt. Crozier,
and I did not neglect that. Be well assured, my dear sir, our expenses
since our arrival here have been enormous and by far greater than our
estate, especially loaded as it is with debt, can bear; however, I flatter myself,
my dear papa, that upon looking over the accounts you will find that
my share is, by comparison trifling, and hope that by the wise admonitions
of so affectionate a parent, and one who has our welfare and interest so
much at heart, we may be able to shun the rock of prodigality, upon which
so many people continually split, and by which the unhappy victim is
reduced, not only to poverty, but also to despair and all the horrors attending
it. I received last night your letter of the 17th instant,
covering a draft on the treasury for $104.27, for which accept my hearty
thanks. I wish I could thank you also for your news concerning the
conjectured "marriage between a reverend divine and one who has been
long considered among the immaculate votaries of Diana." I can easily
guess at the name of the former; but there are really so many ancient
maids in your town, of desperate expectations in the matrimonial lottery,
that it is no easy task to tell what person in particular comes under the
above denomination. I have been so unwell as to be incapable of carrying this to the post
office until to-day. Yesterday we had a most violent snow storm, which
lasted from 10 o'clock A. M. till two this morning, during which time it
snowed incessantly. Uncle T. is not come. No news of my trunk, at
which I am very uneasy. I wrote to Mr. Campbell by Capt. Dangerfield
to learn by what vessel it was sent, but have received no answer. There
is no such thing in this city as Blackstone in 4to. The house has come,
as yet, to no determination respecting Mr. Madison's resolutions. They
will not pass, thanks to our absent delegates; nay, were they to go
through the H. of R. the S. would reject them, as there is no senator from
Maryland and but one from Georgia. Thus are the interests of the Southern
States basely betrayed by the indolence of some and the villainy of
others of her statesmen,—Messrs. G—r, H—n and L—e generally voting
with the paper men. I was mistaken, my dear sir, when I said Uncle Tucker had not arrived
in town. He got here the day before yesterday, and did not know where
to find me. In my way to the post office this morning, I was told of his
arrival, and flew to see him. He looks as well as I ever saw him, and
was quite cheerful—made a number of affectionate enquiries concerning
you and your family, my brother and his wife and little boy. He cannot
go through Virginia in his way to Charleston. I pressed him very warmly
to do it, but you know his resolutions when once taken are unalterable.
I gave you in a former letter a full account of our friends in Bermuda.
My uncle says that they complain much of your neglecting to write to
them. He seemed much hurt at the circumstance. You cannot think
how rejoiced I was to see him look so well and cheerful. It has quite
revived my spirits. He stays in this city a week or ten days, when he
returns to New York, where he will remain five or six weeks before he
goes to Charleston. If you write him, which I suppose you will unquestionably
do, you had better direct to New York. I shall write next post,
till then, my dearest father, adieu. I must not forget to tell you that Dr.
Bartlett, the spermaceti doctor, as Mr. Tudor used to call him, has turned
privateersman, and commands a vessel out of Bermuda. Miss Betsy Gilchrist
is to be married to a Lieut. Hicks of the British army, and Mr.
Fibb, it is reported, is also to be married to another officer whose name I
do not recollect. I see that you begin again to cease writing to me;
and I hope that you will be so good as to send me a letter at least once a
week, as you are so shortly to set out on your circuit, when I cannot expect
to hear from you as often as when you are at home. The enclosed
letter I wrote some time ago. I have every day been expecting an opportunity
by which I could send it without subjecting you to the expense
of postage, which perhaps I too often do. As the subject is an important
one, I hope you will answer it as soon as you conveniently can. Your welcome letter of the 13th from Petersburg reached me yesterday.
I waited for its receipt, that I might acknowledge that of its predecessor
at the same time. I am sorry that I did so, for I wanted to know whether
I could advantageously place my horse, Roanoke, in your neighborhood?
I am sorry that you can't take filly; but I pledge, as the boys say,
a place for her in your training stables next autumn, and another if you
have it to spare. Could I get Bolling Graves, think you, to train for me?
I mean next autumn of course, for his spring engagements are no doubt
complete. There is some mistake about that rifle. It was never sent
home. The last time I saw it it was in J. M. & D.'s compting room.
Have I any other article there except the fir pole from Mont Blanc?
Uncle Nat.*
*Honorable Nathaniel Macon.
is greatly mended, and I am satisfied that if the "wicked
world cease from troubling," which they will not do in this world, I wish
they may in the next, he would be well. He made a remark to me the
other day, that forcibly reminded me of Gay's Shepherd and Philosopher—the
best of all his fables, except "the Hare and many friends." It
will not require your sagacity to make the application. "All animals,"
said he, "provide for their own offspring, and there the thing stops. The
birds rear their young by their joint cares and labours. The cow suckles
and takes care of her own calf, but she does not nurse or provide for that
calf's calf." "The birds do not build nests for their young one's eggs, nor
hatch them, nor feed the nestlings." Since the sailing of the last packet from Liverpool, I received
via St. Petersburg your letter of the 21st of August—the only one
that I have had the pleasure to get from you. This is no common-place address, for without profession
or pretension such you have quietly and modestly proved yourself to
be, while, like Darius, I have been This will be presented to you by my neighbor, Elisha E.
