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| | 22 | Author: | Woodson
Carter Godwin
1875-1950 | Add | | | Title: | A Century of Negro Migration  | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | THE migration of the blacks from the Southern
States to those offering them better
opportunities is nothing new. The objective
here, therefore, will be not merely to present the
causes and results of the recent movement of
the Negroes to the North but to connect this
event with the periodical movements of the
blacks to that section, from about the year 1815
to the present day. That this movement should
date from that period indicates that the policy
of the commonwealths towards the Negro must
have then begun decidedly to differ so as to
make one section of the country more congenial
to the despised blacks than the other. As a
matter of fact, to justify this conclusion, we
need but give passing mention here to developments
too well known to be discussed in detail.
Slavery in the original thirteen States was the
normal condition of the Negroes. When, however,
James Otis, Patrick Henry and Thomas
Jefferson began to discuss the natural rights of
the colonists, then said to be oppressed by Great
Britain, some of the patriots of the Revolution
carried their reasoning to its logical conclusion,
contending that the Negro slaves should be
freed on the same grounds, as their rights were
also founded in the laws of nature.1
1 Locke, Anti-Slavery, pp. 19, 20, 23; Works of John Wool-,
man, pp. 58, 73; and Moore, Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts,
p. 71.
And so it
was soon done in most Northern commonwealths. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 27 | Author: | Trollope
Frances Milton
1780-1863 | Add | | | Title: | Domestic Manners of the Americans | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | On the 4th of November, 1827, I sailed from
London, accompanied by my son and two
daughters; and after a favourable, though somewhat
tedious voyage, arrived on Christmas—day
at the mouth of the Mississippi. By far the shortest route to Washington, both
as to distance and time, is by land; but I much
wished to see the celebrated Chesapeake bay,
and it was therefore decided that we should
take our passage in the steam-boat. It is indeed
a beautiful little voyage, and well worth
the time it costs; but as to the beauty of the
bay, it must, I think, be felt only by sailors. It
is, I doubt not, a fine shelter for ships, from the
storms of the Atlantic, but its very vastness prevents
its striking the eye as beautiful: it is, in
fact, only a fine sea view. But the entrance
from it into the Potomac river is very noble,
and is one of the points at which one feels conscious
of the gigantic proportions of the country,
without having recourse to a graduated
pencil-case. "Those indebted to me for taxes, fees, notes,
and accounts, are specially requested to call
and pay the same on or before the 1st day of
December, 1828, as no longer indulgence will
be given. I have called time and again, by advertisement
and otherwise, to little effect; but
now the time has come when my situation requires
immediate payment from all indebted to
me. It is impossible for me to pay off the
amount of the duplicates of taxes and my other
debts without recovering the same of those from
whom it is due. I am at a loss to know the
reason why those charged with taxes neglect to
pay; from the negligence of many it would
seem that they think the money is mine, or that
I have funds to discharge the taxes due to the
State, and that I can wait with them until it
suits their convenience to pay. The money is
not mine; neither have I the funds to settle
amount of the duplicate. My only resort is to
collect; in doing so I should be sorry to have
to resort to the authority given me by law for
the recovery of the same. It should be the first
object of every good citizen to pay his taxes, for
it is in that way government is supported. Why
are taxes assessed unless they are collected?
Depend upon it, I shall proceed to collect agreeably
to law, so govern yourselves accordingly. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 28 | Author: | Chesnut
Mary Boykin Miller
1823-1886 | Add | | | Title: | A Diary from Dixie | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | CHARLESTON, S. C., November 8, 1860.—Yesterday
on the train, just before we reached Fernandina, a
woman called out: "That settles the hash." Tanny
touched me on the shoulder and said: "Lincoln's elected."
"How do you know?" "The man over there has a telegram." My Dear Mary: I wrote you a short letter from Richmond
last Wednesday, and came here next day. Found the camp all
busy and preparing for a vigorous defense. We have here at this
camp seven regiments, and in the same command, at posts in the
neighborhood, six others—say, ten thousand good men. The General
and the men feel confident that they can whip twice that
number of the enemy, at least. For the last three days I have been a witness of the
most stirring events of modern times. On my arrival here,
I found the government so absorbed in the great battle
pending, that I found it useless to talk of the special business
that brought me to this place. As soon as it is over,
which will probably be to-morrow, I think that I can easily
accomplish all that I was sent for. I have no doubt that we
can procure another general and more forces, etc. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 29 | Author: | Robinson
Morgan Poitiaux
1876-1943 | Add | | | Title: | The Burning of the Rotunda | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Now that the Whirl-i-gig of Time has once more brought
'round to us the Month of May, and, with its closing days, the
Centennial Celebration of the University, it has seemed not
inappropriate that we should have an illustrated re-print of
The Burning of the Rotunda; which, in the October, 1905,
issue of the University of Virginia Magazine, described
the event as "that fortunate catastrophe which, by reason of
the renewed energy and vigor which it has instilled into our
alumni and all lovers of higher education in this state, may
with some justice be characterized as the second epoch in the
history of the University,—the founding being reckoned as the
first and the Installation of Dr. Alderman as the third." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 30 | Author: | Phillips
Ulrich Bonnell
1877-1934 | Add | | | Title: | American Negro Slavery | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | THE Portuguese began exploring the west coast of Africa
shortly before Christopher Columbus was born; and no
sooner did they encounter negroes than they began to
seize and carry them in captivity to Lisbon. The court chronicler
Azurara set himself in 1452, at the command of Prince
Henry, to record the valiant exploits of the negro-catchers. Reflecting
the spirit of the time, he praised them as crusaders bringing
savage heathen for conversion to civilization and Christianity.
He gently lamented the massacre and sufferings involved,
but thought them infinitely outweighed by the salvation of souls.
This cheerful spirit of solace was destined long to prevail
among white peoples when contemplating the hardships of the
colored races. But Azurara was more than a moralizing annalist.
He acutely observed of the first cargo of captives brought
from southward of the Sahara, less than a decade before his
writing, that after coming to Portugal "they never more tried to
fly, but rather in time forgot all about their own country," that
"they were very loyal and obedient servants, without malice";
and that "after they began to use clothing they were for the most
part very fond of display, so that they took great delight in robes
of showy colors, and such was their love of finery that they
picked up the rags that fell from the coats of other people of
the country and sewed them on their own garments, taking great
pleasure in these, as though it were matter of some greater
perfection."1
1 Gomez Eannes de Azurara, Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of
Guinea, translated by C. R. Beazley and E. P. Prestage, in the Hakluyt Society
Publications, XCV, 85.
These few broad strokes would portray with
equally happy precision a myriad other black servants born centuries
after the writer's death and dwelling in a continent of
whose existence he never dreamed, Azurara wrote further that
while some of the captives were not able to endure the change
and died happily as Christians, the others, dispersed among Portuguese
households, so ingratiated themselves that many were
set free and some were married to men and women of the land
and acquired comfortable estates. This may have been an earnest
of future conditions in Brazil and the Spanish Indies; but
in the British settlements it fell out far otherwise. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 31 | Author: | Thomas
Isaiah
1749-1831 | Add | | | Title: | The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, and an Account of Newspapers ... | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston,
Tuesday Dec. 10th, 1771. The art of printing was first introduced into Spanish
America, as early as the middle of the sixteenth century.
The historians, whose works I have consulted, are all
silent as to the time when it was first practiced on the
American continent; and the knowledge we have of the
Spanish territories, especially of Mexico and Peru, is so
circumscribed, that we cannot fix on any precise date as
the period of its commencement; but it is certain that
printing was executed, both in Mexico and Peru, long
before it made its appearance in the British North American
colonies. I do not mean to assert, however, that it is
impossible to ascertain the place where, and the exact date
when, the first printing was performed in the extensive
provinces belonging to Spain in America; but as respects
myself, I have found that insurmountable difficulties have
attended the inquiry.1
1 When Mr. Thomas wrote his History of Printing in America, little was
known of its introduction in Spanish America. All the works he had
consulted on the subject were silent as to the time. Historians of the art
were ignorant on this point, for the reason that if there existed in Europe
any specimens of very early printing in America, the investigator did
not know under what name to search for them. A writer sixty years
ago is excusable for the lack of correct information, since Mr. Humphreys,
one of the highest authorities and most recent authors on the history of
printing, says that the art "was introduced in America by Mendoza in
1566, his printer being Antonio Espinoza." (Hist. Art of Printing.
Lond., 1868, p. 206). Rather than attempt to alter Mr. Thomas's remarks,
we have preferred to give in the appendix a new article on the history
of printing in Spanish America, which has been furnished us by Hon.
John R. Bartlett, of Providence, R. I. See Appendix A.—H.
