| | 1 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison  | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Your recommendation of Doc.r M (illegible) was handed me some
time ago. I need not tell you that I shall always rely on your vouchers
for merit, or that I shall equally be pleased with opportunities of forwarding
your wishes. I have rec.d the few lines you dropped me from Baltimore, and
daily expect those promised from Fredg. I am made somewhat anxious
on the latter point, by the indisposition under which you were
travelling. Your favor of the 10th came to hand yesterday. I feel much
anxiety for the situation in which you found Mrs. Randolph; but it is
somewhat alleviated by the hopes which you seem to indulge. You will see by the papers herewith covered that the proposed assumption
of the State debts continues to employ the deliberations of
the House of Reps. The question seems now to be near its decision,
and unfortunately, tho' so momentous a one, is likely to turn on a very
small majority, possibly on a single vote. The measure is not only
liable to many objections of a general cast, but in its present form is
particularly unfriendly to the interests of Virginia. In this light it is
viewed by all her representatives except Col: Bland. Your favor of the 4th ult. by Col. Lee was received from his hands
on Sunday last. I have since recd. that of the 3d Instant. The
antecedent one from Alexandria, though long on the way, was recd.
some time before. In all these, I discover strong marks of the dissatisfaction
with which you behold our public prospects. Though
in several respects they do not comport with my wishes, yet I cannot
feel all the despondency which you seem to give way to. I do not
mean that I entertain much hope of the Potomac; that seems pretty
much out of sight; but that other measures in view, however improper,
will be less fatal than you imagine.2
2 Lee wrote April 3, 1790, from Berry Hill that all of Patrick Henry's
dark predictions were coming, true—that he dreaded a dissolution of
the union, but had rather submit to it than to "the rule of a fixed
insolent northern majority." Change of the seat of government to
the territorial centre, direct taxation, and the abolition of "gambling
systems of finance" might effect a change of sentiment.—Mad. MSS.
An answer to your favor of the 5th. has been delayed by my hourly
expectation of hearing from Taylor. A few days ago he came to Town
and I have had an interview and settlement with him. The balance
with the interest at 7 per Ct. was 864 dollars. He has not however
executed the conveyance for want of some chart which he could not
get here, but has entered into bond to do so by August, with good
security. As far as I can learn our bargain is a good one. Land in
the vicinity has sold in small parcells at more than 20/. I am told.
The present moment however it is said is not favorable to the market.
By waiting I think it probable it may be sold to your profit or If you
continue to be anxious to get rid of it immediately, I have no objection
to taking the whole on myself. Before you decide I would recommend
that you consult by letter some of your friends here who can
judge better than I can do, and who have more leisure & opportunity
for making the requisite enquiry into the prospect. Should you chuse
to make me the sole proprietor, it will be most convenient that the
deed be executed from Taylor to me. In that event also, I beg you
to let me know the state in which the accts. between us was left, by
your former advances for me, and my settlemts. for your furniture &c.1
1 See Madison to Monroe, March 19, 1786, ante, II, 231.
My papers on this subject are either not here or so concealed among
others that I cannot find them. I wrote some days ago to my brother Ambrose since which little has
taken place worth adding. The inclosed newspapers contain a sketch
of what has been done in the House of Reps. Your favor of the 19th. of May has been duly received. The information
relating to your little daughter has been communicated as you
desired. I hope she is by this time entirely recovered. Your friends
in Broadway were well two evenings ago. My last was to my brother A. and acknowledged the receipt of the
Diary. I inclose one for the month of April which you can compare
with your own for the same month. I enclose also a few grains of
upland rice, brought from Timor by Capt. Bligh lately distinguished
by an adventure which you must have seen in the newspapers. He
was returning from a voyage of discovery in the South seas, and turned
out of his ship with a few others by a mutinous crew in a long boat
which continued more than 40 days at sea.1
1 William Bligh, captain of the British ship Bounty. The mutiny
occurred on a voyage to Jamaica. In 1805 he was governor of New
South Wales and his authority was rebelled against.
A little rice of which the
enclosed is a part was all that he saved out of a fine collection. It will
be best to give the grains their first vegetation in a flower pot of rich
earth, and then shift the contents of the pot into the ground so as not
to disturb the roots. A few of the grains may be tried at once in the
garden in a strong soil. Dear Sir,—You will find in the inclosed papers some account of the
proceedings on the question relating to the seat of Government. The
Senate have hung up the vote for Baltimore, which, as you may suppose,
could not have been seriously meant by many who joined in it.
It is not improbable that the permanent seat may be coupled with the
"temporary one. The Potowmac stands a bad chance, and yet it is not
impossible that in the vicissitudes of the business it may turn up in
some form or other. Dear Sir,—The pressure of business as the session approaches its
term, the earlier hour at which the House of Representatives has for
some time met, and the necessity of devoting a part of the interval to
exercise, after so long a confinement, have obliged me to deny myself
the pleasure of communicating regularly with my friends. I regret
much that this violation of my wishes has unavoidably extended itself
to the correspondences on which I set the greatest value, and which,
I need not add, include yours. The regret is the greater, as I fear it
will not be in my power to atone for past omissions by more punctuality
during the residue of the session. In your goodness alone I must
consequently look for my title to indulgence. Dear Sir,—You will find by one of the Gazettes herewith sent, that
the bill fixing the permanent seat of Government on the Potowmac,
and the temporary at Philadelphia, has got through the Senate. It
passed by a single voice only, Izzard and Few having both voted
against it. Its passage through the House of Representatives is probable,
but attended with great difficulties. If the Potowmac succeeds,
even an these terms, it will have resulted from a fortuitous coincidence
of circumstances which might never happen again.1
1 The bill was passed by the House July 9th.
I have recd your's of the 9th. inclosing a letter for Mr. Chew which I
shall forward as you desire. Cong. not having closed their Session till the day before yesterday,
and the weather being extremely hot, I have thought it necessary in
order to avoid the danger of a bilious attack to which I am become
very subject, to wait here a few weeks which will render the journey
more safe, and afford me moreover the pleasure of Mr. Jeffersons company
quite to Orange. This resolution puts it out of my power to be
within the district by the time of the election, and makes it proper
that I should intimate the cause of it to a friend in each County. The
inclosed are part of the letters written for that purpose.1
1
New York Aug: 13, 1790
Dear Sir
The Session of Congs. was called yesterday. The list of acts inclosed
will give you a general idea of what has been done. The subjects
which conduced most to the length of the Session are the assumption
of the State debts, and the Seat of Government. The latter has been
decided in a manner more favorable to Virginia than was hoped.