Hundley, whose affairs take him to what, in old times, we used to call
the Bear Grass Country. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 66 | Author: | Randolph
John
1773-1833 | Add | | | Title: | Letters of John Randolph, to a young relative | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I send you by the New Orleans mail, "letters written
by the great Mr. Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, to
his nephew, when at college." You know my opinion of
Lord Chatham: that he was at once the greatest practical
statesman that ever lived, and the most transcendent orator.
With all this, he was a truly good man, (indeed, he must
have been, since virtue is essential to great excellence in
laudable pursuits,) and the most elegant and polished gentleman
of his time. We have examined the National School Manual, and
pleased with the plan. From our knowledge of the
various systems pursued in the country schools, many
which, upon the change of teachers, serve rather to
ard, than advance, the pupil, we do not hesitate to
commend the Manual, as having not only a tendency
uniformity and order, but also to save expense, the
complaint of which is without parallel. Having examined the general plan of the 1st, 2d, and
parts of the "National School Manual," and having
also taken a cursory view of some of the details, I
satisfied that it is a work of no common merit. I have examined with much care, and great satisfaction,
the "National School Manual," compiled by
M. R. Bartlett. The opinion I have formed of its merits,
is of little importance, after the numerous and highly
respectable testimonials to its value already in your
possession. I have examined with care and a high degree of interest
the work called the "National School Manual,"
by Mr. M. R. Bartlett, and am so well satisfied with its
merits, and that it will eventually be adopted in all our
common schools, to the exclusion of every other work
of the kind now in use, that I feel authorized to exert
my influence to have the work introduced forthwith
into my school. "The `Outlines of History,' I consider an excellent
class book of general history for the use of schools. The
questions added by Mr. Frost, are a most valuable auxiliary
for the teacher as well as the pupil. I shall use the
Outlines' in my school, and cordially recommend it to
parents and teachers. I have just received a copy of your edition
of the `Outlines of History.' From a cursory perusal, I
am disposed to give it a high rank as a school book. So
well satisfied am I with the arrangement and execution
of the work, that I intend to put it immediately into the
lands of a class in my own school. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 68 | Author: | Becker
Carl Lotus
1873-1945 | Add | | | Title: | The Declaration of independence | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | It is often forgotten that the document which
we know as the Declaration of Independence is
not the official act by which the Continental
Congress voted in favor of separation from Great
Britain. June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, on
behalf of the Virginia delegation, submitted to
the Continental Congress three resolutions, of
which the first declared that "these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States, that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and
the State of Great Britain is, and ought to
be, totally dissolved."1
1Journals of Congress (Ford ed.), V, 424.
This resolution, which
may conveniently be called the Resolution of
Independence, was finally voted by the Continental
Congress on the 2 of July, 1776.2
2Ibid., 507.
Strictly
speaking, this was the official declaration of independence;
and if we were a nation of antiquaries
we should no doubt find an incongruity
in celebrating the anniversary of our independence
on the 4 of July. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 69 | Author: | Adams
Henry
1838-1918 | Add | | | Title: | John Randolph | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | William, first American ancestor of the innumerable
Randolphs of Virginia, made his
appearance there at some time not precisely
known, but probably about the year 1660.
The books tell us neither whence he came,
who he was, why he emigrated, nor what were
his means; but "William Randolph, gentleman,
of Turkey Island," originally from Warwickshire,
or from Yorkshire, at all events
from England, unless it were from Scotland,
married Mary Isham, of Bermuda Hundred,
and by her had seven sons and two daughters,
whose descendants swarmed like bees in the
Virginian hive. Turkey Island, just above the
junction of the James with the Appomattox,
lies unnoticed by mankind except at long intervals
of a hundred years. In 1675, about
the time when William Randolph began his
prosperous career there, Nathaniel Bacon lived
on his plantation at Curles, adjoining Randolph's
estate. Bacon's famous rebellion broke
out in this year, and in 1706, according to the
records of Henrico County, Curles, after escheating
to the King, had come into the hands
of William Randolph's sons. The world's
attention, however, was not so actively drawn
to this group of tobacco plantations by Bacon's
rebellion as by Benedict Arnold's raid in
1781, and neither of these bloody and destructive
disturbances made the region nearly so
famous as it became on June 30, 1862, when
fifty thousand Northern troops, beaten, weary,
and disorganized, converged at Malvern Hill and
Turkey Island Bridge, and the next day fought
a battle which saved their army and perhaps
their cause, without a thought or a care for
the dust of forgotten Randolphs, on which they
were trampling in this cradle of the race. They
were not more indifferent than the family itself,
for long before this time the descendants of
William Randolph had grown up, multiplied,
accumulated great possessions in slaves and
land, then slowly waned in fortune, and at last
disappeared, until not an acre of land on the
James or the Appomattox was owned by a Randolph. Known to you only as holding, in common
with yourself, the honorable station of servant to the
same sovereign people, and disclaiming all pretentions
to make to you any application which in the
general estimation of men requires the preface of
apology, I shall, without the circumlocution of compliment,
proceed to state the cause which induces
this address." "I have not seen, although I have heard, of the
attack which you mention, upon Gallatin, in the
`Aurora.' That paper is so long in reaching me,
and, moreover, is so stuffed with city, or rather suburb,
politics, that I seldom look at it. Indeed, I
have taken a disgust at newspapers ever since the
deception and disappointment which I felt in the case
of Langdon's election. If the `Boston Chronicle,'
published almost upon the spot, should so grossly misrepresent
a plain matter of fact, so easily ascertained,
what reliance can be placed upon a newspaper statement?
