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61Author:  Howe Henry 1816-1893Requires cookie*
 Title:  Historical collections of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: The term of service for which the Petersburg Volunteers were engaged having expired, they are permitted to commence their march to Virginia, as soon as they can be transported to the south side of the lake. George W. Smith, governor, A. B. Venable, president of the bank, Benjamin Botts, wife, and niece, Mrs. Tayloe Braxton, Mrs. Patterson, Mrs. Gallego, Miss Conyers, Lieut. J. Gibbon, in attempting to save Miss Conyers; Mrs. E. Page, Miss Louisa Mayo, Mrs. William Cook, Miss Elvina Coutts, Mrs. John Lesley, Miss M. Nelson, Miss Nelson, Miss Page, Wm. Brown, Miss Julia Hervey, Miss Whitlock, George Dixon, A. Marshall (of Wythe) broke his neck in attempting to jump from a window, Miss Ann Craig, Miss Stevenson, (of Spottsylvania,) Mrs. Gibson, Miss Maria Hunter, Mrs. Mary Davis, Miss Gerard, Thomas Lecroix, Jane Wade, Mrs. Picket, Mrs. Heron, Mrs. Laforest and niece, Jo. Jacobs, Miss Jacobs, Miss. A. Bausman, Miss M. Marks, Edward Wanton, Jr., two Misses Trouins, Mrs. Gerer, Mrs. Elicott, Miss Patsey Griffin, Mrs. Moss and daughter, Miss Littlepage, Miss Rebecca Cook, Mrs. Girardin and two children, Miss Margaret Copeland, Miss Gwathmey, Miss Clay, daughter of M. Clay, member of Congress, Miss Gatewood, Mrs. Thomas Wilson, Wm. Southgate, Mrs. Robert Greenhow, Mrs. Convert and child, Miss Green, Miss C. Raphael. Whereas on complaint of Luke Hill in behalf of her Magesty yt. now is agt. Grace Sherrwood for a peson suspected of withcraft & having had sundey: evidences sworne agt: her proving many cercumstances & which she could not make any excuse or little or nothing to say in her own behalf only seemed to rely on wt. ye. Court should doe & thereupon consented to be tryed in ye. water & likewise to be serched againe wth. experimts: being tryed & she swiming Wn. therein & bound contrary to custom & ye. Judgts. of all the spectators & afterwards being serched by ffive antient weamen who have all declared on oath yt. she is not like ym: nor noe other woman yt. they knew of having two things like titts on her private parts of a Black coller being blacker yn: ye: rest of her body all wth: cercumstance ye. Court weighing in their consideracon doe therefore ordr. yt. ye. Sherr: take ye. sd. Grace into his costody & to comit her body to ye. common Joal of this County their to secure her by irons or otherwise there to remain till such time as he shall be otherwise directed in ordr. for her coming to ye. common goal of ye: Countey to be brought to a ffuture tryall there. "Our proposition to the Cherokee chiefs to visit Congress, for the purpose of preventing or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too late. The storm had gathered to a head when Major Martin (the agent) had got back. It was determined, therefore, to carry the war into their country, rather than wait it in ours; and I have it in my power to inform you that, thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been successful. I enclose the particulars as reported to me." Col. Arthur Campbell's report to Mr. Jefferson is dated Washington county, Jan. 15, 1781. "The militia (he says) of this and the two western North Carolina counties (now Tennessee) have been fortunate enough to frustrate the designs of the Cherokees. On my reaching the frontiers, I found the Indians meant to annoy us by small parties. To resist them effectually, the apparently best measure was to transfer the war without delay into their own borders. "York county October ye 26th, 1696. I promise to give five pounds sterling towards building the cott. house at Yorké Town, and twenty pounds sterl'g if within two years they build a brick church att the same towne. As witness my hand ye day and year above written.