The former will be less acceptable to that State. It has however been
purged of some of its objections and particularly of its gross injustice
to Virginia, which in a pecuniary view is little affected one way or the
other.
The Continental debt, as funded, is provided for by the impost
alone and a surplus of about a million of dollars, which will have
accumulated prior to the first payment of interest, is allotted to the
purpose of reducing, by buying up, the principal. The provision for
the State debts assumed is to be the work of the next Session in December.
It will be made, as far as can be inferred from the ideas now
prevalent, under the influences of a strong zeal to avoid direct taxes.
The Eastern States being even more averse to that mode of revenue
than the Southern, and in my judgment, with much more reason.
It was my purpose to have been within the district before the Election;
but the length of the Session has disappointed me. By pushing
directly on I might indeed now affect it. But it would be at the risk
of my health, which is not at present very firm, and would be particularly
exposed on a long & rapid journey at this season of the
year. I shall consequently remain in this place for a few weeks presuming
that the circumstance of my being present or absent will weigh
little with my constituents in deciding whether they will again confide
their interests to my representation—
With great respect & regard I am Sir
Your mo: obedt. hble St.
Js. Madison Jr.
Be so good as not to let this fall into any hands from which it may
find its way to the press.
A. Rose
G. Paine
T. Underwood
G. Thomson
W. C. Nicholas
G. Gilmer
of Louisa
Mann Page Esq.
Js. Pendleton Esq.—Mad. MSS.
I fear the
time may be short for conveying them, but hope opportunities may be
found. The letter which is not directed is meant for each one of the
gentlemen in Louisa, as you and my brother A. may think most proper
Should the High Sheriff be not improper, perhaps it would be as well
for you to address it to him. Perhaps also my brother Ambrose may
find it convenient to be at the Election in Louisa. The Letter for Col:
Pendleton will be best in the hands of my brother William who I presume
will attend in Culpeper. Two of the letters being unsealed I
refer to their contents, remaining your afft. son. The Session of Congs. was called yesterday. The list of acts inclosed
will give you a general idea of what has been done. The subjects
which conduced most to the length of the Session are the assumption
of the State debts, and the Seat of Government. The latter has been
decided in a manner more favorable to Virginia than was hoped.
The former will be less acceptable to that State. It has however been
purged of some of its objections and particularly of its gross injustice
to Virginia, which in a pecuniary view is little affected one way or the
other. We arrived here yesterday was a week without any occurrence on
the road worth mentioning. The President arrived yesterday & the
members are coming in for Congress. I have made inquiry with regard
to the articles you want, and send you the inclosed paper which
will give you information not only with respect to them, but all others
in the market here. The high price of sugar makes it advisable I
think not to purchase at present. Coffee seems low enough but I do
not see any probability of a rise that will be more than equivalent to
the loss of the money vested in an article stored away. I shall however
await your instructions on this point as well as others; or if I should
meet with a bargain on account either of cheapness or quality, perhaps
embrace it for you. Previous to my leaving N. Y., I recd. a letter from you which was
not then answered, because the subject of it required more consideration
than could then be spared and because an answer was not prompted
by anything agitated or proposed on the subject in Congress. I am
afraid that notwithstanding the interval which has passed I am still
not sufficiently prepared to do justice to your queries, some of which
are of a delicate, and all of which are of an important nature. I am
however the less concerned on this account, as I am sure that your
own reflections will have embraced every idea, which mine, if ever so
mature, could have suggested. Since the receipt of your favor of the 15th Jany, I have had the
further pleasure of seeing your valuable observations on the Bank,
more at length, in your communications to Mr. White. The subject
has been decided, contrary to your opinion, as well my own, by large
majorities in both Houses, and is now before the President.1
1 Washington debated seriously whether to sign or veto the bill,
and at his request Madison prepared the following veto message for
him:
Feby 21. 1791. Copy of a paper made out & sent to the President
at his request to be ready in case his judgment should finally decide
agst the Bill for incorporating a National Bank, the bill being then before him.
Gentlemen of the Senate
Having carefully examined and maturely considered the Bill entitled
"An Act
I am compelled by the conviction of my judgment and the duty of my
Station to return the Bill to the House in which it originated with
the following objections:
(if to the Constitutionality)
I object to the Bill because it is an essential principle of the Government
that powers not delegated by the Constitution cannot be
rightfully exercised; because the power proposed by the Bill to be
exercised is not expressly delegated; and because I cannot satisfy myself
that it results from any express power by fair and safe rules of
implication.
(if to the merits alone or in addition)
I object to the Bill because it appears to be unequal between the
public and the Institution in favor of the institution; imposing no
conditions on the latter equivalent to the stipulations assumed by the
former. [quer. if this lie within the intimation of the President]
I object to the Bill because it is in all cases the duty of the Government
to dispense its benefits to individuals with as impartial a hand
as the public interest will permit; and the Bill is in this respect unequal
to individuals holding different denominations of public Stock
and willing to become subscribers. This objection lies with particular
force against the early day appointed for opening subscriptions, which
if these should be filled as quickly as may happen, amounts to an
exclusion of those remote from the Government, in favor of those near
enough to take advantage of the opportunity.—From the Chamberlain
MSS. in the Boston Public Library.