My incredulity refused to credit Hamilton's
death, which I thought it very likely would be contradicted
by the next mail; and, until I saw Morris's
wretched attempt at oratory, regarded it merely as a
matter of speculation. You ask my opinion on that
subject; it differs but little, I believe, from your
own. I feel for Hamilton's immediate connections
real concern; for himself, nothing; for his party and
those soi-disant republicans who have been shedding
crocodile tears over him, contempt. The first are
justly punished for descending to use Burr as a tool
to divide their opponents; the last are hypocrites, who
deify Hamilton merely that they may offer up their
enemy on his altars. If Burr had not fallen, like Lucifer,
never to rise again, the unprincipled persecution
of Cheetham might do him service. (By the way, I
wonder if Dennie adverted to Cheetham's patronage
of General Hamilton's memory, when he said that,
`except the imported scoundrel,' etc., etc., all bewailed
his loss.) As it is, those publications are calculated to
engage for him the pity even of those who must deny
their esteem. The people, who ultimately never fail
to make a proper decision, abhor persecution, and
while they justly refuse their confidence to Mr. Burr,
they will detest his oppressors. They cannot, they
will not, grope in the vile mire of seaport politics, not
less vitiated than their atmosphere. Burr's is indeed
an irreparable defeat. He is cut off from all hope
of a retreat among the federalists, not so much because
he has overthrown their idol as because he
cannot answer their purpose. If his influence were
sufficient to divide us, Otis and Morris would to-morrow,
ere those shoes were old in which they followed
Hamilton to the grave, go to the hustings and vote
for Burr; and if his character had no other stain
upon it than the blood of Hamilton, he should have
mine, for any secondary office. I admire his letters,
particularly that signed by Van Ness, and think his
whole conduct in that affair does him honor. How
much it is to be regretted that so nice a perception
of right and wrong, so delicate a sense of propriety,
as he there exhibits should have had such little
influence on his general conduct! In his correspondence
with Hamilton, how visible is his ascendency
over him, and how sensible does the latter appear
of it! There is an apparent consciousness of some
inferiority to his enemy displayed by Hamilton
throughout that transaction, and from a previous
sight of their letters I could have inferred the issue
of the contest. On one side there is labored obscurity,
much equivocation, and many attempts at evasion,
not unmixed with a little blustering; on the
other, an unshaken adherence to his object and an
undeviating pursuit of it, not to be eluded or baffled.
It reminded me of a sinking fox pressed by a vigorous
old hound, where no shift is permitted to avail
him. But perhaps you think me inclined to do Burr
more than justice. I assure you, however, that
when I first saw the correspondence, and before my
feelings were at all excited for the man, as they have
been in some degree by the savage yell which has
been raised against him, I applauded the spirit and
admired the style of his compositions. They are the
first proof which I ever saw of his ability." "On my return from Fredericksburg, after a racing
campaign, I was very agreeably accosted by your
truly welcome letter, to thank you for which, and not
because I have anything, stable news excepted, to
communicate, I now take up the pen. It is some
satisfaction to me, who have been pestered with inquiries
that I could not answer on the subject of
public affairs, to find that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
and First Lord of the Treasury is in as comfortable
a state of ignorance as myself. Pope says of
governments, that is best which is best administered.
What idea, then, could he have of a government
which was not administered at all? The longer I
live, the more do I incline to somebody's opinion
that there is in the affairs of this world a mechanism
of which the very agents themselves are ignorant,
and which, of course, they can neither calculate nor
control. As much free will as you please in everything
else, but in politics I must ever be a necessitarian.
And this comfortable doctrine saves me a deal
of trouble and many a twinge of conscience for my
heedless ignorance. I therefore leave Major Jackson
and his Ex. of Casa Yrujo to give each other the lie
in Anglo-American or Castilian fashions, just as it
suits them, and when people resort to me for intelligence,
instead of playing the owl and putting on a face
of solemn nonsense, I very fairly tell them, with perfect
nonchalance, that I know nothing of the matter,
— from which, if they have any discernment, they
may infer that I care as little about it, — and then
change the subject as quickly as I can to horses, dogs,
the plough, or some other upon which I feel myself
competent to converse. In short, I like originality
too well to be a second-hand politician when I can
help it. It is enough to live upon the broken victuals
and be tricked out in the cast-off finery of you
first-rate statesmen all the winter. When I cross the
Potomac I leave behind me all the scraps, shreds, and
patches of politics which I collect during the session,
and put on the plain homespun, or, as we say, the
`Virginia cloth,' of a planter, which is clean, whole,
and comfortable, even if it be homely. Nevertheless,
I have patriotism enough left to congratulate
you on the fullness of the public purse, and cannot
help wishing that its situation could be concealed
from our Sangrados in politics, with whom depletion
is the order of the day. On the subject of a navy, you
know my opinion concurs with yours. I really feel
ashamed for my country, that whilst she is hectoring
before the petty corsairs of the coast of Barbary,
she should truckle to the great pirate of the German
Ocean; and I would freely vote a naval force
that should blow the Cambrian and Leander out of
water. Indeed, I wish Barron's squadron had been
employed on that service. I am perfectly aware
of the importance of peace to us, particularly with
Great Britain, but I know it to be equally necessary
to her; and in short, if we have any honor as a nation
to lose, which is problematical, I am unwilling
to surrender it. "Bizarre, 29 March, 1805. . . . My sins against
Monroe, in whose debt I have been for near five
months, would have excited something of compunction
in me were I any longer susceptible of such sensations;
but I will write to him immediately on your
subject; and, take my word for it, my good friend,
he is precisely that man to whom your spirit would
not disdain to be obliged. For, if I know you, there
are very few beings in this vile world of ours from
whom you would not scorn even the semblance of obligation.