"The bible is now about half done; and constant progresse
therin is made; the other halfe is like to bee finished
in a yeare; the future charge is vncertain; wee have heer
with sent twenty coppies of the New Testament [in Indian]
to bee disposed of as youer honors shall see meet. The
trust youer honors hath seen meet to repose in vs for the
manageing of this worke we shall endeauor in all faithfulness
to discharge. Wee craue leave att present for the
preuenting of an objection that may arise concerning the
particulars charged for the printing wherin you will find
2 sheets att three pounds ten shillings a sheet, and the
rest butt att 50 shillings a sheet, the reason wherof lyes
heer: It pleased the honored corporation to send ouer one
Marmeduke Johnson a printer to attend the worke on
condition as they will enforme you; whoe hath caryed
heer very vnworthyly of which hee hath bine openly Convicted
and sencured in some of our Courts although as
yett noe execution of sentence against him: peculiare
fauor haueing bine showed him with respect to the corporation
that sent him ouer; but notwithstanding all
patience and lenitie vsed towards him hee hath proued
uery idle and nought and absented himselfe from the
worke more than halfe a yeare att one time; for want of
whose assistance the printer [Green] by his agreement
with vs was to haue the allowance of 21 lb. the which is
to bee defallcated out of his sallery in England by the
honored Corporation there." "By his Excellency.—I order Benjamin Harris to print the Acts
and Laws made by the Great and General Court, or Assembly of
Their Majesties Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England,
that so the people may be informed thereof. "Whereas one Samuel Keimer, who lately came into
this Province of Pennsylvania, hath Printed and Published
divers Papers, particularly one Entituled A Parable, &c.,
in some Parts of which he assumes to use such a Stile and
Language, as that perhaps he may be Deemed, where he is
not known, to be one of the People called Quakers. This
may therefore Certifie, That the said Samuel Keimer is
not one of the said People, nor Countenanced by them in
the aforesaid Practices. Signed by Order of the Monthly
Meeting of the said People called Quakers, held at Philadelphia,
the 29th Day of the Ninth Month, 1723. "Whereas there hath been lately Published and Spread
abroad in this Province and elsewhere, a lying Pamphlet,
called an Almanack, set out and Printed by Samuel Keimer,
to reproach, ridicule, and rob an honest Man of his Reputation,
and strengthening his Adversaries, and not only
so, but he hath Notoriously Branded the Gospel Minister
of the Church of England with ignominious Names, for
Maintaining a Gospel Truth, and reproacheth all the Professors
of Christ and Christianity, as may be seen in his
Almanack in the Month of December; now all judicious
Readers may fairly see what this Man's Religion Consisteth
in, only in his Beard and his sham keeping of the Seventh
Day Sabbath, following Christ only for Loaves and Fishes.
This may give Notice to the Author of this Mischief, that
if he do not readily Condemn what he hath done, and
Satisfy the Abused, he may expect to be Prosecuted as the
Law shall direct. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 32 | Author: | Siebert
Wilbur Henry
1866-1961 | Add | | | Title: | The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Historians who deal with the rise and culmination of the
anti-slavery movement in the United States have comparatively
little to say of one phase of it that cannot be neglected
if the movement is to be fully understood. This is the so-called
Underground Railroad, which, during, fifty years or
more, was secretly engaged in helping fugitive slaves to
reach places of security in the free states and in Canada.
Henry Wilson speaks of the romantic interest attaching to
the subject, and illustrates the coöperative efforts made by
abolitionists in behalf of colored refugees in two short chapters
of the second volume of his Rise and Fall of the Slave
Power in America.1
1 Chapters VI and VII, pp. 61–86. B
Von Hoist makes several references to
the work of the Road in his well-known History of the United
States, and predicts that "The time will yet come, even in
the South, when due recognition will be given to the touching
unselfishness, simple magnanimity and glowing love of
freedom of these law-breakers on principle, who were for the
most part people without name, money, or higher education."2
2 Vol. III, p. 552, foot-note.
Rhodes in his great work, the History of the United
States from the Compromise of 1850, mentions the system, but
considers it only as a manifestation of popular sentiment.1
1 History of the United States, Vol. II, pp. 74–77, 361, 362.
Other writers give less space to an account of this enterprise,
although it was one that extended throughout many Northern
states, and in itself supplied the reason for the enactment of
the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, one of the most remarkable
measures issuing from Congress during the whole anti-slavery
struggle. Dear Sir,—I received yours of the 26th ult. and was very glad
to hear from it that Stephen Quixot had such good luck in getting
his family from Virginia, but we began to be very uneasy about
them as we did not hear from them again until last Saturday, . . .
we then heard they were on the route leading through Summerfield,
but that the route from there to Somerton was so closely
watched both day and night for some time past on account of the
human cattle that have lately escaped from Virginia, that they
could not proceed farther on that route. So we made an arrangement
with the Summerfield friends to meet them on Sunday evening
about ten miles west of this and bring them on to this
route . . . the abolitionists of the west part of this county have
had very difficult work in getting them all off without being caught,
as the whole of that part of the country has been filled with
Southern blood hounds upon their track, and some of the abolitionists'
houses have been watched day and night for several days
in succession. This evening a company of eight Virginia hounds
passed through this place north on the hunt of some of their two-legged
chattels. . . . Since writing the above I have understood
that something near twenty Virginians including the eight above
mentioned have just passed through town on their way to the
Somerton neighborhood, but I do not think they will get much information
about their lost chattels there. . . . Business is aranged for Saturday
night be on the lookout and if practicable
let a cariage come & meet the carawan Dear Sir:—By to-morrow evening's mail, you will receive two
volumes of the "Irrepressible Conflict" bound in black. After
perusal, please forward, and oblige, Dear Grinnell:—Uncle Tom says if the roads are not too bad
you can look for those fleeces of wool by to-morrow. Send them
on to test the market and price, no back charges. Dear Sir:—I understand you are a friend to the poor and
are willing to obey the heavenly mandate, "Hide the outcasts,
betray not him that wandereth." Believing this, and at the
request of Stephen Fairfax (who has been permitted in divine
providence to enjoy for a few days the kind of liberty which
Ohio gives to the man of colour), I would be glad if you could
find out and let me know by letter what are the prospects if any
and the probable time when, the balance of the family will make
the same effort to obtain their inalienable right to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. Their friends who have gone
north are very anxious to have them follow, as they think it
much better to work for eight or ten dollars per month than
to work for nothing. Dear Friend,—The contributions of the churches in behalf of
the fugitive slaves I think have about all come in. I herewith
inclose you a schedule thereof, amounting in all to about $800,
being but little more than half as much as they contributed in 1851. . . . I have got some nice books (old ones) coming across
the water. But, alas me! such is the state of the poor fugitive
slaves, that I must attend to living men, and not to dead books,
and all this winter my time has been occupied with these poor
souls. The Vigilance Committee appointed me spiritual counsellor
of all fugitive slaves in Massachusetts while in peril. . . . The
Fugitive Slave Law has cost me some months of time already. I
have refused about sixty invitations to lecture and delayed the
printing of my book—for that! Truly the land of the pilgrims
is in great disgrace! "There was committed to the jail in Warren County, Kentucky,
as runaway slave, on the 29th September, 1862, a negro man calling
himself Jo Miner. He says he is free, but has nothing to
show to establish the fact. He is about thirty-five years of age,
very dark copper color, about five feet eight inches high, and will
weigh one hundred and fifty pounds. The owner can come forward,
prove property, and pay charges, or he will be dealt with as
the law requires. Dear Sir at the suggestion of friend Judge Conway I address
you these few hastily written lines. I see I am expected to give
you some information as to the present condition of the U.G.R.R.
in Kansas or more particularly at the Lawrence depot. In order
that you may fully understand the present condition of affairs I
shall ask your permission to relate a small bit of the early history
of this, the only paying, R. R. in Kansas. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 34 | Author: | Fenollosa
Ernest Francisco
1853-1908 | Add | | | Title: | "Noh", or, Accomplishment | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Our ancestor was called Umegu Hiogu no Kami
Tomotoki. He was the descendant in the ninth
generation of Tachibana no Moroye Sadaijin, and
lived in Umedzu Yamashiro, hence his family name.
After that he lived in Oshima, in the province of
Tamba, and died in the fourth year of Ninwa
Moroye's descendant, the twenty-second after Tomotoki,
was called Hiogu no Kami Tomosato. He
was a samurai in Tamba, as his fathers before him.
The twenty-eighth descendant was Hiogu no Kami
Kagehisa. His mother dreamed that a Noh mask
was given from heaven; she conceived, and Kagehisa
was born. From his childhood Kagehisa liked
music and dancing, and he was by nature very
excellent in both of these arts. The Emperor
Gotsuchi Mikado heard his name, and in January
in the 13th year of Bunmei he called him to his
palace and made him perform the play Ashikari.
Kagehisa was then sixteen years old. The Emperor
admired him greatly and gave him the decoration
(Monsuki) and a curtain which was purple above
and white below, and he gave him the honorific
ideograph "waka" and thus made him change his
name to Umewaka. By the Emperor's order,
Ushoben Fugiwara no Shunmei sent the news of
this and the gifts to Kagehisa. The letter of the
Emperor, given at that time, is still in our house.
The curtain was, unfortunately, burned in the great
fire of Yedo on the 4th of March in the third year
of Bunka. Kagehisa died in the second year of
Kioroku and after him the family of Umewaka
became professional actors of Noh. Hironaga, the
thirtieth descendant of Umewaka Taiyu Rokuro,
served Ota Nobunaga.1
1Nobunaga died in 1582.
And he was given a territory
of 700 koku in Tamba. And he died in
Nobunaga's battle, Akechi. His son, Taiyu Rokuro
Ujimori, was called to the palace of Tokugawa Iyeyasu
in the fourth year of Keicho, and given a territory
of 100 koku near his home in Tamba. He
died in the third year of Kambun. After that the
family of Umewaka served the Tokugawa shoguns
with Noh for generation after generation down to
the revolution of Meiji (1868). These are the outlines
of the genealogy of my house. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 35 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Your recommendation of Doc.r M (illegible) was handed me some
time ago. I need not tell you that I shall always rely on your vouchers
for merit, or that I shall equally be pleased with opportunities of forwarding
your wishes. I have rec.d the few lines you dropped me from Baltimore, and
daily expect those promised from Fredg. I am made somewhat anxious
on the latter point, by the indisposition under which you were
travelling. Your favor of the 10th came to hand yesterday. I feel much
anxiety for the situation in which you found Mrs. Randolph; but it is
somewhat alleviated by the hopes which you seem to indulge. You will see by the papers herewith covered that the proposed assumption
of the State debts continues to employ the deliberations of
the House of Reps. The question seems now to be near its decision,
and unfortunately, tho' so momentous a one, is likely to turn on a very
small majority, possibly on a single vote. The measure is not only
liable to many objections of a general cast, but in its present form is
particularly unfriendly to the interests of Virginia. In this light it is
viewed by all her representatives except Col: Bland. Your favor of the 4th ult. by Col. Lee was received from his hands
on Sunday last. I have since recd. that of the 3d Instant. The
antecedent one from Alexandria, though long on the way, was recd.
some time before. In all these, I discover strong marks of the dissatisfaction
with which you behold our public prospects. Though
in several respects they do not comport with my wishes, yet I cannot
feel all the despondency which you seem to give way to. I do not
mean that I entertain much hope of the Potomac; that seems pretty
much out of sight; but that other measures in view, however improper,
will be less fatal than you imagine.2
2 Lee wrote April 3, 1790, from Berry Hill that all of Patrick Henry's
dark predictions were coming, true—that he dreaded a dissolution of
the union, but had rather submit to it than to "the rule of a fixed
insolent northern majority." Change of the seat of government to
the territorial centre, direct taxation, and the abolition of "gambling
systems of finance" might effect a change of sentiment.—Mad. MSS.