Jefferson and Edmund Randolph in the cabinet advised the vetoing
of the bill, but Hamilton's advice prevailed and Washington signed it
February 25, 1791.
The
power of incorporating cannot by any process of safe reasoning, be
drawn within the meaning of the Constitution as an appurtenance of
any express power, and it is not pretended that it is itself an express
power. The arguments in favor of the measure, rather increased
my dislike to it because they were founded on remote implications,
which strike at the very essence of the Govt as composed of limited &
enumerated powers. The Plan is moreover liable to a variety of
other objections which you have so judiciously developed. Tomorrow will put an end to our existence. Much of the business
has been laid over to the next session which is to be held the 4th Monday
in Ocr. The most important bill lately past is that for establishing
a Bank. You will see in the inclosed gazetteer the ground on which it
was attacked & defended. The bill remained with the President to
the last moment allowed him, and was then signed by him. Since the
passage of that Bill one has passed for taking Alexa into the district
for the seat of Gov't if the Presidt finds it convenient. This is a confirmation
of that measure & passed by a very large majority. I herewith inclose by a conveyance to Fredericksburg three pamphlets
as requested by my father, the other by yourself: to which is
added a list of the seeds &c sent lately to Mr Maury, according to the
information contained in my last. I have not heard from you in
answer to my letter on the subject of Tobacco. I have informed Mr
Maury of my request to you to forward a few of the Hhds to this
place, and have requested him to ship the rest as usual to his broker
in Liverpool. I shall set out at a pretty early day from this place,
and shall in company with Mr. Jefferson go at least as far northwardly
as Lake George, with which route I shall be able to make some private
business partly my own, and partly that of a friend coincide. Whether
I shall afterwards extend my route Eastwardly I do not yet decide.
I have not yet made any purchase of sugar or coffee as desired by my
father. Both articles have fallen, the former is however still high,
the latter is tolerably cheap. I shall look at some from the Isle of
France today or tomorrow, and shall probably before I leave this
provide a supply of that article for the family to whom be so good as
to remember me affecly. Finding on my arrival at Princeton that both Docr. Witherspoon &
Smith had made excursions on the vacation, I had no motive to detain
me there; and accordingly pursuing my journey I arrived here the
day after I left Philada. my first object was to see Dorhman. He continues
to wear the face of honesty, and to profess much anxiety to
discharge the claims of Mazzei; but acknowledges that all his moveable
property has been brought under such fetters by late misfortunes
that no part of it can be applied to that use. His chief resource consisted
of money in London which has been attached, improperly as he
says, by his brother. This calamity brought on him a protest of his
bills, and this a necessity of making a compromise founded on a
hypothecation of his effects. His present reliance is on an arrangement
which appeals to the friendship of his brother, and which he
supposes his brother will not decline when recovered from the misapprehensions
which led him to lay his hands on the property in
London. A favorable turn of fortune may perhaps open a prospect of
immediate aid to Mazzei, but as far as I can penetrate, he ought to
count but little on any other resource than the ultimate security of
the Western township. I expect to have further explanations however
from Dorhman, and may then be better able to judge. I have
seen Freneau and given him a line to you.1
1 In the summer of 1791 Freneau announced his purpose of starting
a paper in New Jersey, and Madison and Henry Lee induced him to
come to Philadelphia instead. Jefferson appointed him a translator
of French in the State Department at a salary of $250 a year, and
October 31, 1791, The National Gazette appeared. See Life of Madison
(Hunt), 235, et seq.
He sets out for Philada.
today or tomorrow, though it is not improbable that he may halt in
N. Jersey. He is in the habit I find of translating the Leyden Gazette
and consequently must be fully equal to the task you had allotted for
him. He had supposed that besides this degree of skill, it might be
expected that he should be able to translate with equal propriety into
French; and under this idea, his delicacy had taken an insuperable
objection to the undertaking. Being now set right as to this particular,
and being made sensible of the advantages of Philada. over N.
Jersey for his private undertaking, his mind is taking another turn;
and if the scantiness of his capital should not be a bar, I think he will
establish himself in the former. At all events he will give his friends
then an opportunity of aiding his decision by their information &
counsel. The more I learn of his character talents and principles, the
more I should regret his burying himself in the obscurity he had
chosen in N. Jersey. It is certain that there is not to be found in the
whole catalogue of American Printers, a single name that can approach
towards a rivalship. Your favor of the 9th was recd. last evening. To my thanks for the
Several inclosures I must add a request that the letter to Boynton
which came in one of them may be handed to him by one of your
servants. The directory will point out his habitation. I received your favor of the 21st yesterday, inclosing post notes for
235 dollars. I shall obtain the bills of Mrs Elsworth4
4 Dorothy Ellsworth, wife of Verdine Ellsworth. She kept a boarding
house on Maiden Lane where Madison lived.
& the Smith
this afternoon and will let you know the amount of them. There is
a bill from the Taylor amounting to £6,—7 which I shall pay. The
articles for which it is due are in my hands and will be forwarded by
the first opportunity. If a good one should fall within your notice,
it may be well for you to double the chance of a conveyance by giving
a commission for the purpose. I have applied to Rivington for the
Book but the only copies in Town seem to be of the 8th Edition. This
however is advertised as "enlarged &c by the Author," who I am told
by Berry & Rogers is now living & a correspondent of theirs. It is
not improbable therefore that your reason for preferring the 6th Ed:
may be stronger in favor of this. Let me know your pleasure on the
subject & it shall be obeyed. By a Capt: Simms who setts off this afternoon in the Stage for
Philadelphia I forward the Bundle of Cloaths from the Taylor. His
bill is inclosed with that of Mrs Elseworth including the payment to
the Smith. Your favor of the 29th. of May never came to hand till yesterday
when it fell in with me at this place. My brother's of nearly the same
date had done so a few days before. My answer to his went by the
last mail. I refer to it for the information yours requests. I had indeed
long before advised you both to ship to Leiper all the good Tobacco
of your crops. It is certainly the best you can do with it. Your favour of the 6th. came to hand on friday. I went yesterday to
the person who advertised the Maple Sugar for the purpose of executing
your comission on that subject. He tells me that the cargo is
not yet arrived from Albany, but is every hour expected; that it will
not be sold in parcels of less than 15 or 16 hundred lbs & only at
auction, but that the purchasers will of course deal it out in smaller
quantities; that a part is grained and a part not; and that the price
of the former will probably be regulated by that of good Muscavado
which sells at about £5 N. Y. Currency a Ct. I shall probably be at
Flushing in two or three days and have an opportunity of executing
your other Com̃issions on the spot. In case of disappointment, I
shall send the Letter & money to Prince by the best conveyance to be
had. The Maple Seed is not arrived. The Birch Bark has been in
my hands some days and will be forwarded as you suggested. I received last evening your very kind enquiries after my health.