In a few weeks I shall sail for London myself.
. . . I gather from the public prints that we are
severely handled by the feds and their new allies.
Not the least equivocal proof, my friend, that the
trust reposed in us has not been betrayed. I hope to
be back in time to trail a pike with you in the next
campaign. . . . I wish very much to have if it were
but half an hour's conversation with you. Should
you see Gallatin, commend me to him and that admirable
woman his wife. What do you augur from
the vehement puff of B[urr]? As you well know,
I never was among his persecutors, but this is overstepping
the modesty of nature. Besides, we were
in Washington at the time, and heard nothing of the
miraculous effects of his valedictory. Rely upon it,
strange things are at hand. Never did the times require
more union and decision among the real friends
of freedom. But shall we ever see decision or union?
I fear not. To those men who are not disposed
to make a job of politics, never did public
affairs present a more awful aspect. Everything and
everybody seems to be jumbled out of place, except
a few men who are steeped in supine indifference,
whilst meddling fools and designing knaves are
governing the country under the sanction of their
names." "28 June, 1805. . . . I do not understand your
manœuvres at headquarters, nor should I be surprised
to see the Navy Department abolished, or, in
more appropriate phrase, swept by the board, at the
11
next session of Congress. The nation has had the
most conclusive proof that a head is no necessary appendage
to the establishment." "I am still too unwell to turn out. My bowels are
torn all to pieces. If you persist in voting the money,
the committee will alter its report. Write me on this
subject, and tell me what you are doing. How is
Edward to-day? I 've heard from St. George. He
got to Norfolk in time for the Intrepid, on the 24th,
Tuesday. She was loaded, and only waiting for a fair
wind. If the southeaster of Friday did not drive her
back into the Chesapeake, she has by this time crossed
the Gulf Stream. The poor fellow was very seasick
going down the bay. "Bizarre, 3 June, 1806. . . . The public prints
teem with misrepresentations, which it would be vain
to oppose, even if an independent press could be found
to attempt it. The torrent is for the present resistless.
I long for the meeting of Congress, an event
which hitherto I have always deprecated, that I may
face the monster of detraction. . . . Nothing will be
left undone to excite an opposition to me at the next
election, but I have no expectation that it will be effected,
or of its success in case it should. There are
too many gaping idolaters of power among us, but,
like you, we have men of sterling worth; and one
thing is certain, — that, however we may differ on the
subject of the present administration, all parties here
(I speak of the republicans) unite in support of Monroe
for President. I have heard of but one dissenting
voice, Giles, who is entirely misled; all his information
is from E[ppes], his representative. They
talk of an expression of the opinion of our legislature
to this effect at their next meeting. An inefficient
opposition is making to Garnett. Thompson, I
believe, will have an opponent likewise, but this is
not yet determined on. From what I have written
above you are not to infer that I mean to yield a
bloodless victory to my enemies. You know me well
enough, I hope, to believe that a want of perseverance
is not among my defects. I will persevere to
the last in the cause in which I am embarked." "Washington, March 20, 1806. . . . There is
no longer a doubt but that the principles of our administration
have been materially changed. The
compass of a letter (indeed, a volume would be too
small) cannot suffice to give you even an outline. Suffice
it to say that everything is made a business of bargain
and traffic, the ultimate object of which is to raise
Mr. Madison to the presidency. To this the old
republican party will never consent, nor can New
York be brought into the measure. Between them
and the supporters of Mr. Madison there is an open
rupture. Need I tell you that they (the old republicans)
are united in your support? that they look to
you, sir, for the example which this nation has yet to
receive to demonstrate that the government can be
conducted on open, upright principles, without intrigue
or any species of disingenuous artifice? We are extremely
rejoiced to hear that you are about to return
to the United States. Much as I am personally interested,
through St. George, in your stay in Europe, I
would not have you remain one day longer. Your
country requires, nay demands, your presence. It is
time that a character which has proved invulnerable
to every open attack should triumph over insidious
enmity." "Georgetown, 10 December, 1806. . . . The
message of the 3d was, as you supposed, wormwood
to certain gentry. They made wry faces, but, in fear
of the rod and in hopes of sugar-plums, swallowed it
with less apparent repugnance than I had predicted.