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62Author:  Smithey Royall Bascom 1851-Requires cookie*
 Title:  History of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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63Author:  Howison Robert R. (Robert Reid) 1820-1906Requires cookie*
 Title:  A history of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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64Author:  Howison Robert R. (Robert Reid) 1820-1906Requires cookie*
 Title:  A history of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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65Author:  Bouldin Powhatan 1830-1907Requires cookie*
 Title:  Home reminiscences of John Randolph  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: JOHN RANDOLPH was the most remarkable character that this country has ever produced; indeed, it is doubted whether there ever lived in any country a man so brilliant and at the same time so eccentric. A great deal has been written concerning him, and yet the public curiosity has been by no means satisfied. We purpose to add our contribution, which is composed in a great measure of the recollections of his old constituents and neighbors. But, before entering upon our proper task of home reminiscences, let us give an outline of our subject, reserving future chapters for the completion of the picture. If it should meet your view I will preach the funeral of your servant Billy at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the second Sabbath in September. Such of your black people as may attend the meeting at Mossingford on that day may reach your house by that time, and the meeting will be closed in time for them to reach their homes by night. "Indeed, my attention had been, in some measure, distracted by the scene of distress which my house has exhibited for some time past. Mr. Curd breathed his last on Thursday morning, half past three o'clock, after a most severe illness, which lasted sixteen days. I insisted on his coming up here, where he had every possible aid, that the best medical aid, and most assiduous nursing could afford him. During the last week of his sickness I was never absent from the house but twice, about an hour each time, for air and exercise; I sat up with him, and gave him almost all of his medicines, with my own hand, and saw that every possible attention was paid to him. This is to me an unspeakable comfort, and it pleased God to support me under this trying scene, by granting me better health than I had experienced for seven years. On Thursday evening I followed him to the grave; and soon after, the effects of the fatigue and distress of mind that I had suffered, prostrated my strength and spirits, and I became ill. Three successive nights of watching were too much for my system to endure; I was with him, when he died without a groan or a change of feature." I understand several expressions have escaped you, in their nature personal and highly injurious to my reputation. The exceptionable language imputed to you may be briefly and substantially comprised in the following statements: That you have avowed the opinion that I was a rogue—that you have ascribed to me the infernal disposition to commit murder to prevent the exposition of my sinister designs, and through me have stigmatized those citizen soldiers who compose the military corps of our country. No person can be more sensible of the pernicious tendency of such cruel and undeserved reflections in their application to public men, or private individuals than yourself; nor is any man more competent to determine the just reparation to which they establish a fair claim. Under these impressions I have no hesitation to appeal to your justice, your magnanimity and your gallantry, to prescribe the manner of redress, being persuaded your decision will comport with the feelings of a man of honor—that you will be found equally prompt to assert a right or repair a wrong. I transmit this letter through the post-office, and shall expect your answer by such a channel as you may deem proper. Several months ago I was informed of your having said that you were acquainted with what had passed in the grand jury room at Richmond last spring, and that you declared a determination to challenge me. I am to consider your letter of the last night by mail as the execution of that avowed purpose, and through the same channel I return you my answer. Whatever may have been the expressions used by me in regard to your character, they were the result of deliberate opinion, founded on the most authoritative evidence, the greater part of which my country imposed upon me, to weigh and decide upon; they were such as to my knowledge and to yours have been delivered by the first men in the Union, and probably by a full moiety of the American people. Infirm as your health is, your country has made another call upon you for your services. I have no right to ask, nor do I enquire whether you will accept of this highly honorable appointment. As a friend I have a right to say your country has no further claims upon you, and that you ought to consult your own comfort and happiness. I cannot express to you how deeply I am penetrated by your note which Peyton has this moment handed to me. The office of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia will soon become vacant, and I am anxious that the place should be filled by one of the most capable and distinguished of our fellow-citizens. By the last mail I received, under Mr. Van Buren's cover, your letter, submitting to my acceptance the mission to Russia. 1. Resolved, That while we retain a grateful sense of the many services rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the United States, we owe it to our country and to our posterity to make our solemn protest against many of the doctrines of his late proclamation. There was an unusually numerous collection of people at Charlotte Court-house to-day, it being expected that the subject of the proclamation would be taken into consideration, and hoped that Mr. Randolph might be there. Though in a state of the most extreme feebleness, he made his appearance last night, and to day at twelve o'clock was lifted to his seat on the bench. He rose and spoke a few minutes, but soon sat down exhausted, and continued to speak sitting, though sometimes for a moment the excitement of his feelings brought him to his feet. He ended his speech by moving a set of resolutions, of which a copy is subjoined. I confirm to my brother Beverly the slaves I gave him, and for which I have a reconveyance. Codicil to this my will, made the 5th day of December, 1821. I revoke the bequest to T. B. Dudley, and bequeath the same to my executor, to whom also I give in fee simple all my lots and houses in Farmville, and every other species of property whatever that I die possessed of, saving the aforesaid specifications in my will. The codicil of 1826. The Codicil of 1828. In the will above recited, I give to my said ex'or, Wm. Leigh, the refusal of the land above Owen's (now Clark's) ferry road, at a price that I then thought very moderate, but which a change in the times has rendered too high to answer my friendly intentions towards my said executor in giving him that refusal. I do, therefore, so far, but so far only, modify 14 my said will as to reduce that price 50 per cent.; in other