An answer to your favor of the 5th. has been delayed by my hourly
expectation of hearing from Taylor. A few days ago he came to Town
and I have had an interview and settlement with him. The balance
with the interest at 7 per Ct. was 864 dollars. He has not however
executed the conveyance for want of some chart which he could not
get here, but has entered into bond to do so by August, with good
security. As far as I can learn our bargain is a good one. Land in
the vicinity has sold in small parcells at more than 20/. I am told.
The present moment however it is said is not favorable to the market.
By waiting I think it probable it may be sold to your profit or If you
continue to be anxious to get rid of it immediately, I have no objection
to taking the whole on myself. Before you decide I would recommend
that you consult by letter some of your friends here who can
judge better than I can do, and who have more leisure & opportunity
for making the requisite enquiry into the prospect. Should you chuse
to make me the sole proprietor, it will be most convenient that the
deed be executed from Taylor to me. In that event also, I beg you
to let me know the state in which the accts. between us was left, by
your former advances for me, and my settlemts. for your furniture &c.1
1 See Madison to Monroe, March 19, 1786, ante, II, 231.
My papers on this subject are either not here or so concealed among
others that I cannot find them. I wrote some days ago to my brother Ambrose since which little has
taken place worth adding. The inclosed newspapers contain a sketch
of what has been done in the House of Reps. Your favor of the 19th. of May has been duly received. The information
relating to your little daughter has been communicated as you
desired. I hope she is by this time entirely recovered. Your friends
in Broadway were well two evenings ago. My last was to my brother A. and acknowledged the receipt of the
Diary. I inclose one for the month of April which you can compare
with your own for the same month. I enclose also a few grains of
upland rice, brought from Timor by Capt. Bligh lately distinguished
by an adventure which you must have seen in the newspapers. He
was returning from a voyage of discovery in the South seas, and turned
out of his ship with a few others by a mutinous crew in a long boat
which continued more than 40 days at sea.1
1 William Bligh, captain of the British ship Bounty. The mutiny
occurred on a voyage to Jamaica. In 1805 he was governor of New
South Wales and his authority was rebelled against.
A little rice of which the
enclosed is a part was all that he saved out of a fine collection. It will
be best to give the grains their first vegetation in a flower pot of rich
earth, and then shift the contents of the pot into the ground so as not
to disturb the roots. A few of the grains may be tried at once in the
garden in a strong soil. Dear Sir,—You will find in the inclosed papers some account of the
proceedings on the question relating to the seat of Government. The
Senate have hung up the vote for Baltimore, which, as you may suppose,
could not have been seriously meant by many who joined in it.
It is not improbable that the permanent seat may be coupled with the
"temporary one. The Potowmac stands a bad chance, and yet it is not
impossible that in the vicissitudes of the business it may turn up in
some form or other. Dear Sir,—The pressure of business as the session approaches its
term, the earlier hour at which the House of Representatives has for
some time met, and the necessity of devoting a part of the interval to
exercise, after so long a confinement, have obliged me to deny myself
the pleasure of communicating regularly with my friends. I regret
much that this violation of my wishes has unavoidably extended itself
to the correspondences on which I set the greatest value, and which,
I need not add, include yours. The regret is the greater, as I fear it
will not be in my power to atone for past omissions by more punctuality
during the residue of the session. In your goodness alone I must
consequently look for my title to indulgence. Dear Sir,—You will find by one of the Gazettes herewith sent, that
the bill fixing the permanent seat of Government on the Potowmac,
and the temporary at Philadelphia, has got through the Senate. It
passed by a single voice only, Izzard and Few having both voted
against it. Its passage through the House of Representatives is probable,
but attended with great difficulties. If the Potowmac succeeds,
even an these terms, it will have resulted from a fortuitous coincidence
of circumstances which might never happen again.1
1 The bill was passed by the House July 9th.
I have recd your's of the 9th. inclosing a letter for Mr. Chew which I
shall forward as you desire. Cong. not having closed their Session till the day before yesterday,
and the weather being extremely hot, I have thought it necessary in
order to avoid the danger of a bilious attack to which I am become
very subject, to wait here a few weeks which will render the journey
more safe, and afford me moreover the pleasure of Mr. Jeffersons company
quite to Orange. This resolution puts it out of my power to be
within the district by the time of the election, and makes it proper
that I should intimate the cause of it to a friend in each County. The
inclosed are part of the letters written for that purpose.1
1
New York Aug: 13, 1790
Dear Sir
The Session of Congs. was called yesterday. The list of acts inclosed
will give you a general idea of what has been done. The subjects
which conduced most to the length of the Session are the assumption
of the State debts, and the Seat of Government. The latter has been
decided in a manner more favorable to Virginia than was hoped.
The former will be less acceptable to that State. It has however been
purged of some of its objections and particularly of its gross injustice
to Virginia, which in a pecuniary view is little affected one way or the
other.
The Continental debt, as funded, is provided for by the impost
alone and a surplus of about a million of dollars, which will have
accumulated prior to the first payment of interest, is allotted to the
purpose of reducing, by buying up, the principal. The provision for
the State debts assumed is to be the work of the next Session in December.
It will be made, as far as can be inferred from the ideas now
prevalent, under the influences of a strong zeal to avoid direct taxes.
The Eastern States being even more averse to that mode of revenue
than the Southern, and in my judgment, with much more reason.
It was my purpose to have been within the district before the Election;
but the length of the Session has disappointed me. By pushing
directly on I might indeed now affect it. But it would be at the risk
of my health, which is not at present very firm, and would be particularly
exposed on a long & rapid journey at this season of the
year. I shall consequently remain in this place for a few weeks presuming
that the circumstance of my being present or absent will weigh
little with my constituents in deciding whether they will again confide
their interests to my representation—
With great respect & regard I am Sir
Your mo: obedt. hble St.
Js. Madison Jr.
Be so good as not to let this fall into any hands from which it may
find its way to the press.
A. Rose
G. Paine
T. Underwood
G. Thomson
W. C. Nicholas
G. Gilmer
of Louisa
Mann Page Esq.
Js. Pendleton Esq.—Mad. MSS.
I fear the
time may be short for conveying them, but hope opportunities may be
found. The letter which is not directed is meant for each one of the
gentlemen in Louisa, as you and my brother A. may think most proper
Should the High Sheriff be not improper, perhaps it would be as well
for you to address it to him. Perhaps also my brother Ambrose may
find it convenient to be at the Election in Louisa. The Letter for Col:
Pendleton will be best in the hands of my brother William who I presume
will attend in Culpeper. Two of the letters being unsealed I
refer to their contents, remaining your afft. son. The Session of Congs. was called yesterday. The list of acts inclosed
will give you a general idea of what has been done. The subjects
which conduced most to the length of the Session are the assumption
of the State debts, and the Seat of Government. The latter has been
decided in a manner more favorable to Virginia than was hoped.
The former will be less acceptable to that State. It has however been
purged of some of its objections and particularly of its gross injustice
to Virginia, which in a pecuniary view is little affected one way or the
other. We arrived here yesterday was a week without any occurrence on
the road worth mentioning. The President arrived yesterday & the
members are coming in for Congress. I have made inquiry with regard
to the articles you want, and send you the inclosed paper which
will give you information not only with respect to them, but all others
in the market here. The high price of sugar makes it advisable I
think not to purchase at present. Coffee seems low enough but I do
not see any probability of a rise that will be more than equivalent to
the loss of the money vested in an article stored away. I shall however
await your instructions on this point as well as others; or if I should
meet with a bargain on account either of cheapness or quality, perhaps
embrace it for you. Previous to my leaving N. Y., I recd. a letter from you which was
not then answered, because the subject of it required more consideration
than could then be spared and because an answer was not prompted
by anything agitated or proposed on the subject in Congress. I am
afraid that notwithstanding the interval which has passed I am still
not sufficiently prepared to do justice to your queries, some of which
are of a delicate, and all of which are of an important nature. I am
however the less concerned on this account, as I am sure that your
own reflections will have embraced every idea, which mine, if ever so
mature, could have suggested. Since the receipt of your favor of the 15th Jany, I have had the
further pleasure of seeing your valuable observations on the Bank,
more at length, in your communications to Mr. White. The subject
has been decided, contrary to your opinion, as well my own, by large
majorities in both Houses, and is now before the President.1
1 Washington debated seriously whether to sign or veto the bill,
and at his request Madison prepared the following veto message for
him:
Feby 21. 1791. Copy of a paper made out & sent to the President
at his request to be ready in case his judgment should finally decide
agst the Bill for incorporating a National Bank, the bill being then before him.
Gentlemen of the Senate
Having carefully examined and maturely considered the Bill entitled
"An Act
I am compelled by the conviction of my judgment and the duty of my
Station to return the Bill to the House in which it originated with
the following objections:
(if to the Constitutionality)
I object to the Bill because it is an essential principle of the Government
that powers not delegated by the Constitution cannot be
rightfully exercised; because the power proposed by the Bill to be
exercised is not expressly delegated; and because I cannot satisfy myself
that it results from any express power by fair and safe rules of
implication.