. . . Of all the men who have met me with the
greatest apparent cordiality, old Smilie is the last
whom you would suspect. I understand that they
(you know who they are) are well disposed towards
a truce. The higher powers are in the same goodly
temper, as I am informed. I have seen nobody belonging
to the administration but the Secretary of the
Navy, who called here the day before yesterday, and
whose visit I repaid this morning. You may remember,
some years ago, my having remarked to you the
little attention which we received from the grandees,
and the little disposition which I felt to court it. I
have therefore invariably waited for the first advance
from them, because at home I conceive myself bound
to make it to any gentleman who may be in my neighborhood." "Committee Room, 17 February, 1807. . . .
Bad as you suppose matters to be, they are even
worse than you apprehend. What think you of that
Prince of Prigs and Puppies, G. W. C[ampbell] for
a judge of the Supreme Court of the United States!!!
Risum teneas? You must know we have made a new
circuit, consisting of the three western States, with an
additional associate justice. A caucus (excuse the
slang of politics) was held, as I am informed, by the
delegations of those States for the purpose of recommending
some character to the President. Boyle was
talked of, but the interest of C. finally prevailed.
This is `Tom, Dick, and Harry' with a vengeance.
. . . If Mr. `American,' whom, by the way, I never
see, should persevere in the attack which you tell me
he is making upon me, I shall issue letters of marque
and reprisal against his principals. The doughty
general [Samuel Smith] is vulnerable at all points,
and his plausible brother [Robert Smith] not much
better defended. The first has condemned in terms
of unqualified reprobation the general measures pursued
by the administration, and lamented that, such
was the public infatuation, no man could take a position
against it without destroying himself and injuring
the cause which he attempted to serve, — with
much more to the same tune. I called some time
since at the navy office to ask an explanation of certain
items of the estimate for this year. The Secretary
called up his chief clerk, who knew very little
more of the business than his master. I propounded
a question to the head of the department; he turned
to the clerk like a boy who cannot say his lesson, and
with imploring countenance beseeches aid; the clerk
with much assurance gabbled out some commonplace
jargon, which I would not take for sterling; an explanation
was required, and both were dumb. This
pantomime was repeated at every new item, until, disgusted,
and ashamed for the degraded situation of the
principal, I took leave without pursuing the subject,
seeing that my subject could not be attained. There
was not one single question relating to the department
that the Secretary could answer." "Bizarre, March 24, 1807. . . . Mr. T. M.
Randolph suddenly declines a reëlection, in favor of
Wilson Nicholas, whose talents for intrigue you well
know, I presume. Had I known of Mr. Purviance's
arrival, I should certainly have remained in Washington
for the purpose of seeing him, and procuring
better information concerning the treaty than the
contradictory accounts of the newspapers furnish. I
have considered the decree of Berlin to be the great
cause of difficulty; at the same time, I never had a
doubt that clamor would be raised against the treaty,
be it what it might. My reasons for this opinion I
will give when we meet. They are particular as well
as general. Prepare yourself to be surprised at some
things which you will near." "Richmond, May 30, 1807. . . . The friends of
Mr. Madison have left nothing undone to impair the
very high and just confidence of the nation in yourself.
Nothing but the possession of the government
could have enabled them to succeed, however partially,
in this attempt. In Virginia they have met
with the most determined resistance, and although
I believe the executive influence will at last carry
the point, for which it has been unremittingly exerted,
of procuring the nomination of electors favorable
to the Secretary of State, yet it is not even
in its power to shake the confidence of the people
of this State in your principles and abilities, or to
efface your public services from their recollection.
I should be wanting in my duty to you, my dear
sir, were I not to apprise you that exertions to diminish
the value of your character and public services
have been made by persons, and in a manner
that will be scarcely credible to you, although at the
same time unquestionably true. Our friend Colonel
Mercer, should you land in a northern port, can give
you some correct and valuable information on this
and other subjects. Meanwhile, the republicans of
New York, sore with the coalition effected by Mr.
John Nicholas between his party and the federalists
(now entirely discomfited), and knowing the auspices
under which he acted, are irreconcilably opposed
to Mr. Madison, and striving to bring forward Mr.
Clinton, the Vice-President. Much consequently
depends on the part which Pennsylvania will take in
this transaction. There is a leaning, evidently, towards
the New York candidate. Whether the executive
influence will be able to overcome this predisposition
yet remains to be seen. In the person of any
other man than Mr. M. I have no doubt it would
succeed. But the republicans of Pennsylvania, setting
all other considerations aside, are indignant at
the recollection that in all their struggles with the
combined parties of McKean, etc., and the federalists,
the hand of government has been felt against
them, and so far as it has been exerted they choose to
ascribe [it] to the exertions of Mr. M. Such is, as
nearly as I can collect, the posture of affairs at present.
Wilson C. N[icholas] and Duane are both in town at
this time. Some important result is no doubt to flow
from this conjunction. When you return, you will
hardly know the country. A system of espionage
and denunciation has been organized which pervades
every quarter. Distrust and suspicion generally prevail
in the intercourse between man and man. All is
constraint, reserve, and mystery. Intrigue has arrived
at a pitch which I hardly supposed it would have
reached in five centuries. The man of all others who,
I suppose, would be the last suspected by you is the
nucleus of this system. The maxim of Rochefoucauld
is in him completely verified, `that an affectation
of simplicity is the refinement of imposture.'