words, one-half, at which he may take all the land above the ferry road that I inherited from my father, all that I bought of the late John Daniel, deceased, and of Tom Beaseley, Charles Beaseley, and others of that name and family, this last being the land that Gabriel Beaseley used to have in possession, and whereon Beverley Tucker lived, and which I hold by deed from him and his wife, of record in Charlotte county court. As lawyers and courts of law are extremely addicted to making wills for dead men, which they never made when living, it is my will and desire that no person who shall set aside, or attempt to set aside, the will above referred to, shall ever inherit, possess or enjoy any part of my estate, real or personal. Codicil of 1831. The will of January 31st. 1832. I received my dear papa's affectionate epistle, and was sorry to find that he thought himself neglected. I assure you, my dear sir, that there has scarcely a fortnight elapsed since uncle's absence without my writing to you, and I would have paid dearly for you to have received them. I sent them by the post, and indeed no other opportunity except by Capt. Crozier, and I did not neglect that. Be well assured, my dear sir, our expenses since our arrival here have been enormous and by far greater than our estate, especially loaded as it is with debt, can bear; however, I flatter myself, my dear papa, that upon looking over the accounts you will find that my share is, by comparison trifling, and hope that by the wise admonitions of so affectionate a parent, and one who has our welfare and interest so much at heart, we may be able to shun the rock of prodigality, upon which so many people continually split, and by which the unhappy victim is reduced, not only to poverty, but also to despair and all the horrors attending it. I received last night your letter of the 17th instant, covering a draft on the treasury for $104.27, for which accept my hearty thanks. I wish I could thank you also for your news concerning the conjectured "marriage between a reverend divine and one who has been long considered among the immaculate votaries of Diana." I can easily guess at the name of the former; but there are really so many ancient maids in your town, of desperate expectations in the matrimonial lottery, that it is no easy task to tell what person in particular comes under the above denomination. I have been so unwell as to be incapable of carrying this to the post office until to-day. Yesterday we had a most violent snow storm, which lasted from 10 o'clock A. M. till two this morning, during which time it snowed incessantly. Uncle T. is not come. No news of my trunk, at which I am very uneasy. I wrote to Mr. Campbell by Capt. Dangerfield to learn by what vessel it was sent, but have received no answer. There is no such thing in this city as Blackstone in 4to. The house has come, as yet, to no determination respecting Mr. Madison's resolutions. They will not pass, thanks to our absent delegates; nay, were they to go through the H. of R. the S. would reject them, as there is no senator from Maryland and but one from Georgia. Thus are the interests of the Southern States basely betrayed by the indolence of some and the villainy of others of her statesmen,—Messrs. G—r, H—n and L—e generally voting with the paper men. I was mistaken, my dear sir, when I said Uncle Tucker had not arrived in town. He got here the day before yesterday, and did not know where to find me. In my way to the post office this morning, I was told of his arrival, and flew to see him. He looks as well as I ever saw him, and was quite cheerful—made a number of affectionate enquiries concerning you and your family, my brother and his wife and little boy. He cannot go through Virginia in his way to Charleston. I pressed him very warmly to do it, but you know his resolutions when once taken are unalterable. I gave you in a former letter a full account of our friends in Bermuda. My uncle says that they complain much of your neglecting to write to them. He seemed much hurt at the circumstance. You cannot think how rejoiced I was to see him look so well and cheerful. It has quite revived my spirits. He stays in this city a week or ten days, when he returns to New York, where he will remain five or six weeks before he goes to Charleston. If you write him, which I suppose you will unquestionably do, you had better direct to New York. I shall write next post, till then, my dearest father, adieu. I must not forget to tell you that Dr. Bartlett, the spermaceti doctor, as Mr. Tudor used to call him, has turned privateersman, and commands a vessel out of Bermuda. Miss Betsy Gilchrist is to be married to a Lieut. Hicks of the British army, and Mr. Fibb, it is reported, is also to be married to another officer whose name I do not recollect. I see that you begin again to cease writing to me; and I hope that you will be so good as to send me a letter at least once a week, as you are so shortly to set out on your circuit, when I cannot expect to hear from you as often as when you are at home. The enclosed letter I wrote some time ago. I have every day been expecting an opportunity by which I could send it without subjecting you to the expense of postage, which perhaps I too often do. As the subject is an important one, I hope you will answer it as soon as you conveniently can. Your welcome letter of the 13th from Petersburg reached me yesterday. I waited for its receipt, that I might acknowledge that of its predecessor at the same time. I am sorry that I did so, for I wanted to know whether I could advantageously place my horse, Roanoke, in your neighborhood? I am sorry that you can't take filly; but I pledge, as the boys say, a place for her in your training stables next autumn, and another if you have it to spare. Could I get Bolling Graves, think you, to train for me? I mean next autumn of course, for his spring engagements are no doubt complete. There is some mistake about that rifle. It was never sent home. The last time I saw it it was in J. M. & D.'s compting room. Have I any other article there except the fir pole from Mont Blanc? Uncle Nat.* *Honorable Nathaniel Macon. is greatly mended, and I am satisfied that if the "wicked world cease from troubling," which they will not do in this world, I wish they may in the next, he would be well. He made a remark to me the other day, that forcibly reminded me of Gay's Shepherd and Philosopher—the best of all his fables, except "the Hare and many friends." It will not require your sagacity to make the application. "All animals," said he, "provide for their own offspring, and there the thing stops. The birds rear their young by their joint cares and labours. The cow suckles and takes care of her own calf, but she does not nurse or provide for that calf's calf." "The birds do not build nests for their young one's eggs, nor hatch them, nor feed the nestlings." Since the sailing of the last packet from Liverpool, I received via St. Petersburg your letter of the 21st of August—the only one that I have had the pleasure to get from you. This is no common-place address, for without profession or pretension such you have quietly and modestly proved yourself to be, while, like Darius, I have been This will be presented to you by my neighbor, Elisha E. Hundley, whose affairs take him to what, in old times, we used to call the Bear Grass Country.