My last will have informed you of the state of it then. I continue to
be incommoded by several different shapes of the bile; but not in a
degree that can now be called serious. If the present excessive heat
should not augment the energy of the cause, I consider myself as in a
good way to get rid soon of its effects. It being probable that I shall leave this place early in the ensuing
week I drop you an intimation of it, that you may keep back my
letters that may fall into your hands for me, or that you might intend
to favor me with. It take the liberty of putting the inclosed into your hands that in
case Col: Lee should have left Philada. the contents may find their way
to Col: Fisher who is most interested in them. And I leave it open
for the same purpose. The Attorney will be a fit channel in the event
of Col: Lee's departure, for conveying the information. We arrived here yesterday morning was a week, having been obliged
to push through the bad weather by the discovery first made at Mount
Vernon that the meeting of Congress was a week earlier than was calculated
at our setting out. The President had been under the same
mistake, and had but just been apprized of it. Many others had
equally miscalculated. The delay in acknowledging your letter of the 6th June last proceeded
from the cause you conjectured. I did not receive it till a few
days ago, when it was put into my hands by Mr. James Pemberton,
along with your subsequent letter of the 8th August.1
1 Pleasants was a Quaker and wrote in behalf of "The Humane or
Abolition Society" of Virginia, saying in his letter of June 6,—"believing
thou [Madison] art a friend to general liberty,"—he had a
strong desire to have a scheme of general emancipation in the state.
"Knowing the sentiments of divers slave-holders, who are favorable to
the design, I wish to have thy judgment on the propriety of a Petition
to our assembly for a law declaring the children of slaves to be born
after the passing such act, to be free at the usual ages of eighteen and
twenty-one years; and to enjoy such privileges as may be consistent
with justice and sound policy."—Mad. MSS. The leading minds of
virginia were in favour of emancipation. See Randall's Jefferson, i., 227.
The memorial against the militia bill was presented November 23.
I recd yesterday a letter from my brother Ambrose which gave me
the first information I have had since I left home concerning the state
of my mothers health. I am extremely glad to find she had so much
mended and hope her health may continue to grow better. I have received your favor of the 8th & handed to Freneau the subscriptions
inclosed for him. His paper in the opinion here justifies
the expectations of his friends and merits the diffusive circulation they
have endeavoured to procure it. You already know the fate of the apportionment Bill—the subject
was revived in the Senate, but I understand has been suspended in
order to give an opportunity to the house of Reps. to procede in a
second Bill if it pleases—Nothing however has been done in it, and it
is difficult to say when or in what form the business will be resumed—
The subject most immediately in hand in the House of Reps. is the
Post office Bill, which has consumed much time and is still in an unfinished
state—you see in the Newspapers historical sketches of its
progress— Your favor of the 8th did not come to hand till this afternoon. I
thank you for the very just & interesting observations contained in it.
I have not yet met with an opportunity of forwarding the Report on
Manufactures; nor has that subject been yet regularly taken up.
The constitutional doctrine however advanced in the Report, has
been anticipated on another occasion, by its zealous friends; and I
was drawn into a few hasty animadversions the substance of which
you will find in one of the inclosed papers. It gives me great pleasure
to find my exposition of the Constitution so well supported by yours. The last letter recd. from you was that of Feby. I. Since my answer
to that the state of the roads & rivers has been such as to render the
conveyance of letters very tedious if not uncertain, and thence to produce
the interval between that date & the present. I now inclose
5nos. of the National Gazette—which continue the intelligence through
out the period of my silence—You will find noticed the progress of the
business in Cons. and particularly the bills that have passed into laws.
The representation-bill which as it went to the Senate proposed again
the simple ratio of 1 for 30,000 applied to the respective members in
each state, and a second census within a short time to be followed by
a like ratio, has come back with the latter provision struck out, and
the former so altered as to make the number of Reps. amount to 120,
instead of 112. This is the more extraordinary as the No. 112 was considered
before as too great and a ratio of 1 for 33,000 insisted on &
the bill sacrificed to it. The secret of the business is that by these
different rules the relative number of Eastn. & Southn. members is
varied. The number of 120 is made out by applying 1 for 30,000 to
the aggregate population of the U. S. and allowing to fractions of
certain amount an additional member.1
1Washington vetoed the bill April 5, 1792, because it made an
uneven proportion and allowed eight states more representatives than
1 to every 30,000 of their inhabitants.—Messages and Papers of the
Presidents, i., 124.
Col. Wadsworth2
2 Jeremiah Wadsworth, a representative.
of Connecticut wishes to procure a Barrel or half
Barrel of the best Peach Brandy, & I have undertaken to use my
efforts for the purpose. If it can be got at all it is probably in our
neighbourhood. I recollect particularly that Col Geo. Taylor had
some that we thought good & which is perhaps to be obtained. If
that or any better can be had I shall be glad that one of my brothers
would take the trouble of engaging it & having it forwarded. The
older the better provided the quality be excellent. If age be wanting,
the quality should be such as will be made excellent by age. To secure
it against fraud, it is desired that the cask be cased with an outer one;
the cask itself to be of wood that will give it no ill taste. The price
will not be considered so much as the character of the spirits, it being
for the use of the gentleman himself—If no brandy be on hand that
will do, perhaps the ensuing fall if the peaches be not destroyed, may
supply the defect. In that case it might be well to speak in time to
some person & have a barrel distilled with special care for the purpose.