Hypocrisy and treachery have reached their acme
amongst us. I hope that I shall see you very soon
after your arrival. I can then give you a full explanation
of these general expressions, and proof
that they have been made upon the surest grounds.
Amongst your unshaken friends you may reckon two
of our chancellors, Mr. Nicholson of Maryland, Mr.
Clay of Philadelphia, Col. Jno. Taylor, and Mr.
Macon." "Baltimore, April 12, 1807. . . . As to the
public sentiment, I cannot readily state what it is.
Perhaps there is none. The President's popularity
is unbounded, and his will is that of the nation. His
approbation seems to be the criterion by which the
correctness of all public events is tested. Any treaty,
therefore, which he sanctions will be approved of by
a very large proportion of our people. The federalists
will murmur, but as this is the result of system,
and not of principle, its impression will be neither
deep nor extensive. A literal copy of Jay's treaty,
if ratified by the present administration, would meet
their opposition, while the same instrument, although
heretofore so odious to some of us, would now command
the support of a large body who call themselves
democrats. Such is our present infatuation. To
this general position, however, there are some honest
exceptions. There is a portion who yet retain the
feelings of 1798, and whom I denominate the old
republican party. These men are personally attached
to the President, and condemn his measures when
they think him wrong. They neither wish for nor
expect anything from his extensive patronage. Their
public service is intended for the public good, and has
no view to private emolument or personal ambition.
But it is said they have not his confidence, and I lament
it. You must have perceived from the public
prints that the most active members in the House of
Representatives are new men, and I fear that foreign
nations will not estimate American talent very highly
if our congressional proceedings are taken as the rule.
If you knew the Sloans, the Alstons, and the Bidwells
of the day, and there are a great many of them,
you would be mortified at seeing the affairs of the
nation in such miserable hands. Yet these are styled
exclusively the President's friends. . . . These facts
will enable you to form an early opinion as to the
necessity of remaining in England. You know Mr.
Jefferson perfectly well, and can therefore calculate
the chances of his approving anything done not in
precise conformity to his instructions. He is, however,
somewhat different from what he was. He feels
at present his own strength with the nation, and
therefore is less inclined to yield to the advice of his
friends. Your return is anxiously wished for by
many who, I presume you know, are desirous of putting
you in nomination for the presidency. My own
expectations are not very sanguine on this subject.
Great efforts are making for and by another. The
Virginia and New York elections which take place in
the course of the present month will determine much.
The point is made throughout Virginia, I believe,
and much solicitude is felt and expressed by the candidate
for the presidency as to the result of the several
elections. It is to be hoped, therefore, that you
will return as early as possible." "Bizarre, 25 March, 1807. . . . I fully intended
to have written to you the day before my departure
from Washington, but was prevented by an accident
which had nearly demolished me. Being very unwell
on Monday night, the 2d, and no carriage to be procured,
I accepted the offer of one of his horses from
Dr. Bibb (successor to Spalding), and we set out together
for Georgetown. Not very far beyond our
old establishment (Sally Dashiell's), the only girth
there was to the saddle gave way, and as it fitted the
horse very badly it came with his rider at once to
the ground. Figure to yourself a man almost bruised
to death, on a dark, cold night, in the heart of the
capital of the United States, out of sight or hearing
of a human habitation, and you will have a tolerably
exact idea of my situation, premising that I was previously
knocked up by our legislative orgies, and some
scrapes that our friend Lloyd led me into. With
Bibb's assistance, however, I mounted the other horse,
and we crept along to Crawford's, where I was seized
with a high fever, the effects of which have not yet
left me. To end this Canterbury tale, I did not get
out of bed until Wednesday afternoon, when I left it
to begin a painful journey homewards. Anything,
however, was preferable to remaining within the ten-miles-square
one day longer than I was obliged. . . .
Colonel Burr (quantum mutatus ab illo!) passed by
my door the day before yesterday, under a strong
guard. So I am told, for I did not see him, and
nobody hereabouts is acquainted with his person.
The soldiers escorting him, it seems, indulged his
aversion to be publicly known, and to guard against
inquiry as much as possible he was accoutred in a
shabby suit of homespun, with an old white hat
flapped over his face, the dress in which he was apprehended.
From the description, and indeed the
confession of the commanding officer to one of my
neighbors, I have no doubt it was Burr himself.
His very manner of travelling, although under arrest,
was characteristic of the man, enveloped in mystery." "Richmond, 25 June, 1807. . . . Yesterday the
grand jury found bills of treason and misdemeanor
against Burr and Blennerhassett, una voce, and this
day presented Jonathan Dayton, ex-senator, John
Smith of Ohio, Comfort Tyler, Israel Smith of New
York, and Davis Floyd of Indiana, for treason. But
the mammoth of iniquity escaped; not that any man
pretended to think him innocent, but upon certain
wire-drawn distinctions that I will not pester you
with. Wilkinson is the only man that I ever saw
who was from the bark to the very core a villain. . . .