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66Author:  Randolph John 1773-1833Requires cookie*
 Title:  Letters of John Randolph, to a young relative  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: I send you by the New Orleans mail, "letters written by the great Mr. Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, to his nephew, when at college." You know my opinion of Lord Chatham: that he was at once the greatest practical statesman that ever lived, and the most transcendent orator. With all this, he was a truly good man, (indeed, he must have been, since virtue is essential to great excellence in laudable pursuits,) and the most elegant and polished gentleman of his time. We have examined the National School Manual, and pleased with the plan. From our knowledge of the various systems pursued in the country schools, many which, upon the change of teachers, serve rather to ard, than advance, the pupil, we do not hesitate to commend the Manual, as having not only a tendency uniformity and order, but also to save expense, the complaint of which is without parallel. Having examined the general plan of the 1st, 2d, and parts of the "National School Manual," and having also taken a cursory view of some of the details, I satisfied that it is a work of no common merit. I have examined with much care, and great satisfaction, the "National School Manual," compiled by M. R. Bartlett. The opinion I have formed of its merits, is of little importance, after the numerous and highly respectable testimonials to its value already in your possession. I have examined with care and a high degree of interest the work called the "National School Manual," by Mr. M. R. Bartlett, and am so well satisfied with its merits, and that it will eventually be adopted in all our common schools, to the exclusion of every other work of the kind now in use, that I feel authorized to exert my influence to have the work introduced forthwith into my school. "The `Outlines of History,' I consider an excellent class book of general history for the use of schools. The questions added by Mr. Frost, are a most valuable auxiliary for the teacher as well as the pupil. I shall use the Outlines' in my school, and cordially recommend it to parents and teachers. I have just received a copy of your edition of the `Outlines of History.' From a cursory perusal, I am disposed to give it a high rank as a school book. So well satisfied am I with the arrangement and execution of the work, that I intend to put it immediately into the lands of a class in my own school.
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67Author:  Dabney Richard Heath 1860-1947Requires cookie*
 Title:  John Randolph  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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68Author:  Becker Carl Lotus 1873-1945Requires cookie*
 Title:  The Declaration of independence  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: It is often forgotten that the document which we know as the Declaration of Independence is not the official act by which the Continental Congress voted in favor of separation from Great Britain. June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, on behalf of the Virginia delegation, submitted to the Continental Congress three resolutions, of which the first declared that "these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."1 1Journals of Congress (Ford ed.), V, 424. This resolution, which may conveniently be called the Resolution of Independence, was finally voted by the Continental Congress on the 2 of July, 1776.2 2Ibid., 507. Strictly speaking, this was the official declaration of independence; and if we were a nation of antiquaries we should no doubt find an incongruity in celebrating the anniversary of our independence on the 4 of July.
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69Author:  Adams Henry 1838-1918Requires cookie*
 Title:  John Randolph  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: William, first American ancestor of the innumerable Randolphs of Virginia, made his appearance there at some time not precisely known, but probably about the year 1660. The books tell us neither whence he came, who he was, why he emigrated, nor what were his means; but "William Randolph, gentleman, of Turkey Island," originally from Warwickshire, or from Yorkshire, at all events from England, unless it were from Scotland, married Mary Isham, of Bermuda Hundred, and by her had seven sons and two daughters, whose descendants swarmed like bees in the Virginian hive. Turkey Island, just above the junction of the James with the Appomattox, lies unnoticed by mankind except at long intervals of a hundred years. In 1675, about the time when William Randolph began his prosperous career there, Nathaniel Bacon lived on his plantation at Curles, adjoining Randolph's estate. Bacon's famous rebellion broke out in this year, and in 1706, according to the records of Henrico County, Curles, after escheating to the King, had come into the hands of William Randolph's sons. The world's attention, however, was not so actively drawn to this group of tobacco plantations by Bacon's rebellion as by Benedict Arnold's raid in 1781, and neither of these bloody and destructive disturbances made the region nearly so famous as it became on June 30, 1862, when fifty thousand Northern troops, beaten, weary, and disorganized, converged at Malvern Hill and Turkey Island Bridge, and the next day fought a battle which saved their army and perhaps their cause, without a thought or a care for the dust of forgotten Randolphs, on which they were trampling in this cradle of the race. They were not more indifferent than the family itself, for long before this time the descendants of William Randolph had grown up, multiplied, accumulated great possessions in slaves and land, then slowly waned in fortune, and at last disappeared, until not an acre of land on the James or the Appomattox was owned by a Randolph. Known to you only as holding, in common with yourself, the honorable station of servant to the same sovereign people, and disclaiming all pretentions to make to you any application which in the general estimation of men requires the preface of apology, I shall, without the circumlocution of compliment, proceed to state the cause which induces this address." "I have not seen, although I have heard, of the attack which you mention, upon Gallatin, in the `Aurora.' That paper is so long in reaching me, and, moreover, is so stuffed with city, or rather suburb, politics, that I