The brandy is to be shipped from Fredericksburg addressed to
Watson & Greenleaf at New York—for Col. Wadsworth Mr. Maury or
Mr. Glassell will forward it if sent to either of them. I have nothing
to add to the papers enclosed having written a few days ago, & being
now in haste. In consequence of a note this morning from the President, requesting
me to call on him I did so; when he opened the conversation by observing,
that having some time ago communicated to me his intention of
retiring from public life on the expiration of his four years, he wished
to advise with me on the mode and time most proper for making known
that intention. He had he said spoken with no one yet on those
particular points, and took this opportunity of mentioning them to me,
that I might consider the matter, and give him my opinion, before the
adjournment of Congress, or my departure from Philadelphia. He
had he said forborne to communicate his intentions to any other
persons whatever, but Mr. Jefferson, Col. Hamilton, General Knox,
and myself, and of late to Mr. Randolph. Col. Hamilton and Genl.
Knox he observed were extremely importunate that he should relinquish
his purpose, and had made pressing representations to induce
him to it Mr. Jefferson had expressed his wishes to the like effect. He
had not however persuaded himself that his continuance in Public life
could be of so much necessity or importance as was conceived, and his
disinclination to it was becoming every day more & more fixed; so
that he wished to make up his mind as soon as possible on the points
he had mentioned. What he desired was to prefer that mode which
would be most remote from the appearance of arrogantly presuming
on his re-election in case he should not withdraw himself, and such a
time as would be most convenient to the Public in making the choice
of his successor. It had he said at first occurred to him, that the commencement
of the ensuing Session of Congress would furnish him with
an apt occasion for introducing the intimation, but besides the lateness
of the day, he was apprehensive that it might possibly produce
some notice in the reply of Congress that might entangle him in
farther explanations. Having been left to myself for some days past, I have made use of
the opportunity for bestowing on your letter of the 20th Ult, handed
to me on the road, the attention which its important contents claimed.
The questions which it presents for consideration are—1. at what time
a notification of your purpose to retire will be most convenient? 2
what mode will be most eligible? 3 whether a valedictory address will
be requisite or advisable? 4. if either, whether it would be more
properly annexed to the notification or postponed to your actual
retirement. Your favor of the 12 Ult having arrived during an excursion into
Albemarle, I did not receive it till my return on yesterday. I lose not
a moment in thanking you for it, particularly for the very friendly
paragraph in the publication in Fenno's paper. As I do not get his
paper here, it was by accident I first saw this extraordinary manouvre
of calumny, the quarter, the motive, and the object of which speak of
themselves. As it respects Mr. Jefferson I have no doubt that it will
be of service both to him & the public, if it should lead to such an investigation
of his political opinions and character as may be expected.
With respect to myself the consequence in a public view, is of little
account. In any view, there could not have been a charge founded
on a grosser perversion of facts, & consequently against which I could
feel myself more invulnerable. I am just favored with yours of the 28th Ult. I wish I could remove
your anxiety for the French. The last accounts are so imperfect &
contradictory that it is difficult to make anything of them. They
come also thro' the Brussels & English channels, which increases
the uncertainty. It appears on the whole that the combination agst.
the revolution, and particularly agst. their new Republic, is extremely
formidable, and that there is still greater danger within from the
follies and barbarities which prevail in Paris. On the other hand it
seems tolerably clear that the nation is united against Royalty, and
well disposed to second the Government in the means of defence. At
this distance it is impossible to appreciate particular measures, or
foresee the turn which things may finally take. . . . As I intimated in my last I have forced myself into the
task of a reply. I can truly say I find it the most grating one I ever
experienced; and the more so as I feel at every step I take the want of
counsel on some points of delicacy as well as of information as to sundry
matters of fact. I shall be still more sensible of the latter want
when I get to the attack on French proceedings, & perhaps to the last
topic proposed by the writer, if I ever do get to it. As yet I have but
roughly and partially gone over the first; & being obliged to proceed
in scraps of time, with a distaste to the subject, and a distressing
lassitude from the excessive & continued heat of the season, I cannot
say when I shall finish even that. One thing that particularly vexes
me is that I foreknow from the prolixity & pertinacity of the writer,
that the business will not be terminated by a single fire, and of course
that I must return to the charge in order to prevent a triumph without
a victory.1
1 Hamilton did not reply.
. . . Your acct of the ticklish situation with respect to Genet
in the 14th is truly distressing. His folly would almost beget suspicions
of the worst sort. The consequences you point out in case
matters come to an extremity are so certain & obvious that it is hardly
conceivable he can be blind to them. Something must be done if
possible to get him into a better train. I find by the paper of the 27,
that Pacificus has entered & I suppose closed his last topic. I think
it a feeble defence of one important point I am striking at: viz., the
making a declaration in his sense of it, before the arrival of Genet.
I argue that the Act does not import a decision agst the cas: fed:
from the manifest impropriety of doing so on the ground that France
was the aggressor in every war, without at least waiting for evidence
as to the question of fact who made the first attack admitting for the
sake of argt that to be the intention. A difficulty has occurred which
will retard my remarks more than I expected. They must be prepared
for the same Gazette consequently copied into another hand.