Perhaps you never saw human nature in so degraded
a situation as in the person of Wilkinson before the
grand jury, and yet this man stands on the very summit
and pinnacle of executive favor, whilst James Monroe
is denounced. As for such men as the quids you speak
of, I should hardly think his Majesty would stoop to
such humble quarry, when James Monroe was in
view. Tazewell, who is writing on the other side of
the table, and whom you surely remember, says that
he makes the fifth. The other four you have not
mistaken. My friend, I am standing on the soil of
my native country, divested of every right for which
our fathers bled. Politics have usurped the place of
law, and the scenes of 1798 are again revived. Men
now see and hear, and feel and think, politically.
Maxims are now advanced and advocated, which
would almost have staggered the effrontery of Bayard
or the cooler impudence of Chauncy Goodrich, when
we were first acquainted. But enough of this! It
will not be long, I presume, before I shall see you
again. The news of the capture of the Chesapeake
arrived this morning, and I suppose the President
will convene Congress, of course. I have been looking
for something of this sort ever since the change
of ministry and rejection of the treaty was announced.
I have tried to avert from my country a war which I
foresaw must succeed the follies of 1805-6, but I
shall not be the less disposed to withdraw her from
it or carry her through with honor." "I have indulged myself in reading once more the
speech to which you allude. It is the inspiration of
divine wisdom, and as such I have ever adored it.
But, my good friend, I cannot with you carry my
zeal so far as to turn missionary and teach the gospel
of politics to the heathens of Washington. More
easily might a camel pass through a needle's eye
than one particle of the spirit of Chatham be driven
into that `trembling council,' to whom the destinies
of this degraded country are unhappily confided. . . .
But great God! what can you expect from men
who take Wilkinson to their bosoms, and at the same
time are undermining the characters of Monroe and
Macon, and plotting their downfall! There is but
15
one sentiment here, as far as I can learn, on the subject
of the late outrage: that, as soon as the fact was
ascertained, Congress should have been convened, a
strict embargo laid, Erskine [the British Minister]
sent home, our Ministers recalled, and then we might
begin to deliberate on the means of enforcing our
rights and extorting reparation. The Proclamation
(or, as I term it, the apology) is received rather
coldly among us. Many persons express themselves
much mortified at it. Every one I see asks what government
means to do, and I might answer, `What
they have always done; nothing!' . . . I should not
be surprised, however, if the Drone or Humble Bee,
(the Wasp has sailed already) should be dispatched
with two millions (this is our standing first bid) to
purchase Nova Scotia, and then we might go to war
in peace and quiet to ascertain its boundaries." "December 24, 1807. . . . Come here, I beseech
you. I will then show you how impossible it was
for me to have voted for the embargo. The circumstances
under which it presented itself were peculiar
and compelled me to oppose it, although otherwise a
favorite measure with me, as you well know. It was,
in fact, to crouch to the insolent mandate of Bonaparte
`that there should be no neutrals;' to subscribe
to that act of perfidy and violence, his decree, at the
moment when every consideration prompted us to resist
and resent it. Non-importation and non-exportation,
— what more can he require? Ought we to
have suffered ourselves to be driven by him out of
the course which, whether right or wrong, our government
had thought proper to pursue towards England?
to be dragooned into measures that in all
human calculation must lead to immediate war? Put
no trust in the newspaper statements. They will
mislead you. But come and view the ground, and I
will abide the issue of your judgment." "December 24, 1807. My dear Sir, — In abstaining
so long from a personal interview with you, I
leave you to judge what violence I have committed
upon my private feelings. Before your arrival, however,
I had determined on the course which I ought
to pursue, and had resolved that no personal gratification
should induce me to hazard your future advancement,
and with it the good of my country, by
any attempt to blend the fate of a proscribed individual
with the destiny which, I trust, awaits you. It is,
nevertheless, of the first consequence to us both that
I should have a speedy opportunity of communing
fully with you. This, perhaps, can be best effected
at my own lodgings, where we shall not be exposed
to observation or interruption. I shall, however,
acquiesce with pleasure in any other arrangement
which may appear more eligible to you. "Georgetown, March 9, 1808. . . . A consciousness
of the misconstruction (to your prejudice)
which would be put upon any correspondence between
us has hitherto deterred me from writing. You will
have no difficulty in conceiving my motives in putting
this violence upon my feelings, especially after the
explanation which I gave of them whilst you were
here. The prospect before us is daily brightening.