(if to the merits alone or in addition)
I object to the Bill because it appears to be unequal between the
public and the Institution in favor of the institution; imposing no
conditions on the latter equivalent to the stipulations assumed by the
former. [quer. if this lie within the intimation of the President]
I object to the Bill because it is in all cases the duty of the Government
to dispense its benefits to individuals with as impartial a hand
as the public interest will permit; and the Bill is in this respect unequal
to individuals holding different denominations of public Stock
and willing to become subscribers. This objection lies with particular
force against the early day appointed for opening subscriptions, which
if these should be filled as quickly as may happen, amounts to an
exclusion of those remote from the Government, in favor of those near
enough to take advantage of the opportunity.—From the Chamberlain
MSS. in the Boston Public Library.
Jefferson and Edmund Randolph in the cabinet advised the vetoing
of the bill, but Hamilton's advice prevailed and Washington signed it
February 25, 1791.
The
power of incorporating cannot by any process of safe reasoning, be
drawn within the meaning of the Constitution as an appurtenance of
any express power, and it is not pretended that it is itself an express
power. The arguments in favor of the measure, rather increased
my dislike to it because they were founded on remote implications,
which strike at the very essence of the Govt as composed of limited &
enumerated powers. The Plan is moreover liable to a variety of
other objections which you have so judiciously developed. Tomorrow will put an end to our existence. Much of the business
has been laid over to the next session which is to be held the 4th Monday
in Ocr. The most important bill lately past is that for establishing
a Bank. You will see in the inclosed gazetteer the ground on which it
was attacked & defended. The bill remained with the President to
the last moment allowed him, and was then signed by him. Since the
passage of that Bill one has passed for taking Alexa into the district
for the seat of Gov't if the Presidt finds it convenient. This is a confirmation
of that measure & passed by a very large majority. I herewith inclose by a conveyance to Fredericksburg three pamphlets
as requested by my father, the other by yourself: to which is
added a list of the seeds &c sent lately to Mr Maury, according to the
information contained in my last. I have not heard from you in
answer to my letter on the subject of Tobacco. I have informed Mr
Maury of my request to you to forward a few of the Hhds to this
place, and have requested him to ship the rest as usual to his broker
in Liverpool. I shall set out at a pretty early day from this place,
and shall in company with Mr. Jefferson go at least as far northwardly
as Lake George, with which route I shall be able to make some private
business partly my own, and partly that of a friend coincide. Whether
I shall afterwards extend my route Eastwardly I do not yet decide.
I have not yet made any purchase of sugar or coffee as desired by my
father. Both articles have fallen, the former is however still high,
the latter is tolerably cheap. I shall look at some from the Isle of
France today or tomorrow, and shall probably before I leave this
provide a supply of that article for the family to whom be so good as
to remember me affecly. Finding on my arrival at Princeton that both Docr. Witherspoon &
Smith had made excursions on the vacation, I had no motive to detain
me there; and accordingly pursuing my journey I arrived here the
day after I left Philada. my first object was to see Dorhman. He continues
to wear the face of honesty, and to profess much anxiety to
discharge the claims of Mazzei; but acknowledges that all his moveable
property has been brought under such fetters by late misfortunes
that no part of it can be applied to that use. His chief resource consisted
of money in London which has been attached, improperly as he
says, by his brother. This calamity brought on him a protest of his
bills, and this a necessity of making a compromise founded on a
hypothecation of his effects. His present reliance is on an arrangement
which appeals to the friendship of his brother, and which he
supposes his brother will not decline when recovered from the misapprehensions
which led him to lay his hands on the property in
London. A favorable turn of fortune may perhaps open a prospect of
immediate aid to Mazzei, but as far as I can penetrate, he ought to
count but little on any other resource than the ultimate security of
the Western township. I expect to have further explanations however
from Dorhman, and may then be better able to judge. I have
seen Freneau and given him a line to you.1
1 In the summer of 1791 Freneau announced his purpose of starting
a paper in New Jersey, and Madison and Henry Lee induced him to
come to Philadelphia instead. Jefferson appointed him a translator
of French in the State Department at a salary of $250 a year, and
October 31, 1791, The National Gazette appeared. See Life of Madison
(Hunt), 235, et seq.
He sets out for Philada.
today or tomorrow, though it is not improbable that he may halt in
N. Jersey. He is in the habit I find of translating the Leyden Gazette
and consequently must be fully equal to the task you had allotted for
him. He had supposed that besides this degree of skill, it might be
expected that he should be able to translate with equal propriety into
French; and under this idea, his delicacy had taken an insuperable
objection to the undertaking. Being now set right as to this particular,
and being made sensible of the advantages of Philada. over N.
Jersey for his private undertaking, his mind is taking another turn;
and if the scantiness of his capital should not be a bar, I think he will
establish himself in the former. At all events he will give his friends
then an opportunity of aiding his decision by their information &
counsel. The more I learn of his character talents and principles, the
more I should regret his burying himself in the obscurity he had
chosen in N. Jersey. It is certain that there is not to be found in the
whole catalogue of American Printers, a single name that can approach
towards a rivalship. Your favor of the 9th was recd. last evening. To my thanks for the
Several inclosures I must add a request that the letter to Boynton
which came in one of them may be handed to him by one of your
servants. The directory will point out his habitation. I received your favor of the 21st yesterday, inclosing post notes for
235 dollars. I shall obtain the bills of Mrs Elsworth4
4 Dorothy Ellsworth, wife of Verdine Ellsworth. She kept a boarding
house on Maiden Lane where Madison lived.
& the Smith
this afternoon and will let you know the amount of them. There is
a bill from the Taylor amounting to £6,—7 which I shall pay. The
articles for which it is due are in my hands and will be forwarded by
the first opportunity. If a good one should fall within your notice,
it may be well for you to double the chance of a conveyance by giving
a commission for the purpose. I have applied to Rivington for the
Book but the only copies in Town seem to be of the 8th Edition. This
however is advertised as "enlarged &c by the Author," who I am told
by Berry & Rogers is now living & a correspondent of theirs. It is
not improbable therefore that your reason for preferring the 6th Ed:
may be stronger in favor of this. Let me know your pleasure on the
subject & it shall be obeyed. By a Capt: Simms who setts off this afternoon in the Stage for
Philadelphia I forward the Bundle of Cloaths from the Taylor. His
bill is inclosed with that of Mrs Elseworth including the payment to
the Smith. Your favor of the 29th. of May never came to hand till yesterday
when it fell in with me at this place. My brother's of nearly the same
date had done so a few days before. My answer to his went by the
last mail. I refer to it for the information yours requests. I had indeed
long before advised you both to ship to Leiper all the good Tobacco
of your crops. It is certainly the best you can do with it. Your favour of the 6th. came to hand on friday. I went yesterday to
the person who advertised the Maple Sugar for the purpose of executing
your comission on that subject. He tells me that the cargo is
not yet arrived from Albany, but is every hour expected; that it will
not be sold in parcels of less than 15 or 16 hundred lbs & only at
auction, but that the purchasers will of course deal it out in smaller
quantities; that a part is grained and a part not; and that the price
of the former will probably be regulated by that of good Muscavado
which sells at about £5 N. Y. Currency a Ct. I shall probably be at
Flushing in two or three days and have an opportunity of executing
your other Com̃issions on the spot. In case of disappointment, I
shall send the Letter & money to Prince by the best conveyance to be
had. The Maple Seed is not arrived. The Birch Bark has been in
my hands some days and will be forwarded as you suggested. I received last evening your very kind enquiries after my health.
My last will have informed you of the state of it then. I continue to
be incommoded by several different shapes of the bile; but not in a
degree that can now be called serious. If the present excessive heat
should not augment the energy of the cause, I consider myself as in a
good way to get rid soon of its effects. It being probable that I shall leave this place early in the ensuing
week I drop you an intimation of it, that you may keep back my
letters that may fall into your hands for me, or that you might intend
to favor me with. It take the liberty of putting the inclosed into your hands that in
case Col: Lee should have left Philada. the contents may find their way
to Col: Fisher who is most interested in them. And I leave it open
for the same purpose. The Attorney will be a fit channel in the event
of Col: Lee's departure, for conveying the information. We arrived here yesterday morning was a week, having been obliged
to push through the bad weather by the discovery first made at Mount
Vernon that the meeting of Congress was a week earlier than was calculated
at our setting out. The President had been under the same
mistake, and had but just been apprized of it. Many others had
equally miscalculated. The delay in acknowledging your letter of the 6th June last proceeded
from the cause you conjectured. I did not receive it till a few
days ago, when it was put into my hands by Mr. James Pemberton,
along with your subsequent letter of the 8th August.1
1 Pleasants was a Quaker and wrote in behalf of "The Humane or
Abolition Society" of Virginia, saying in his letter of June 6,—"believing
thou [Madison] art a friend to general liberty,"—he had a
strong desire to have a scheme of general emancipation in the state.
"Knowing the sentiments of divers slave-holders, who are favorable to
the design, I wish to have thy judgment on the propriety of a Petition
to our assembly for a law declaring the children of slaves to be born
after the passing such act, to be free at the usual ages of eighteen and
twenty-one years; and to enjoy such privileges as may be consistent
with justice and sound policy."—Mad. MSS. The leading minds of
virginia were in favour of emancipation. See Randall's Jefferson, i., 227.
The memorial against the militia bill was presented November 23.