I am laying a plan for havg. it done here, but it cannot be done as
quickly as I wish.—Mad. MSS. The task on which you have put me, must be abridged so as not to
go beyond that period. You will see that the first topic is not yet
compleated. I hope the 2d, & 3d, to wit the meang of the Treaty &
the obligations of gratitude will be less essential. The former is
particularly delicate; and tho' I think it may be put in a light that
wd. reflect ignominy on the author of P., yet I had rather not meddle
with the subject if it cd. be avoided. I cannot say when I shall be able
to take up those two parts of the job. Just as I was embarking in the
general subject I recd. from the reputed Author of Franklyn a large
pamphlet written by him agst the fiscal system, particularly the
Bank; which I could not but attend to. It is put on a footing that
requires me to communicate personally with Monroe, whom I ought
to have seen before this, as the publication of the work is to be contrived
for the Author. It really has merit, always for its ingenuity,
generally for its solidity, and is enriched with many fine strokes of
imagination, and a continued vein of pleasantry & keen satire, that
will sting deeply. I have recd. a letter from the Author, wishing to
hear from me. I must therefore take a ride as far as Charlottesville
as soon as I make out the next packet for you, and suspend the residue
of the business till I return. I shall endeavour in my absence to
fulfill a promise to Wilson Nicholas which will lengthen the suspension.
I forwd. to F. a copy of the little thing of Ld Ch.; the last sentence is
struck out as not necessary, and which may perhaps wound too indiscriminately
certain characters not at present interested in supporting
public corruptions. . . . . . . This hurries me; And has forced me to hurry what will be
inclosed herewith, particularly the last N°. V, which required particular
care in the execution. I shall be obliged to leave that & the greater
part of the other Nos to be transcrd, sealed up & forwarded in my
absence. It is certain therefore that many little errors will take place.
As I cannot let them be detained till I return, I must pray you to make
such corrections as will not betray your hand. In pointing & erasures
not breaking the sense, there will be no difficulty. I have already
requested you to make free with the latter.2
2 Jefferson wrote, September 1, that he was "never more charmed
with anything," and that he had changed nothing, except a part of one
sentence.—Writings (Ford), vi., 402.
You will find more
quotations from the Fedt. Dash them out if you think the most
squeamish critic could object to them. In N°. 5. I suggest to your
attention a long preliminary remark into which I suffered myself to be
led before I was aware of the prolixity. As the piece is full long
without it, it had probably better be lopped off. The propriety of the
two last paragraphs claims your particular criticism. I wd not have
hazarded them without the prospect of your revisal, & if proper your
erasure. That which regards Spain &c may contain unsound reasoning,
or be too delicate to be touched in a Newspaper. The propriety
of the last, as to the President's answers to addressers depends on the
truth of the fact, of which you can judge. I am not sure that I have
seen all the answers. My last was of the 12th, & covered the 2 first
Nos. of H[elvidiu]s. I am assured that it was put into the post office
on tuesday evening. It ought therefore to have reached you on
saturday last. As an oppy to Fredg may happen before more than the
3d No. may be transcribed, it is possible that this may be accompanied
by that alone. . . .—Mad. MSS. I left home the day before yesterday which was the date of my last,
it was to be accompanied by 2 & perhaps tho' not probably 3 additional
Nos of H-l-v-d-s. The last to wit N°. 5, contained two paragraphs
the one relating to the accession of S. & P. to the war against F. the
other to the answers of the P. to the addresses on his proclamation,
which I particularly requested you to revise, and if improper, to
erase. The whole piece was more hurried than it ought to have been,
and these paragraphs penned in the instant of my setting out which had
been delayed as late as would leave enough of the day for the journey.
I mention this as the only apology for the gross error of fact committed
with respect to the term neutrality, which it is asserted the P. has not
used in any of his answers. I find on looking into them here, that he
used it in the first of all, to the Merchts of Philada, and in one other
out of three which I have examined. I must make my conditional
request therefore an absolute one as to that passage. If he should
forbear the use of the term in all his answers subsequent to the perversion
of it by Pacificus, it will strengthen the argument used; but
that must be a future & contingent consideration. . . .—Mad.
MSS. I wrote you a few lines by the last post from this place just to
apprise you of my movement to it. I have since seen the Richmond &
the Philada papers containing, the latter the certificate of Jay & King
& the publications relating to the subject of it, the [former,] latter, the
proceedings at Richmond dictated no doubt by the cabal at Philada.
It is painful to observe the success of the management for putting
Wythe at the head of them. I understand however that a considerable
revolution has taken place in his political sentiments under the
influence of some disgusts he has received from the State Legislature.
By what has appeared I discover that a determination has been
formed to drag before the public the indiscretions of Genet; and
turn them & the popularity of the P. to the purposes driven at. Some
impression will be made here of course. A plan is evidently laid in
Richd to render it extensive. If an early & well-digested effort for
calling out the real sense of the people be not made, there is room to
apprehend they may in many places be misled. This has employed the
conversation of—& myself. We shall endeavor at some means
of repelling the danger; particularly by setting on foot expressions of
the public mind in important Counties, and under the auspices of
respectable names. I have written with this view to Caroline, and
have suggested a proper train of ideas, and a wish that Mr. P. would
patronize the measure. Such an example would have great effect.
Even if it shd not be followed it would be considered as an authentic
specimen of the Country temper; and would put other places on their
guard agst the snares that may be laid for them. The want of opportunities,
and our ignorance of trustworthy characters, will circumscribe
our efforts in this way to a very narrow compass. The rains
for several days have delayed my trip to the Gentleman named in my
last. Unless to-morrow shd be a favorable day, I shall be obliged to
decline it altogether. In two or three days I shall be in a situation to
receive & answer your letters as usual. That by Mr. D R. has not yet
reached me.—Mad. MSS. . . . The Newspapers will inform you that the call for the
Treaty papers was carried by 62 agst 37. You will find the answer of
the President herewith inclosed. The absolute refusal was as unexpected
as the tone & tenor of the message are improper & indelicate.