I mean of the future, which until of late has been
extremely gloomy. As to the present state of things,
it is far beyond my powers to give an adequate description
of it. Mr. W. C. N. begins of late to
make open advances to the federalists, fearing, no
doubt, that the bait of hypocrisy has been seen through
by others. I must again refer you to Mr. Leigh for
full information of what is going on here. The indiscretion
of some of the weaker brethren, whose
intentions, I have no doubt, were good, as you will
have perceived, has given the enemy great advantage
over us." "February 20, 1808. . . . Our friend gains ground
very fast at home. Sullivan, the Governor of Massachusetts,
has declared against M[adiso]n. The republicans
of that great State are divided on the question,
and if Clay be not deceived, who says that
Pennsylvania, Duane non obstante, will be decidedly
for the V[ice] P[resident], the S[ecretary] of S[tate]
has no chance of being elected. Impress this, I pray
you, on our friends. If the V. P.'s interest should
be best, our electors (in case we succeed) will not
hazard everything by a division. If the election
comes to the House of Representatives M[adiso]n is
the man." "I am really afraid that our friend R. will injure
himself with the nation in this way. An attempt is
now making, and will, I think, be continued, to impress
on the minds of the people that he speaks with a
view to waste time. If this opinion should prevail, it
will, I fear, injure not only him, but the nation also,
because what injures him in public estimation will injure
the people also. His talents and honesty cannot
be lost without a loss equal to them both, and they
cannot be ascertained. But you know him as well as
I do." "Georgetown, February 14, 1811. . . . For
some days past I have been attending the debates in
the Senate. Giles made this morning the most unintelligible
speech on the subject of the Bank of the
U. S. that I ever heard. He spoke upwards of two
hours, seemed never to understand himself (except
upon one commonplace topic, of British influence),
and consequently excited in his hearers no other sentiment
but pity or disgust. But I shall not be surprised
to see him puffed in all the newspapers of a
certain faction. The Senate have rejected the nomination
of Alex. Wolcott to the bench of the Supreme
Court, — 24 to 9. The President is said to have felt
great mortification at this result. The truth seems
to be that he is President de jure only. Who exercises
the office de facto I know not, but it seems
agreed on all hands that there is something behind
the throne greater than the throne itself. I cannot
help differing with you respecting [Gallatin]'s resignation.
If his principal will not support him by his
influence against the cabal in the ministry itself as
well as out of it, a sense of self-respect, it would seem
to me, ought to impel him to retire from a situation
where, with a tremendous responsibility, he is utterly
destitute of power. Our cabinet presents a novel
spectacle in the political world; divided against itself,
and the most deadly animosity raging between its
principal members, what can come of it but confusion,
mischief, and ruin! Macon is quite out of heart. I
am almost indifferent to any possible result. Is this
wisdom or apathy? I fear the latter." The habits of intimacy which have
existed between us make it, as I conceive, my duty to
inform you that reports are industriously circulated in
this city to your disadvantage. They are to this effect:
That in order to promote your election to the Chief
Magistracy of the Commonwealth you have descended
to unbecoming compliances with the members of the
Assembly, not excepting your bitterest personal enemies;
that you have volunteered explanations to them
of the differences heretofore subsisting between yourself
and administration which amount to a dereliction
of the ground which you took after your return
from England, and even of your warmest personal
friends. Upon this, although it is unnecessary for
me to pass a comment, yet it would be disingenuous
to conceal that it has created unpleasant sensations
not in me only, but in others whom I know you
justly ranked as among those most strongly attached
to you. I wished for an opportunity of mentioning
this subject to you, but none offered itself, and I
would not seek one, because, when I cannot afford
assistance to my friends, I will never consent to become
an incumbrance on them. I write in haste, and
therefore abruptly. I keep no copy, and have only
to enjoin on you that this communication is in the
strictest sense of the term confidential, solely for your
own eye. I have purposely delayed answering
your letters because you seem to have taken up the
idea that I labored under some excitement (of an
angry nature it is to be presumed from the expressions
employed in your communication to Colonel
Taylor, as well as in that to myself), and I was desirous
that my reply should in appearance as well as in
fact proceed from the calmest and most deliberate exercise
of my judgment. By you
I would be understood; whether the herd of mankind
comprehend me or not, I care not. Yourself,
the Speaker, and Bryan are, of all the world, alone
acquainted with my real situation. On that subject I
have only to ask that you will preserve the same reserve
that I have done. Do not misunderstand me,
my good friend. I do not doubt your honor or discretion.
Far from it. But on this subject I am, perhaps,
foolishly fastidious. God bless you, my noble
fellow. I shall ever hold you most dear to my heart." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 70 | Author: | Matsuo, Basho | Add | | | Title: | Kashima mode | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | Japanese Text Initiative | | | | Description: | 洛の貞室、須磨の浦の月見に行きて、「松陰や月は三五夜中納言」と言ひけむ狂夫の昔もなつかしきままに、この秋、鹿島の山の月見んと思ひたつことあり。ともなふ人ふたり、浪客の士ひとり、一人は水雲の僧。僧は烏のごとくなる墨のころもに、三衣の袋を襟にうちかけ、出山の尊像を厨子に崇め入れてうしろに背負ひ、しゅ杖ひき鳴らして、無門の関も障るものなく、天地に独歩して出でぬ。いまひとりは、僧にもあらず俗にもあらず、鳥鼠の間に名をかうぶりの、鳥なき島にも渡りぬべく、門より舟に乗りて、行徳といふところに至る。舟をあがれば、馬にも乗らず、細脛の力をためさんと、徒歩よりぞ行く。 | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 72 | Author: | Matsuo, Basho | Add | | | Title: | Sarashina nikki | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | Japanese Text Initiative | | | | Description: | 更科の里、姥捨山の月見んこと、しきりにすすむる秋風の心に吹きさわぎて、ともに風雲の情をくるはすもの、またひとり、越人といふ。木曽路は山深く道さがしく、旅寝の力も心もとなしと、荷兮子が奴僕をして送らす。おのおのこころざし尽すといへども、駅旅のこと心得ぬさまにて、共におぼつかなく、ものごとのしどろにあとさきなるも、なかなかにをかしきことのみ多し。 | | | Similar Items: | Find |
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