seldom look at it. Indeed, I have taken a disgust at newspapers ever since the deception and disappointment which I felt in the case of Langdon's election. If the `Boston Chronicle,' published almost upon the spot, should so grossly misrepresent a plain matter of fact, so easily ascertained, what reliance can be placed upon a newspaper statement? My incredulity refused to credit Hamilton's death, which I thought it very likely would be contradicted by the next mail; and, until I saw Morris's wretched attempt at oratory, regarded it merely as a matter of speculation. You ask my opinion on that subject; it differs but little, I believe, from your own. I feel for Hamilton's immediate connections real concern; for himself, nothing; for his party and those soi-disant republicans who have been shedding crocodile tears over him, contempt. The first are justly punished for descending to use Burr as a tool to divide their opponents; the last are hypocrites, who deify Hamilton merely that they may offer up their enemy on his altars. If Burr had not fallen, like Lucifer, never to rise again, the unprincipled persecution of Cheetham might do him service. (By the way, I wonder if Dennie adverted to Cheetham's patronage of General Hamilton's memory, when he said that, `except the imported scoundrel,' etc., etc., all bewailed his loss.) As it is, those publications are calculated to engage for him the pity even of those who must deny their esteem. The people, who ultimately never fail to make a proper decision, abhor persecution, and while they justly refuse their confidence to Mr. Burr, they will detest his oppressors. They cannot, they will not, grope in the vile mire of seaport politics, not less vitiated than their atmosphere. Burr's is indeed an irreparable defeat. He is cut off from all hope of a retreat among the federalists, not so much because he has overthrown their idol as because he cannot answer their purpose. If his influence were sufficient to divide us, Otis and Morris would to-morrow, ere those shoes were old in which they followed Hamilton to the grave, go to the hustings and vote for Burr; and if his character had no other stain upon it than the blood of Hamilton, he should have mine, for any secondary office. I admire his letters, particularly that signed by Van Ness, and think his whole conduct in that affair does him honor. How much it is to be regretted that so nice a perception of right and wrong, so delicate a sense of propriety, as he there exhibits should have had such little influence on his general conduct! In his correspondence with Hamilton, how visible is his ascendency over him, and how sensible does the latter appear of it! There is an apparent consciousness of some inferiority to his enemy displayed by Hamilton throughout that transaction, and from a previous sight of their letters I could have inferred the issue of the contest. On one side there is labored obscurity, much equivocation, and many attempts at evasion, not unmixed with a little blustering; on the other, an unshaken adherence to his object and an undeviating pursuit of it, not to be eluded or baffled. It reminded me of a sinking fox pressed by a vigorous old hound, where no shift is permitted to avail him. But perhaps you think me inclined to do Burr more than justice. I assure you, however, that when I first saw the correspondence, and before my feelings were at all excited for the man, as they have been in some degree by the savage yell which has been raised against him, I applauded the spirit and admired the style of his compositions. They are the first proof which I ever saw of his ability." "On my return from Fredericksburg, after a racing campaign, I was very agreeably accosted by your truly welcome letter, to thank you for which, and not because I have anything, stable news excepted, to communicate, I now take up the pen. It is some satisfaction to me, who have been pestered with inquiries that I could not answer on the subject of public affairs, to find that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the Treasury is in as comfortable a state of ignorance as myself. Pope says of governments, that is best which is best administered. What idea, then, could he have of a government which was not administered at all? The longer I live, the more do I incline to somebody's opinion that there is in the affairs of this world a mechanism of which the very agents themselves are ignorant, and which, of course, they can neither calculate nor control. As much free will as you please in everything else, but in politics I must ever be a necessitarian. And this comfortable doctrine saves me a deal of trouble and many a twinge of conscience for my heedless ignorance. I therefore leave Major Jackson and his Ex. of Casa Yrujo to give each other the lie in Anglo-American or Castilian fashions, just as it suits them, and when people resort to me for intelligence, instead of playing the owl and putting on a face of solemn nonsense, I very fairly tell them, with perfect nonchalance, that I know nothing of the matter, — from which, if they have any discernment, they may infer that I care as little about it, — and then change the subject as quickly as I can to horses, dogs, the plough, or some other upon which I feel myself competent to converse. In short, I like originality too well to be a second-hand politician when I can help it. It is enough to live upon the broken victuals and be tricked out in the cast-off finery of you first-rate statesmen all the winter. When I cross the Potomac I leave behind me all the scraps, shreds, and patches of politics which I collect during the session, and put on the plain homespun, or, as we say, the `Virginia cloth,' of a planter, which is clean, whole, and comfortable, even if it be homely. Nevertheless, I have patriotism enough left to congratulate you on the fullness of the public purse, and cannot help wishing that its situation could be concealed from our Sangrados in politics, with whom depletion is the order of the day. On the subject of a navy, you know my opinion concurs with yours. I really feel ashamed for my country, that whilst she is hectoring before the petty corsairs of the coast of Barbary, she should truckle to the great pirate of the German Ocean; and I would freely vote a naval force that should blow the Cambrian and Leander out of water. Indeed, I wish Barron's squadron had been employed on that service. I am perfectly aware of the importance of peace to us, particularly with Great Britain, but I know it to be equally necessary to her; and in short, if we