If you do not at once perceive the drift of the appeal to the Gen1 Convention
& its journal, recollect one of Camillus' last numbers, & read
the latter part of Murray's speech. There is little doubt in my mind
that the message came from N. Y., when it was seen that an experiment
was to be made, at the hazard of the P., to save the faction agst
the Reps of the people. The effect of this reprehensible measure on
the majority is not likely to correspond with the calculation of its
authors. I think there will be sufficient firmness to face it with resolutions
declaring the Const1 powers of the House as to Treaties, and
that in applying for papers, they are not obliged to state their reasons
to the Executive. In order to preserve this firmness however, it is
necessary to avoid as much as possible an overt rencontre with the
Executive. The day after the message was recd, the bill guarantying
the loan for the federal City, was carried thro' the H. of Reps by a
swimming majority. . . . . . . Many of the means1
1 Italics for cypher.
by which this majority was brought abt
will occur to you. But it is to be ascribed principally to an appeal to
petitions under the mercantile influence, & the alarm of war. A circular
letter from the Merchts of Phila gave the signal to all other towns. The
people were everywhere called on to chuse between peace & war, & to
side with the Treaty if they preferred the former. This stratagem produced
in many places a fever & in New Engd a delirium for the Treaty wh
soon covered the table with petitions. The counter petitions, tho powerful
from Phila, & respectable from some other quarters did not keep pace.
Indeed there was not time for distant parts where the Treaty was odious
to express their sentiments before the occ was over. Besides the alarm
of war in the smaller States, a great excitement was produced in them
by the appeal of the Pr in his message, to their particular interest in the
powers of the Senate. What the effect of this whole business will be on
the public mind cannot yet be traced with certainty. For the moment at
least it presses hard on the republican interest. It probably would have
been better if the great majority existing at one moment had been taken
advantage of for a strong preface in the tone of Dearborn, and if the
Treaty party had then carried their object with the consequences on their
own heads. The final turn of the majority ought at least to have been
sooner prepared for. This was in fact contemplated. But before some
were ripe for the arrangement others were rotten. As soon as the subject
was finished, an explanatory article, signed by Bond & Picketing,
marked with sundry curious features, was laid before the Senate, & has,
been ratified. The avowed object is to declare that the Indian Treaty
which requires a special license to Traders residing at the Indian
Towns shall not affect the Brith privileges, under the third article. This
when known by the public, will justify an important ground of opposition
to the Treaty. Adèt seems to have conducted himself with great circumspection
throughout the crisis here, nor do I know what or whether
anything escapes him since the conclusion of it. It will be deeply interesting
to know how France will take it all. I hope no rash councils will
prevail with her. You can foresee the consequences of such here. Whilst
the war lasts Engld will command most attention, because she can do
this country most harm. In peace, Fr will command most attention,
because she can do it most good. This view of the subject, may perhaps
be worth your development on fit occasions. Among the bills just
passed the H. of Reps is one prohibiting the sale of prizes in our ports.
It did not pass without doubts & opposition. The real object with
most was to protect Spanish & Dutch vessels as much as possible, on
the supposition that the British Treaty protected hers in this respect
agst all nations. It is now generally understood that the President
will retire. Jefferson is the object on one side A dams apparently on the
other. The secondary object still unsettled. The general result is rendered
doubtful by the probable complexion of the New York legislature, and
by a late law of Pen for chusing Electors by a genl ticket. If the decision
should result to the House of Rs it will be safe. . . .—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—I inclose a draught on Genl Moylan, out of which you
will be pleased to pay yourself the price of the Nails, £48-11. 3d.,
Va. Cy to let Barnes have as much as will discharge the balance I owe
him, & to let what may remain lie till I write to you again. I did not receive your last favor of the 16th Ult° till the mail after
it was due, with the further delay of its coming by the way of Charlottesville.
The last mail brought me not a single Newspaper, tho'
it was before in arrears. That there is foul play with them I have no
doubt. When it really happens that the entire Mass cannot be conveyed,
I suspect that the favorite papers are selected, and the others
laid by; and that when there is no real difficulty the pretext makes
room for the same partiality. The idea of publishing the Debates of
the Convention ought to be well weighed before the expediency of
it, in a public as well as personal view be decided on. Besides the
intimate connection between them the whole volume ought to be examined
with an eye to the use of which every part is susceptible. In
the Despotism at present exercised over the rules of construction, and
[illegible] reports of the proceedings that would perhaps be made out
& mustered for the occasion, it is a problem what turn might be given
to the impression on the public mind. But I shall be better able
to form & explain my opinion by the time, which now approaches
when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you. And you will have the
advantage of looking into the sheets attentively before you finally
make up your own. I have had a glance at Gerry's communications
& P.s Report on it. It is impossible for any man of candor not to see
in the former an anxious desire on the part of France for accommodation,
mixed with the feelings which Gerry satisfactorily explains. The
latter a narrow understanding and a most malignant heart. Taken,
however, in combination with preceding transactions, it is a link that
fits the chain. The P could not do less in his speech than allow
France an option of peace, nor his Minister do more than to insult
& exasperate her if possible, into a refusal of it. My promise to write to you before your leaving Albemarle was defeated
by a dysenteric attack, which laid me up for about a week,
and which left me ia a state of debility not yet thoroughly removed.
My recovery has been much retarded by the job of preparing a vindication
of the Resolutions of last Session agst the replies of the other
States, and the sophistries from other quarters. The Committee
made their report a few days ago, which is now in the press and stands
the order of the day for thursday next. A set of Resolutions proposed
by Mr. Giles, instructing the Senators to urge the repeal of the unconstl
acts, the disbanding of the army, and a proper arrangement of the
militia, are also in the press, and stand the order of the same day for
the same Committee. It is supposed that both these papers, the latter
perhaps with some modifications, will go through the H. of Delegates.