I recd yesterday a letter from my brother Ambrose which gave me
the first information I have had since I left home concerning the state
of my mothers health. I am extremely glad to find she had so much
mended and hope her health may continue to grow better. I have received your favor of the 8th & handed to Freneau the subscriptions
inclosed for him. His paper in the opinion here justifies
the expectations of his friends and merits the diffusive circulation they
have endeavoured to procure it. You already know the fate of the apportionment Bill—the subject
was revived in the Senate, but I understand has been suspended in
order to give an opportunity to the house of Reps. to procede in a
second Bill if it pleases—Nothing however has been done in it, and it
is difficult to say when or in what form the business will be resumed—
The subject most immediately in hand in the House of Reps. is the
Post office Bill, which has consumed much time and is still in an unfinished
state—you see in the Newspapers historical sketches of its
progress— Your favor of the 8th did not come to hand till this afternoon. I
thank you for the very just & interesting observations contained in it.
I have not yet met with an opportunity of forwarding the Report on
Manufactures; nor has that subject been yet regularly taken up.
The constitutional doctrine however advanced in the Report, has
been anticipated on another occasion, by its zealous friends; and I
was drawn into a few hasty animadversions the substance of which
you will find in one of the inclosed papers. It gives me great pleasure
to find my exposition of the Constitution so well supported by yours. The last letter recd. from you was that of Feby. I. Since my answer
to that the state of the roads & rivers has been such as to render the
conveyance of letters very tedious if not uncertain, and thence to produce
the interval between that date & the present. I now inclose
5nos. of the National Gazette—which continue the intelligence through
out the period of my silence—You will find noticed the progress of the
business in Cons. and particularly the bills that have passed into laws.
The representation-bill which as it went to the Senate proposed again
the simple ratio of 1 for 30,000 applied to the respective members in
each state, and a second census within a short time to be followed by
a like ratio, has come back with the latter provision struck out, and
the former so altered as to make the number of Reps. amount to 120,
instead of 112. This is the more extraordinary as the No. 112 was considered
before as too great and a ratio of 1 for 33,000 insisted on &
the bill sacrificed to it. The secret of the business is that by these
different rules the relative number of Eastn. & Southn. members is
varied. The number of 120 is made out by applying 1 for 30,000 to
the aggregate population of the U. S. and allowing to fractions of
certain amount an additional member.1
1Washington vetoed the bill April 5, 1792, because it made an
uneven proportion and allowed eight states more representatives than
1 to every 30,000 of their inhabitants.—Messages and Papers of the
Presidents, i., 124.
Col. Wadsworth2
2 Jeremiah Wadsworth, a representative.
of Connecticut wishes to procure a Barrel or half
Barrel of the best Peach Brandy, & I have undertaken to use my
efforts for the purpose. If it can be got at all it is probably in our
neighbourhood. I recollect particularly that Col Geo. Taylor had
some that we thought good & which is perhaps to be obtained. If
that or any better can be had I shall be glad that one of my brothers
would take the trouble of engaging it & having it forwarded. The
older the better provided the quality be excellent. If age be wanting,
the quality should be such as will be made excellent by age. To secure
it against fraud, it is desired that the cask be cased with an outer one;
the cask itself to be of wood that will give it no ill taste. The price
will not be considered so much as the character of the spirits, it being
for the use of the gentleman himself—If no brandy be on hand that
will do, perhaps the ensuing fall if the peaches be not destroyed, may
supply the defect. In that case it might be well to speak in time to
some person & have a barrel distilled with special care for the purpose.
The brandy is to be shipped from Fredericksburg addressed to
Watson & Greenleaf at New York—for Col. Wadsworth Mr. Maury or
Mr. Glassell will forward it if sent to either of them. I have nothing
to add to the papers enclosed having written a few days ago, & being
now in haste. In consequence of a note this morning from the President, requesting
me to call on him I did so; when he opened the conversation by observing,
that having some time ago communicated to me his intention of
retiring from public life on the expiration of his four years, he wished
to advise with me on the mode and time most proper for making known
that intention. He had he said spoken with no one yet on those
particular points, and took this opportunity of mentioning them to me,
that I might consider the matter, and give him my opinion, before the
adjournment of Congress, or my departure from Philadelphia. He
had he said forborne to communicate his intentions to any other
persons whatever, but Mr. Jefferson, Col. Hamilton, General Knox,
and myself, and of late to Mr. Randolph. Col. Hamilton and Genl.
Knox he observed were extremely importunate that he should relinquish
his purpose, and had made pressing representations to induce
him to it Mr. Jefferson had expressed his wishes to the like effect. He
had not however persuaded himself that his continuance in Public life
could be of so much necessity or importance as was conceived, and his
disinclination to it was becoming every day more & more fixed; so
that he wished to make up his mind as soon as possible on the points
he had mentioned. What he desired was to prefer that mode which
would be most remote from the appearance of arrogantly presuming
on his re-election in case he should not withdraw himself, and such a
time as would be most convenient to the Public in making the choice
of his successor. It had he said at first occurred to him, that the commencement
of the ensuing Session of Congress would furnish him with
an apt occasion for introducing the intimation, but besides the lateness
of the day, he was apprehensive that it might possibly produce
some notice in the reply of Congress that might entangle him in
farther explanations. Having been left to myself for some days past, I have made use of
the opportunity for bestowing on your letter of the 20th Ult, handed
to me on the road, the attention which its important contents claimed.
The questions which it presents for consideration are—1. at what time
a notification of your purpose to retire will be most convenient? 2
what mode will be most eligible? 3 whether a valedictory address will
be requisite or advisable? 4. if either, whether it would be more
properly annexed to the notification or postponed to your actual
retirement. Your favor of the 12 Ult having arrived during an excursion into
Albemarle, I did not receive it till my return on yesterday. I lose not
a moment in thanking you for it, particularly for the very friendly
paragraph in the publication in Fenno's paper. As I do not get his
paper here, it was by accident I first saw this extraordinary manouvre
of calumny, the quarter, the motive, and the object of which speak of
themselves. As it respects Mr. Jefferson I have no doubt that it will
be of service both to him & the public, if it should lead to such an investigation
of his political opinions and character as may be expected.
With respect to myself the consequence in a public view, is of little
account. In any view, there could not have been a charge founded
on a grosser perversion of facts, & consequently against which I could
feel myself more invulnerable. I am just favored with yours of the 28th Ult. I wish I could remove
your anxiety for the French. The last accounts are so imperfect &
contradictory that it is difficult to make anything of them. They
come also thro' the Brussels & English channels, which increases
the uncertainty. It appears on the whole that the combination agst.
the revolution, and particularly agst. their new Republic, is extremely
formidable, and that there is still greater danger within from the
follies and barbarities which prevail in Paris. On the other hand it
seems tolerably clear that the nation is united against Royalty, and
well disposed to second the Government in the means of defence. At
this distance it is impossible to appreciate particular measures, or
foresee the turn which things may finally take. . . . As I intimated in my last I have forced myself into the
task of a reply. I can truly say I find it the most grating one I ever
experienced; and the more so as I feel at every step I take the want of
counsel on some points of delicacy as well as of information as to sundry
matters of fact. I shall be still more sensible of the latter want
when I get to the attack on French proceedings, & perhaps to the last
topic proposed by the writer, if I ever do get to it. As yet I have but
roughly and partially gone over the first; & being obliged to proceed
in scraps of time, with a distaste to the subject, and a distressing
lassitude from the excessive & continued heat of the season, I cannot
say when I shall finish even that. One thing that particularly vexes
me is that I foreknow from the prolixity & pertinacity of the writer,
that the business will not be terminated by a single fire, and of course
that I must return to the charge in order to prevent a triumph without
a victory.1
1 Hamilton did not reply.
. . . Your acct of the ticklish situation with respect to Genet
in the 14th is truly distressing. His folly would almost beget suspicions
of the worst sort. The consequences you point out in case
matters come to an extremity are so certain & obvious that it is hardly
conceivable he can be blind to them. Something must be done if
possible to get him into a better train. I find by the paper of the 27,
that Pacificus has entered & I suppose closed his last topic. I think
it a feeble defence of one important point I am striking at: viz., the
making a declaration in his sense of it, before the arrival of Genet.
I argue that the Act does not import a decision agst the cas: fed:
from the manifest impropriety of doing so on the ground that France
was the aggressor in every war, without at least waiting for evidence
as to the question of fact who made the first attack admitting for the
sake of argt that to be the intention. A difficulty has occurred which
will retard my remarks more than I expected. They must be prepared
for the same Gazette consequently copied into another hand.
I am laying a plan for havg. it done here, but it cannot be done as
quickly as I wish.—Mad. MSS. The task on which you have put me, must be abridged so as not to
go beyond that period. You will see that the first topic is not yet
compleated. I hope the 2d, & 3d, to wit the meang of the Treaty &
the obligations of gratitude will be less essential. The former is
particularly delicate; and tho' I think it may be put in a light that
wd. reflect ignominy on the author of P., yet I had rather not meddle
with the subject if it cd. be avoided. I cannot say when I shall be able
to take up those two parts of the job. Just as I was embarking in the
general subject I recd. from the reputed Author of Franklyn a large
pamphlet written by him agst the fiscal system, particularly the
Bank; which I could not but attend to. It is put on a footing that
requires me to communicate personally with Monroe, whom I ought
to have seen before this, as the publication of the work is to be contrived
for the Author. It really has merit, always for its ingenuity,
generally for its solidity, and is enriched with many fine strokes of
imagination, and a continued vein of pleasantry & keen satire, that
will sting deeply. I have recd. a letter from the Author, wishing to
hear from me. I must therefore take a ride as far as Charlottesville
as soon as I make out the next packet for you, and suspend the residue
of the business till I return. I shall endeavour in my absence to
fulfill a promise to Wilson Nicholas which will lengthen the suspension.
I forwd. to F. a copy of the little thing of Ld Ch.; the last sentence is
struck out as not necessary, and which may perhaps wound too indiscriminately
certain characters not at present interested in supporting
public corruptions. . . . . . . This hurries me; And has forced me to hurry what will be
inclosed herewith, particularly the last N°. V, which required particular
care in the execution. I shall be obliged to leave that & the greater
part of the other Nos to be transcrd, sealed up & forwarded in my
absence. It is certain therefore that many little errors will take place.