have any honor as a nation to lose, which is problematical, I am unwilling to surrender it. "Bizarre, 29 March, 1805. . . . My sins against Monroe, in whose debt I have been for near five months, would have excited something of compunction in me were I any longer susceptible of such sensations; but I will write to him immediately on your subject; and, take my word for it, my good friend, he is precisely that man to whom your spirit would not disdain to be obliged. For, if I know you, there are very few beings in this vile world of ours from whom you would not scorn even the semblance of obligation. In a few weeks I shall sail for London myself. . . . I gather from the public prints that we are severely handled by the feds and their new allies. Not the least equivocal proof, my friend, that the trust reposed in us has not been betrayed. I hope to be back in time to trail a pike with you in the next campaign. . . . I wish very much to have if it were but half an hour's conversation with you. Should you see Gallatin, commend me to him and that admirable woman his wife. What do you augur from the vehement puff of B[urr]? As you well know, I never was among his persecutors, but this is overstepping the modesty of nature. Besides, we were in Washington at the time, and heard nothing of the miraculous effects of his valedictory. Rely upon it, strange things are at hand. Never did the times require more union and decision among the real friends of freedom. But shall we ever see decision or union? I fear not. To those men who are not disposed to make a job of politics, never did public affairs present a more awful aspect. Everything and everybody seems to be jumbled out of place, except a few men who are steeped in supine indifference, whilst meddling fools and designing knaves are governing the country under the sanction of their names." "28 June, 1805. . . . I do not understand your manœuvres at headquarters, nor should I be surprised to see the Navy Department abolished, or, in more appropriate phrase, swept by the board, at the 11 next session of Congress. The nation has had the most conclusive proof that a head is no necessary appendage to the establishment." "I am still too unwell to turn out. My bowels are torn all to pieces. If you persist in voting the money, the committee will alter its report. Write me on this subject, and tell me what you are doing. How is Edward to-day? I 've heard from St. George. He got to Norfolk in time for the Intrepid, on the 24th, Tuesday. She was loaded, and only waiting for a fair wind. If the southeaster of Friday did not drive her back into the Chesapeake, she has by this time crossed the Gulf Stream. The poor fellow was very seasick going down the bay. "Bizarre, 3 June, 1806. . . . The public prints teem with misrepresentations, which it would be vain to oppose, even if an independent press could be found to attempt it. The torrent is for the present resistless. I long for the meeting of Congress, an event which hitherto I have always deprecated, that I may face the monster of detraction. . . . Nothing will be left undone to excite an opposition to me at the next election, but I have no expectation that it will be effected, or of its success in case it should. There are too many gaping idolaters of power among us, but, like you, we have men of sterling worth; and one thing is certain, — that, however we may differ on the subject of the present administration, all parties here (I speak of the republicans) unite in support of Monroe for President. I have heard of but one dissenting voice, Giles, who is entirely misled; all his information is from E[ppes], his representative. They talk of an expression of the opinion of our legislature to this effect at their next meeting. An inefficient opposition is making to Garnett. Thompson, I believe, will have an opponent likewise, but this is not yet determined on. From what I have written above you are not to infer that I mean to yield a bloodless victory to my enemies. You know me well enough, I hope, to believe that a want of perseverance is not among my defects. I will persevere to the last in the cause in which I am embarked." "Washington, March 20, 1806. . . . There is no longer a doubt but that the principles of our administration have been materially changed. The compass of a letter (indeed, a volume would be too small) cannot suffice to give you even an outline. Suffice it to say that everything is made a business of bargain and traffic, the ultimate object of which is to raise Mr. Madison to the presidency. To this the old republican party will never consent, nor can New York be brought into the measure. Between them and the supporters of Mr. Madison there is an open rupture. Need I tell you that they (the old republicans) are united in your support? that they look to you, sir, for the example which this nation has yet to receive to demonstrate that the government can be conducted on open, upright principles, without intrigue or any species of disingenuous artifice? We are extremely rejoiced to hear that you are about to return to the United States. Much as I am personally interested, through St. George, in your stay in Europe, I would not have you remain one day longer. Your country requires, nay demands, your presence. It is time that a character which has proved invulnerable to every open attack should triumph over insidious enmity." "Georgetown, 10 December, 1806. . . . The message of the 3d was, as you supposed, wormwood to certain gentry. They made wry faces, but, in fear of the rod and in hopes of sugar-plums, swallowed it with less apparent repugnance than I had predicted. . . . Of all the men who have met me with the greatest apparent cordiality, old Smilie is the last whom you would suspect. I understand that they (you know who they are) are well disposed towards a truce. The higher powers are in the same goodly temper, as I am informed. I have seen nobody belonging to the administration but the Secretary of the Navy, who called here the day before yesterday, and whose visit I repaid this morning. You may remember, some years ago, my having remarked to you the little attention which we received from the grandees, and the little disposition which I felt to court it. I have therefore invariably waited for the first advance from them, because at home I conceive myself bound to make it to any gentleman who may be in my neighborhood." "Committee Room, 17 February, 1807. . . . Bad as you suppose matters to be, they are even worse than you apprehend. What think you of that Prince of Prigs and