The Senate, owing to inattention & casualties, is so composed as to
render the event there not a little uncertain. If an election, to fill the
vacancy of Mr. H. Nelson who lately resigned, should send Mr. Andrews
in preference to his competitor Mr. Saunders, I am told that
the parties will be precisely in equilibrio, excepting only one or two
whom circumstances now & then on particular questions, transfer from
the wrong to the right side. It is hoped that this contingent fund of
votes, will be applicable to the Vindication. On other important
questions, there is much less expectation from it. There is a report
here that the Legislature of N. Carolina now in session, have voted
the Resolutions of Virginia under their table. The report is highly improbable,
and I do not believe it. But it is impossible to calculate the
progress of delusion, especially in a State where it is said to be under
systematic management, and where there is so little either of system or
exertion opposed to it. We had a narrow escape yesterday from an
increase of pay to the members, which would have been particularly
unseasonable & injurious both within & without the State. It was
rejected on the third reading by a small majority; and was so much a
favorite, with the distant members particularly, that I fear it has left
them in rather an ill humour. My last covered a copy of the Report on the Resolutions of last
year. I now inclose a copy of certain resolutions moved by Mr. Giles,
to which he means to add an instruction on the subject of the intercourse
law which has been so injurious to the price of Tobo. It is not
improbable that the Resolutions when taken up, may undergo some
mollifications, in the spirit and air of them. The Report has been
under debate for two days. The attacks on it have turned chiefly on
an alleged inconsistency between the comment now made and the
arguments of the last session, and on the right of the Legislature to
interfere in any manner with denunciations of the measures of the
Genl Govt. The first attack has been parried by an amendment admitting
that different constructions may have been entertained
of the term "States" as "parties" &c but that the sense relied
on in the report must be concurred in by all. It is in fact concurred
in by both parties. On examination of the Debates of the last
session, it appears that both were equally inaccurate & inconsistent in
the grounds formerly taken by them. The attack on the right of the
Legislature to interfere by declaration of opinion will form a material
point in the discussion. It is not yet known how far the opposition to
the Report will be carried into detail. The part relating to the Common
law it is said will certainly be combated. You will perceive
from this view of the matter, that it is not possible to guess how long,
we shall be employed on it. There will in the event be a considerable
majority for the Report in the House of Delegates, and a pretty sure
one in the Senate. Can you send me a copy of Priestly's letters last
published.—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—The question on the Report printed, was decided by 60
for & 40 agst it, the day before yesterday, after a debate of five days.
Yesterday & to-day have been spent on Mr. Giles' propositions, which
with some softenings will probably pass, by nearly the same vote.
The Senate is in rather a better state than was expected. The Debate
turned almost wholly on the right of the Legislature to protest. The
Constitutionality of the Alien & Sedition Acts & of the C. Law was
waived. It was said that the last question would be discussed under
Mr. Giles' propositions; but as yet nothing has been urged in its
favour. It is probable however that the intention has not been laid
aside. I thank you for the pamphlets.—Mad. MSS. Dear Sir,—My last informed you of the result of the debates on
the justifying Report of the Select Committee. I am now able to add
that of Mr. Giles's resolutions. The question on the whole was decided
in the affirmative by a little upwards of a hundred against less
than fifty. The vote was rather stronger on some of the particular
resolutions, for example the instruction for disbanding the army.
The alien sedition & Tobacco instructions passed without a count or
a division. That relating to the common law, passed unanimously
with an amendment qualifying it in the words of the paragraph in the
Justifying Report under which certain defined parts of the C. L. are
admitted to be the law of the U. S. This amendment was moved by
the minority on the idea that it covers the doctrine they contend for.
On our side it is considered as a guarded exposition of the powers expressed
in the Constn. and those necessary & proper to carry them
into execution. I am not able to say in what manner they misconstrue
the definition, unless they apply the term "adopt" to the "Court"
which would be equally absurd & unconstitutional. The Judges themselves
will hardly contend that they can adopt a law, that is, make that
law which was before not law. The difference in the majority on the
Report & the resolutions, was occasioned chiefly by the pledge given
agst the former by the members who voted agst the Resolutions of last
year. The resolutions also underwent some improvements, which
reconciled many to them who were not satisfied with their first tone
& form. It is understood that the present assembly is rather stronger
on the republican side than the last one: and that a few favorable
changes have taken place in the course of the session. It is proposed
to introduce to-morrow a bill for a general ticket in chusing the next
Electors. I expect to leave this in a week; so that your subsequent
favors will find me in Orange. Dear Sir,—Since my last the Senate have agreed to the Report &
the Resolution by 15 to 6. To the latter, they made an amend to the
definition of the portion of C. L. in force in the U. S. by inserting the
words "by Congress" after the word "adopted," in order to repel the
misconstruction which led the minority to concur in that particular
resolution as it passed the H. of D. The amendt was agreed to by 82
to 40. The plan of a Gen1 Ticket was so novel that a great n°. who
wished it shrunk from the vote, and others apprehending that their
Constts would be still more startled at it voted agst it, so that it passed
by a majority of 5 votes only. The event in the Senate is rather
doubtful; tho' it is expected to get thro'. As the avowed object of it
is to give Virga. fair play, I think if passed into a law, it will with proper
explanations become popular. I expect to get away abt the middle
of the week. The Assembly will rise perhaps at the end of it; tho'
possibly not so soon. I forgot to tell you that a renewed effort to
raise the pay of the members to 3 drs. has succeeded; a measure wrong
in principle, and which will be hurtful in its operation. I have desired
Barnes to pay you a balance in his hands, out of which you will
please to pay yourself the balance due to your Nailory.—Mad. MSS. My Dear Sir,—I cannot at so late a day acknowledge your two
favors of [blank] without an explanation, which I am sure your goodness
will accept as an apology. Having brought with me to this
place a very feeble state of health, and finding the mass of business in
the department, at all times considerable, swelled to an unusual size
by sundry temporary causes, it became absolutely necessary to devote
the whole of my time & pen to my public duties, and consequently
to suspend my private correspondences altogether, notwithstanding
the arrears daily accumulating. To this resolution I have thus far
adhered. I must now endeavor to make some atonement for the
delay, and your case is among the first that is suggested both by
obligation & inclination. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
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