As I cannot let them be detained till I return, I must pray you to make
such corrections as will not betray your hand. In pointing & erasures
not breaking the sense, there will be no difficulty. I have already
requested you to make free with the latter.2
2 Jefferson wrote, September 1, that he was "never more charmed
with anything," and that he had changed nothing, except a part of one
sentence.—Writings (Ford), vi., 402.
You will find more
quotations from the Fedt. Dash them out if you think the most
squeamish critic could object to them. In N°. 5. I suggest to your
attention a long preliminary remark into which I suffered myself to be
led before I was aware of the prolixity. As the piece is full long
without it, it had probably better be lopped off. The propriety of the
two last paragraphs claims your particular criticism. I wd not have
hazarded them without the prospect of your revisal, & if proper your
erasure. That which regards Spain &c may contain unsound reasoning,
or be too delicate to be touched in a Newspaper. The propriety
of the last, as to the President's answers to addressers depends on the
truth of the fact, of which you can judge. I am not sure that I have
seen all the answers. My last was of the 12th, & covered the 2 first
Nos. of H[elvidiu]s. I am assured that it was put into the post office
on tuesday evening. It ought therefore to have reached you on
saturday last. As an oppy to Fredg may happen before more than the
3d No. may be transcribed, it is possible that this may be accompanied
by that alone. . . .—Mad. MSS. I left home the day before yesterday which was the date of my last,
it was to be accompanied by 2 & perhaps tho' not probably 3 additional
Nos of H-l-v-d-s. The last to wit N°. 5, contained two paragraphs
the one relating to the accession of S. & P. to the war against F. the
other to the answers of the P. to the addresses on his proclamation,
which I particularly requested you to revise, and if improper, to
erase. The whole piece was more hurried than it ought to have been,
and these paragraphs penned in the instant of my setting out which had
been delayed as late as would leave enough of the day for the journey.
I mention this as the only apology for the gross error of fact committed
with respect to the term neutrality, which it is asserted the P. has not
used in any of his answers. I find on looking into them here, that he
used it in the first of all, to the Merchts of Philada, and in one other
out of three which I have examined. I must make my conditional
request therefore an absolute one as to that passage. If he should
forbear the use of the term in all his answers subsequent to the perversion
of it by Pacificus, it will strengthen the argument used; but
that must be a future & contingent consideration. . . .—Mad.
MSS. I wrote you a few lines by the last post from this place just to
apprise you of my movement to it. I have since seen the Richmond &
the Philada papers containing, the latter the certificate of Jay & King
& the publications relating to the subject of it, the [former,] latter, the
proceedings at Richmond dictated no doubt by the cabal at Philada.
It is painful to observe the success of the management for putting
Wythe at the head of them. I understand however that a considerable
revolution has taken place in his political sentiments under the
influence of some disgusts he has received from the State Legislature.
By what has appeared I discover that a determination has been
formed to drag before the public the indiscretions of Genet; and
turn them & the popularity of the P. to the purposes driven at. Some
impression will be made here of course. A plan is evidently laid in
Richd to render it extensive. If an early & well-digested effort for
calling out the real sense of the people be not made, there is room to
apprehend they may in many places be misled. This has employed the
conversation of—& myself. We shall endeavor at some means
of repelling the danger; particularly by setting on foot expressions of
the public mind in important Counties, and under the auspices of
respectable names. I have written with this view to Caroline, and
have suggested a proper train of ideas, and a wish that Mr. P. would
patronize the measure. Such an example would have great effect.
Even if it shd not be followed it would be considered as an authentic
specimen of the Country temper; and would put other places on their
guard agst the snares that may be laid for them. The want of opportunities,
and our ignorance of trustworthy characters, will circumscribe
our efforts in this way to a very narrow compass. The rains
for several days have delayed my trip to the Gentleman named in my
last. Unless to-morrow shd be a favorable day, I shall be obliged to
decline it altogether. In two or three days I shall be in a situation to
receive & answer your letters as usual. That by Mr. D R. has not yet
reached me.—Mad. MSS. . . . The Newspapers will inform you that the call for the
Treaty papers was carried by 62 agst 37. You will find the answer of
the President herewith inclosed. The absolute refusal was as unexpected
as the tone & tenor of the message are improper & indelicate.
If you do not at once perceive the drift of the appeal to the Gen1 Convention
& its journal, recollect one of Camillus' last numbers, & read
the latter part of Murray's speech. There is little doubt in my mind
that the message came from N. Y., when it was seen that an experiment
was to be made, at the hazard of the P., to save the faction agst
the Reps of the people. The effect of this reprehensible measure on
the majority is not likely to correspond with the calculation of its
authors. I think there will be sufficient firmness to face it with resolutions
declaring the Const1 powers of the House as to Treaties, and
that in applying for papers, they are not obliged to state their reasons
to the Executive. In order to preserve this firmness however, it is
necessary to avoid as much as possible an overt rencontre with the
Executive. The day after the message was recd, the bill guarantying
the loan for the federal City, was carried thro' the H. of Reps by a
swimming majority. . . . . . . Many of the means1
1 Italics for cypher.
by which this majority was brought abt
will occur to you. But it is to be ascribed principally to an appeal to
petitions under the mercantile influence, & the alarm of war. A circular
letter from the Merchts of Phila gave the signal to all other towns. The
people were everywhere called on to chuse between peace & war, & to
side with the Treaty if they preferred the former. This stratagem produced
in many places a fever & in New Engd a delirium for the Treaty wh
soon covered the table with petitions. The counter petitions, tho powerful
from Phila, & respectable from some other quarters did not keep pace.
Indeed there was not time for distant parts where the Treaty was odious
to express their sentiments before the occ was over. Besides the alarm
of war in the smaller States, a great excitement was produced in them
by the appeal of the Pr in his message, to their particular interest in the
powers of the Senate. What the effect of this whole business will be on
the public mind cannot yet be traced with certainty. For the moment at
least it presses hard on the republican interest. It probably would have
been better if the great majority existing at one moment had been taken
advantage of for a strong preface in the tone of Dearborn, and if the
Treaty party had then carried their object with the consequences on their
own heads. The final turn of the majority ought at least to have been
sooner prepared for. This was in fact contemplated. But before some
were ripe for the arrangement others were rotten. As soon as the subject
was finished, an explanatory article, signed by Bond & Picketing,
marked with sundry curious features, was laid before the Senate, & has,
been ratified. The avowed object is to declare that the Indian Treaty
which requires a special license to Traders residing at the Indian
Towns shall not affect the Brith privileges, under the third article. This
when known by the public, will justify an important ground of opposition
to the Treaty. Adèt seems to have conducted himself with great circumspection
throughout the crisis here, nor do I know what or whether
anything escapes him since the conclusion of it. It will be deeply interesting
to know how France will take it all. I hope no rash councils will
prevail with her. You can foresee the consequences of such here. Whilst
the war lasts Engld will command most attention, because she can do
this country most harm. In peace, Fr will command most attention,
because she can do it most good. This view of the subject, may perhaps
be worth your development on fit occasions. Among the bills just
passed the H. of Reps is one prohibiting the sale of prizes in our ports.
It did not pass without doubts & opposition. The real object with
most was to protect Spanish & Dutch vessels as much as possible, on
the supposition that the British Treaty protected hers in this respect
agst all nations. It is now generally understood that the President
will retire. Jefferson is the object on one side A dams apparently on the
other. The secondary object still unsettled. The general result is rendered
doubtful by the probable complexion of the New York legislature, and
by a late law of Pen for chusing Electors by a genl ticket. If the decision
should result to the House of Rs it will be safe. . . .—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—I inclose a draught on Genl Moylan, out of which you
will be pleased to pay yourself the price of the Nails, £48-11. 3d.,
Va. Cy to let Barnes have as much as will discharge the balance I owe
him, & to let what may remain lie till I write to you again. I did not receive your last favor of the 16th Ult° till the mail after
it was due, with the further delay of its coming by the way of Charlottesville.
The last mail brought me not a single Newspaper, tho'
it was before in arrears. That there is foul play with them I have no
doubt. When it really happens that the entire Mass cannot be conveyed,
I suspect that the favorite papers are selected, and the others
laid by; and that when there is no real difficulty the pretext makes
room for the same partiality. The idea of publishing the Debates of
the Convention ought to be well weighed before the expediency of
it, in a public as well as personal view be decided on. Besides the
intimate connection between them the whole volume ought to be examined
with an eye to the use of which every part is susceptible. In
the Despotism at present exercised over the rules of construction, and
[illegible] reports of the proceedings that would perhaps be made out
& mustered for the occasion, it is a problem what turn might be given
to the impression on the public mind. But I shall be better able
to form & explain my opinion by the time, which now approaches
when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you. And you will have the
advantage of looking into the sheets attentively before you finally
make up your own. I have had a glance at Gerry's communications
& P.s Report on it. It is impossible for any man of candor not to see
in the former an anxious desire on the part of France for accommodation,
mixed with the feelings which Gerry satisfactorily explains. The
latter a narrow understanding and a most malignant heart. Taken,
however, in combination with preceding transactions, it is a link that
fits the chain. The P could not do less in his speech than allow
France an option of peace, nor his Minister do more than to insult
& exasperate her if possible, into a refusal of it. My promise to write to you before your leaving Albemarle was defeated
by a dysenteric attack, which laid me up for about a week,
and which left me ia a state of debility not yet thoroughly removed.
My recovery has been much retarded by the job of preparing a vindication
of the Resolutions of last Session agst the replies of the other
States, and the sophistries from other quarters. The Committee
made their report a few days ago, which is now in the press and stands
the order of the day for thursday next. A set of Resolutions proposed
by Mr. Giles, instructing the Senators to urge the repeal of the unconstl
acts, the disbanding of the army, and a proper arrangement of the
militia, are also in the press, and stand the order of the same day for
the same Committee. It is supposed that both these papers, the latter
perhaps with some modifications, will go through the H. of Delegates.