Puppies, G. W. C[ampbell] for a judge of the Supreme Court of the United States!!! Risum teneas? You must know we have made a new circuit, consisting of the three western States, with an additional associate justice. A caucus (excuse the slang of politics) was held, as I am informed, by the delegations of those States for the purpose of recommending some character to the President. Boyle was talked of, but the interest of C. finally prevailed. This is `Tom, Dick, and Harry' with a vengeance. . . . If Mr. `American,' whom, by the way, I never see, should persevere in the attack which you tell me he is making upon me, I shall issue letters of marque and reprisal against his principals. The doughty general [Samuel Smith] is vulnerable at all points, and his plausible brother [Robert Smith] not much better defended. The first has condemned in terms of unqualified reprobation the general measures pursued by the administration, and lamented that, such was the public infatuation, no man could take a position against it without destroying himself and injuring the cause which he attempted to serve, — with much more to the same tune. I called some time since at the navy office to ask an explanation of certain items of the estimate for this year. The Secretary called up his chief clerk, who knew very little more of the business than his master. I propounded a question to the head of the department; he turned to the clerk like a boy who cannot say his lesson, and with imploring countenance beseeches aid; the clerk with much assurance gabbled out some commonplace jargon, which I would not take for sterling; an explanation was required, and both were dumb. This pantomime was repeated at every new item, until, disgusted, and ashamed for the degraded situation of the principal, I took leave without pursuing the subject, seeing that my subject could not be attained. There was not one single question relating to the department that the Secretary could answer." "Bizarre, March 24, 1807. . . . Mr. T. M. Randolph suddenly declines a reëlection, in favor of Wilson Nicholas, whose talents for intrigue you well know, I presume. Had I known of Mr. Purviance's arrival, I should certainly have remained in Washington for the purpose of seeing him, and procuring better information concerning the treaty than the contradictory accounts of the newspapers furnish. I have considered the decree of Berlin to be the great cause of difficulty; at the same time, I never had a doubt that clamor would be raised against the treaty, be it what it might. My reasons for this opinion I will give when we meet. They are particular as well as general. Prepare yourself to be surprised at some things which you will near." "Richmond, May 30, 1807. . . . The friends of Mr. Madison have left nothing undone to impair the very high and just confidence of the nation in yourself. Nothing but the possession of the government could have enabled them to succeed, however partially, in this attempt. In Virginia they have met with the most determined resistance, and although I believe the executive influence will at last carry the point, for which it has been unremittingly exerted, of procuring the nomination of electors favorable to the Secretary of State, yet it is not even in its power to shake the confidence of the people of this State in your principles and abilities, or to efface your public services from their recollection. I should be wanting in my duty to you, my dear sir, were I not to apprise you that exertions to diminish the value of your character and public services have been made by persons, and in a manner that will be scarcely credible to you, although at the same time unquestionably true. Our friend Colonel Mercer, should you land in a northern port, can give you some correct and valuable information on this and other subjects. Meanwhile, the republicans of New York, sore with the coalition effected by Mr. John Nicholas between his party and the federalists (now entirely discomfited), and knowing the auspices under which he acted, are irreconcilably opposed to Mr. Madison, and striving to bring forward Mr. Clinton, the Vice-President. Much consequently depends on the part which Pennsylvania will take in this transaction. There is a leaning, evidently, towards the New York candidate. Whether the executive influence will be able to overcome this predisposition yet remains to be seen. In the person of any other man than Mr. M. I have no doubt it would succeed. But the republicans of Pennsylvania, setting all other considerations aside, are indignant at the recollection that in all their struggles with the combined parties of McKean, etc., and the federalists, the hand of government has been felt against them, and so far as it has been exerted they choose to ascribe [it] to the exertions of Mr. M. Such is, as nearly as I can collect, the posture of affairs at present. Wilson C. N[icholas] and Duane are both in town at this time. Some important result is no doubt to flow from this conjunction. When you return, you will hardly know the country. A system of espionage and denunciation has been organized which pervades every quarter. Distrust and suspicion generally prevail in the intercourse between man and man. All is constraint, reserve, and mystery. Intrigue has arrived at a pitch which I hardly supposed it would have reached in five centuries. The man of all others who, I suppose, would be the last suspected by you is the nucleus of this system. The maxim of Rochefoucauld is in him completely verified, `that an affectation of simplicity is the refinement of imposture.' Hypocrisy and treachery have reached their acme amongst us. I hope that I shall see you very soon after your arrival. I can then give you a full explanation of these general expressions, and proof that they have been made upon the surest grounds. Amongst your unshaken friends you may reckon two of our chancellors, Mr. Nicholson of Maryland, Mr. Clay of Philadelphia, Col. Jno. Taylor, and Mr. Macon." "Baltimore, April 12, 1807. . . . As to the public sentiment, I cannot readily state what it is. Perhaps there is none. The President's popularity is unbounded, and his will is that of the nation. His approbation seems to be the criterion by which the correctness of all public events is tested. Any treaty, therefore, which he sanctions will be approved of by a very large proportion of our people. The federalists will murmur, but as this is the result of system, and not of principle, its impression will be neither deep nor extensive. A literal copy of Jay's treaty, if ratified