The Senate, owing to inattention & casualties, is so composed as to
render the event there not a little uncertain. If an election, to fill the
vacancy of Mr. H. Nelson who lately resigned, should send Mr. Andrews
in preference to his competitor Mr. Saunders, I am told that
the parties will be precisely in equilibrio, excepting only one or two
whom circumstances now & then on particular questions, transfer from
the wrong to the right side. It is hoped that this contingent fund of
votes, will be applicable to the Vindication. On other important
questions, there is much less expectation from it. There is a report
here that the Legislature of N. Carolina now in session, have voted
the Resolutions of Virginia under their table. The report is highly improbable,
and I do not believe it. But it is impossible to calculate the
progress of delusion, especially in a State where it is said to be under
systematic management, and where there is so little either of system or
exertion opposed to it. We had a narrow escape yesterday from an
increase of pay to the members, which would have been particularly
unseasonable & injurious both within & without the State. It was
rejected on the third reading by a small majority; and was so much a
favorite, with the distant members particularly, that I fear it has left
them in rather an ill humour. My last covered a copy of the Report on the Resolutions of last
year. I now inclose a copy of certain resolutions moved by Mr. Giles,
to which he means to add an instruction on the subject of the intercourse
law which has been so injurious to the price of Tobo. It is not
improbable that the Resolutions when taken up, may undergo some
mollifications, in the spirit and air of them. The Report has been
under debate for two days. The attacks on it have turned chiefly on
an alleged inconsistency between the comment now made and the
arguments of the last session, and on the right of the Legislature to
interfere in any manner with denunciations of the measures of the
Genl Govt. The first attack has been parried by an amendment admitting
that different constructions may have been entertained
of the term "States" as "parties" &c but that the sense relied
on in the report must be concurred in by all. It is in fact concurred
in by both parties. On examination of the Debates of the last
session, it appears that both were equally inaccurate & inconsistent in
the grounds formerly taken by them. The attack on the right of the
Legislature to interfere by declaration of opinion will form a material
point in the discussion. It is not yet known how far the opposition to
the Report will be carried into detail. The part relating to the Common
law it is said will certainly be combated. You will perceive
from this view of the matter, that it is not possible to guess how long,
we shall be employed on it. There will in the event be a considerable
majority for the Report in the House of Delegates, and a pretty sure
one in the Senate. Can you send me a copy of Priestly's letters last
published.—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—The question on the Report printed, was decided by 60
for & 40 agst it, the day before yesterday, after a debate of five days.
Yesterday & to-day have been spent on Mr. Giles' propositions, which
with some softenings will probably pass, by nearly the same vote.
The Senate is in rather a better state than was expected. The Debate
turned almost wholly on the right of the Legislature to protest. The
Constitutionality of the Alien & Sedition Acts & of the C. Law was
waived. It was said that the last question would be discussed under
Mr. Giles' propositions; but as yet nothing has been urged in its
favour. It is probable however that the intention has not been laid
aside. I thank you for the pamphlets.—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—My last informed you of the result of the debates on
the justifying Report of the Select Committee. I am now able to add
that of Mr. Giles's resolutions. The question on the whole was decided
in the affirmative by a little upwards of a hundred against less
than fifty. The vote was rather stronger on some of the particular
resolutions, for example the instruction for disbanding the army.
The alien sedition & Tobacco instructions passed without a count or
a division. That relating to the common law, passed unanimously
with an amendment qualifying it in the words of the paragraph in the
Justifying Report under which certain defined parts of the C. L. are
admitted to be the law of the U. S. This amendment was moved by
the minority on the idea that it covers the doctrine they contend for.
On our side it is considered as a guarded exposition of the powers expressed
in the Constn. and those necessary & proper to carry them
into execution. I am not able to say in what manner they misconstrue
the definition, unless they apply the term "adopt" to the "Court"
which would be equally absurd & unconstitutional. The Judges themselves
will hardly contend that they can adopt a law, that is, make that
law which was before not law. The difference in the majority on the
Report & the resolutions, was occasioned chiefly by the pledge given
agst the former by the members who voted agst the Resolutions of last
year. The resolutions also underwent some improvements, which
reconciled many to them who were not satisfied with their first tone
& form. It is understood that the present assembly is rather stronger
on the republican side than the last one: and that a few favorable
changes have taken place in the course of the session. It is proposed
to introduce to-morrow a bill for a general ticket in chusing the next
Electors. I expect to leave this in a week; so that your subsequent
favors will find me in Orange. Dear Sir,—Since my last the Senate have agreed to the Report &
the Resolution by 15 to 6. To the latter, they made an amend to the
definition of the portion of C. L. in force in the U. S. by inserting the
words "by Congress" after the word "adopted," in order to repel the
misconstruction which led the minority to concur in that particular
resolution as it passed the H. of D. The amendt was agreed to by 82
to 40. The plan of a Gen1 Ticket was so novel that a great n°. who
wished it shrunk from the vote, and others apprehending that their
Constts would be still more startled at it voted agst it, so that it passed
by a majority of 5 votes only. The event in the Senate is rather
doubtful; tho' it is expected to get thro'. As the avowed object of it
is to give Virga. fair play, I think if passed into a law, it will with proper
explanations become popular. I expect to get away abt the middle
of the week. The Assembly will rise perhaps at the end of it; tho'
possibly not so soon. I forgot to tell you that a renewed effort to
raise the pay of the members to 3 drs. has succeeded; a measure wrong
in principle, and which will be hurtful in its operation. I have desired
Barnes to pay you a balance in his hands, out of which you will
please to pay yourself the balance due to your Nailory.—Mad. MSS. My Dear Sir,—I cannot at so late a day acknowledge your two
favors of [blank] without an explanation, which I am sure your goodness
will accept as an apology. Having brought with me to this
place a very feeble state of health, and finding the mass of business in
the department, at all times considerable, swelled to an unusual size
by sundry temporary causes, it became absolutely necessary to devote
the whole of my time & pen to my public duties, and consequently
to suspend my private correspondences altogether, notwithstanding
the arrears daily accumulating. To this resolution I have thus far
adhered. I must now endeavor to make some atonement for the
delay, and your case is among the first that is suggested both by
obligation & inclination. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 36 | Author: | Russell
William Howard
Sir
1820-1907 | Add | | | Title: | My Diary North and South | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | On the evening of 3d March, 1861, I was transferred from
the little steam-tender, which plies between Cork and the anchorage
of the Cunard steamers at the entrance of the harbor,
to the deck of the good steamship Arabia, Captain Stone; and
at nightfall we were breasting the long rolling waves of the
Atlantic. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 39 | Author: | Thomas
Isaiah
1749-1831 | Add | | | Title: | The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, and an Account of Newspapers ... | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | To an observer of the great utility of the kind of publications
called newspapers, it may appear strange that
they should have arisen to the present almost incredible
number, from a comparatively late beginning. I would
not be understood to intimate that ancient nations had no
institutions which answered the purposes of our public
journals, because I believe the contrary is the fact. The
Chinese gazettes may have been published from a very remote
period of time. The kings of Persia had their scribes
who copied the public despatches, which were carried into
the one hundred and twenty-seven provinces of the Persian
empire "by posts;" and, it is probable, they transmitted
accounts of remarkable occurrences in the same manner.
The Romans also adopted the custom of sending into their
distant provinces written accounts of victories gained, and
other remarkable events, which took place in that empire.1
1 Newspapers were foreshadowed among the ancients by the Acta
Diurna of the Romans—daily official reports of public occurrences.—H.
"The Gentleman who first set up and has hitherto been
interested in this Paper, having now resigned all his Right
and Interest therein into the hands of the Subscriber, the
Subscriber thinks himself obliged to give publick Notice
thereof, and informs all such as have taken, or may hereafter
take it, that as he has settled a Correspondence with
Gentlemen in London, and most of the principal Towns
within this and the neighbouring Governments, and is
favoured with the Acquaintance of many intelligent Persons
in Boston, he doubts not but he shall be able to make the
Rehearsal as Useful and entertaining as any of the Papers
now published. And the better to effect it, requests all
Gentlemen in Town or Country who may be possessed of
any thing new or curious, whether in the Way of News or
Speculation, worthy the publick View, to send the same
to him, and it will be gratefully received and communicated
for the Entertainment of the polite and inquisitive
Part of Mankind. The publisher of this paper declares
himself of no Party, and invites all Gentlemen of Leisure
and Capacity, inclined on either Side, to write any thing
of a political Nature, that tends to enlighten and serve the
Publick, to communicate their Productions, provided they
are not overlong, and confined within Modesty and Good
Manners; for all possible Care will be taken that nothing
contrary to these shall ever be here published. And
whereas the publishing of Advertisements in the Weekly
News Papers has been found of great Use (especially in
such as are sent thro' all the Governments as this is) this
may inform all Persons, who shall have Occasion, that
they may have their Advertisements published in this
Paper upon very easy Terms, and that any Customer for
the Paper shall be served much cheaper than others. And
whereas the Price of this Paper was set up at twenty
Shillings per Year, and so paid till this time; the present
Undertaker being willing to give all possible Encouragement
to his Readers has now reduced it to Sixteen Shillings;
and offers all Gentlemen who are willing to hold a
Correspondence, and shall frequently favour him with any
thing that may tend to the Embellishment of the Paper, to
supply them with one constantly free from Charge. And
considering it is impossible for half a Sheet of Paper to contain
all the Remarkable News that may happen to be brought
in upon the Arrival of Ships from England or other extraordinary
Occurrences; the Publisher therefore proposes in
all such Cases, to Print a Sheet of what he judges most
Material, and shall continue to send the Paper to all such
as have hitherto taken it, until he is advised to the contrary
by those determined to drop it, which he hopes will not
be many. "City of New York, ss.: Paul Richards, Esq., Mayor,
the Recorder, Aldermen, and Assistants of the City of
New York, convened in Common Council, to all to whom
these Presents shall come, Greeting. Whereas, Honour
is the just Reward of Virtue, and publick Benefits demand
a publick Acknowledgment. We therefore, under a grateful
Sense of the remarkable Service done to the Inhabitants
of this City and Colony, by Andrew Hamilton, Esq; of
Pennsylvania, Barrister at Law, by his learned and generous
Defence of the Rights of Mankind and the Liberty of
the Press, in the Case of John-Peter Zenger, lately tried on
an Information exhibited in the Supreme Court of this
Colony, do by these Presents, bear to the said Andrew Hamilton,
Esq; the publick Thanks of the Freemen of this
Corporation for that signal Service, which he cheerfully
undertook under great Indisposition of Body, and generously
performed, refusing any Fee or Reward; and in
Testimony of our great Esteem for his Person, and Sense
of his Merit, do hereby present him with the Freedom of
this Corporation. These are, therefore, to certify and declare,
that the said Andrew Hamilton, Esq; is hereby admitted
and received and allowed a Freeman and Citizen of
said City; To Have, Hold, Enjoy and Partake of all the
Benefits, Liberties, Privileges, Freedoms and Immunities
whatsoever granted or belonging to a Freeman and Citizen
of the same City. In Testimony whereof the Common
Council of the said City, in Common Council assembled,
have Caused the Seal of the said City to be hereunto affixed
this Twenty-Ninth Day of September, Anno Domini One
Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty-Five. "My country subscribers are
earnestly desired to pay their arrearages for this Journal,
which, if they don't speedily, I shall leave off sending, and
seek my money another way. Some of these kind customers
are in arrears upwards of seven years! Now as I
have served them, so long, I think it is time, ay and high
time too, that they give me my outset; for they may verily
believe that my every-day cloathes are almost worn out.
N. B. Gentlemen, If you have not ready money with you,
still think of the Printer, and when you have read this Advertisement,
and considered it, you cannot but say, Come
Dame, (especially you inquisitive wedded men, let the
Batchelors take it to themselves) let us send the poor
Printer a few Gammons or some Meal, some Butter,
Cheese, Poultry, &c. In the mean time I am Yours, &c. "Mr. Holt, As you have hitherto prov'd yourself a Friend
to Liberty, by publishing such Compositions as had a
Tendency to promote the Cause, we are encouraged to
hope you will not be deterred from continuing your useful
Paper, by groundless Fear of the detestable Stamp-Act.
However, should you at this critical Time, shut up the
Press, and basely desert us, depend upon it, your House,
Person and Effects, will be in imminent Danger: We shall
therefore, expect your Paper on Thursday as usual; if not,
on Thursday Evening—take C A R E. Signed in the
Names and by Order of a great Number of the Free-born
Sons of New-York. "The Subscriber having lately given a Hint of his Intention
to Stop this Gazette, from a base we may say villainous
Attempt to suppress the Distribution of News-Papers, from
one Government to another, made by a P. Master General
10 or 12 years ago, and lately put into Execution by one of
his Servants, (who with his Colleague first Schem'd the
Matter). This egregious Attack on the Usefulness of the
Press (which seems to be prosecuted) joined with the
Printer's private Affairs, obliges him to inform the Publick
of a total stop this Day. All other Work will still be
performed with that Dispatch and Care the Nature of the
Business will admit of.—He gives Thanks from his Heart
and not from his Tongue to all his good Encouragers, at
times, hitherto.—A singular Paper may appear at Times,
with the best Intelligences, to be sold cheap without Subscription,
English Method. Advertisements whose Times
are not expired, their Money shall be returned, if demanded,
after a proper Allowance. From such an unparalleled
Oppression, as mentioned at first, and my innate
Concerns, I am obliged to subscribe myself, The Publick's
Most Thankful and Most Obedient Humble Servant, "On the 8th inst. I received the favour of your letter of
the 30th of May. In answer to it I can only say, that your
own good judgment must direct you in the publication of
the manuscript papers of General Lee. I can have no request
to make concerning the work. I never had a difference
with that gentleman, but on public ground; and my
conduct towards him upon this occasion, was only such as
I conceived myself indispensably bound to adopt in discharge
of the public trust reposed in me. If this produced
in him unfavourable sentiments of me, I yet can never consider
the conduct I pursued with respect to him, either
wrong or improper, however I may regret that it may have
been differently viewed by him, and that it excited his censure
and animadversions. "At a Council Held at the Council-Chamber, in Boston,
on Thursday the 28th day of February, 1720 [i. e. 1721,
new style.] "The Jury find Specially, viz. If the Book entituled
a Short and Easy Method with the Deists, containing in it
a Discourse concerning Episcopacy, (published, and many
of them sold by the said Checkley) be a false and scandalous
libel; Then we find the said Checkley guilty of all
and every Part of the Indictment (excepting that supposed
to traduce and draw into dispute the undoubted Right
and Title of our Sovereign Lord, King George, to the
Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the territories
thereto belonging.) But if the said Book, containing
a discourse concerning Episcopacy, as aforesaid, be not a
false and scandalous Libel; Then we find him not guilty. "The Court having maturely advised on this Special
Verdict, are of Opinion that the said John Checkley is
guilty of publishing and selling of a false and scandalous
Libel. It's therefore considered by the Court, that the
said John Checkley shall pay a Fine of Fifty Pounds to
the King, and enter into Recognizance in the sum of One
Hundred Pounds, with two Sureties in the Sum of Fifty
Pounds each, for his good Behaviour for six Months, and
also pay costs of prosecution, standing committed until
this Sentence be performed. "The good Manners and Caution that has been observed in writing
this Paper, 'twas hoped would have prevented any occasion for Controversies
of this kind: But finding a very particular Advertisement
published by Mr. Campbell in his Boston News-Letter of the 4th
Currant, lays me under an absolute Necessity of giving the following
Answer thereunto. Mr Campbell begins in saying, The Nameless
Author—Intimating as if the not mentioning the Author's Name was
a fault; But if he will look over the Papers wrote in England (such
as the London Gazette, Post-Man, and other Papers of Reputation)
he will find their Authors so. As this part of his Advertisement is
not very material, I shall say no more thereon; but proceed to Matters
of more Moment. Mr. Campbell seems somewhat displeased that
the Author says he was removed from being Post-Master. I do hereby
declare I was the Person that wrote the said Preamble, as he calls it;
and think I could not have given his being turn'd out a softer Epithet.
And to convince him (and all Mankind) that it was so, I shall
give the following Demonstrations of it. Many Months before John
Hamilton, Esq; Deputy Post-Master General of North America displaced
the said Mr. Campbell, he received Letters from the Secretary
to the Right Honourable the Post-Master General of Great Britain,
&c., that there had been several Complaints made against him, and
therefore the removal of him from being Post-Master was, thought
necessary. Mr. Hamilton for some time delayed it, till on the 13th
of September 1718, he appointed me to succeed him, with the same
Salary and other just Allowances, according to the Establishment of
the Office; and if Mr. Campbell had any other, they were both unjust
and unwarrantable, and he ought not to mention them. As soon
as I was put into possession of the Office, Mr. Hamilton wrote a Letter
to the Right Honourable the Post-Master General, acquainting them
he had removed Mr. Campbell and appointed me in his room—Mr.
Campbell goes on; saying, I was superceded by Mr. Musgrave from
England. To make him appear also mistaken in this Point; Mr.
Hamilton not displacing him as soon as was expected, the Right Honourable
the Post-Master General appointed Mr. Philip Musgrave by
their Deputation dated June 27, 1718, to be their Deputy Post-Master
of Boston; and in a Letter brought by him from the Right Honourable
the Post-Master General to John Hamilton Esq; mention is
made, that for the many Complaints that were made against Mr.
Campbell, they had thought it fit to remove him, and appoint Mr.
Musgrave in his stead, who was nominated Post-Master of Boston
almost three months before I succeeded Mr Campbell, which has
obliged me to make it appear that he was either removed, turned out,
displaced, or superceded Twice. The last thing I am to speak to is,
Mr. Campbell says, It is amiss to represent, that People remote have
been prevented from having the News-Paper. I do pray he will
again read over my Introduction, and then he will find there is no
words there advanced, that will admit of such an Interpretation.
There is nothing herein contained but what is unquestionably True;
therefore I shall take my leave of him, wishing him all desireable
Success in his agreeable News-Letter, assuring him I have neither
Capacity nor Inclination, to answer any more of his like Advertisements. "Perhaps a long Reply may be expected from the Publisher of
this Intelligence to the Introductions of his Successor's News, especially
No. 4, the first Page whereof is almost filled with unjust Reflections,
unworthy either of his trouble to Answer, or the Candid
unprejudiced Readers to hear; who only affirms he was not turn'd
out, but resigned voluntarily in December, 1717, two years before
their first News Paper, and continued nine Months afterward, till the
13th of September, 1718, Fifteen Months before their first News,
when the Deputy Post-Master General had provided another." ☞ Since against plain matter of Fact, Mr. Campbell has charged
me a second time with unjust Reflections, unworthy either his Trouble
to answer, or the Unprejudiced Reader to hear, I do again Affirm
he was turn'd out, notwithstanding his pretended Resignation: And
I hope he will not oblige me (against my Inclination) to say Things
which perhaps may be a greater Reflection on his Candour, and to
his Ears, then to the Unprejudiced Reader's. "Province of Massachusetts Bay—To Joseph Greenleaf, of Boston,
in said province, Esq.— "At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston, Tuesday,
December 10th, 1771. "It being justly expected that what is thus offered to the Public,
should be written with a View at least, to their service, it may not
be improper, in this prefatory Paper, to let the Reader know, that
something conducive to that end, will be attempted in those which
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