by the present administration, would meet their opposition, while the same instrument, although heretofore so odious to some of us, would now command the support of a large body who call themselves democrats. Such is our present infatuation. To this general position, however, there are some honest exceptions. There is a portion who yet retain the feelings of 1798, and whom I denominate the old republican party. These men are personally attached to the President, and condemn his measures when they think him wrong. They neither wish for nor expect anything from his extensive patronage. Their public service is intended for the public good, and has no view to private emolument or personal ambition. But it is said they have not his confidence, and I lament it. You must have perceived from the public prints that the most active members in the House of Representatives are new men, and I fear that foreign nations will not estimate American talent very highly if our congressional proceedings are taken as the rule. If you knew the Sloans, the Alstons, and the Bidwells of the day, and there are a great many of them, you would be mortified at seeing the affairs of the nation in such miserable hands. Yet these are styled exclusively the President's friends. . . . These facts will enable you to form an early opinion as to the necessity of remaining in England. You know Mr. Jefferson perfectly well, and can therefore calculate the chances of his approving anything done not in precise conformity to his instructions. He is, however, somewhat different from what he was. He feels at present his own strength with the nation, and therefore is less inclined to yield to the advice of his friends. Your return is anxiously wished for by many who, I presume you know, are desirous of putting you in nomination for the presidency. My own expectations are not very sanguine on this subject. Great efforts are making for and by another. The Virginia and New York elections which take place in the course of the present month will determine much. The point is made throughout Virginia, I believe, and much solicitude is felt and expressed by the candidate for the presidency as to the result of the several elections. It is to be hoped, therefore, that you will return as early as possible." "Bizarre, 25 March, 1807. . . . I fully intended to have written to you the day before my departure from Washington, but was prevented by an accident which had nearly demolished me. Being very unwell on Monday night, the 2d, and no carriage to be procured, I accepted the offer of one of his horses from Dr. Bibb (successor to Spalding), and we set out together for Georgetown. Not very far beyond our old establishment (Sally Dashiell's), the only girth there was to the saddle gave way, and as it fitted the horse very badly it came with his rider at once to the ground. Figure to yourself a man almost bruised to death, on a dark, cold night, in the heart of the capital of the United States, out of sight or hearing of a human habitation, and you will have a tolerably exact idea of my situation, premising that I was previously knocked up by our legislative orgies, and some scrapes that our friend Lloyd led me into. With Bibb's assistance, however, I mounted the other horse, and we crept along to Crawford's, where I was seized with a high fever, the effects of which have not yet left me. To end this Canterbury tale, I did not get out of bed until Wednesday afternoon, when I left it to begin a painful journey homewards. Anything, however, was preferable to remaining within the ten-miles-square one day longer than I was obliged. . . . Colonel Burr (quantum mutatus ab illo!) passed by my door the day before yesterday, under a strong guard. So I am told, for I did not see him, and nobody hereabouts is acquainted with his person. The soldiers escorting him, it seems, indulged his aversion to be publicly known, and to guard against inquiry as much as possible he was accoutred in a shabby suit of homespun, with an old white hat flapped over his face, the dress in which he was apprehended. From the description, and indeed the confession of the commanding officer to one of my neighbors, I have no doubt it was Burr himself. His very manner of travelling, although under arrest, was characteristic of the man, enveloped in mystery." "Richmond, 25 June, 1807. . . . Yesterday the grand jury found bills of treason and misdemeanor against Burr and Blennerhassett, una voce, and this day presented Jonathan Dayton, ex-senator, John Smith of Ohio, Comfort Tyler, Israel Smith of New York, and Davis Floyd of Indiana, for treason. But the mammoth of iniquity escaped; not that any man pretended to think him innocent, but upon certain wire-drawn distinctions that I will not pester you with. Wilkinson is the only man that I ever saw who was from the bark to the very core a villain. . . . Perhaps you never saw human nature in so degraded a situation as in the person of Wilkinson before the grand jury, and yet this man stands on the very summit and pinnacle of executive favor, whilst James Monroe is denounced. As for such men as the quids you speak of, I should hardly think his Majesty would stoop to such humble quarry, when James Monroe was in view. Tazewell, who is writing on the other side of the table, and whom you surely remember, says that he makes the fifth. The other four you have not mistaken. My friend, I am standing on the soil of my native country, divested of every right for which our fathers bled. Politics have usurped the place of law, and the scenes of 1798 are again revived. Men now see and hear, and feel and think, politically. Maxims are now advanced and advocated, which would almost have staggered the effrontery of Bayard or the cooler impudence of Chauncy Goodrich, when we were first acquainted. But enough of this! It will not be long, I presume, before I shall see you again. The news of the capture of the Chesapeake arrived this morning, and I suppose the President will convene Congress, of course. I have been looking for something of this sort ever since the change of ministry and rejection of the treaty was announced. I have tried to avert from my country a war which I foresaw must succeed the follies of 1805-6, but I shall not be the less disposed to withdraw her from it or carry her through with honor." "I have indulged myself in reading once more the speech to which you allude. It is the inspiration of divine wisdom, and as such I have ever adored it. But, my good friend, I cannot with you carry my zeal so far as to turn missionary and teach the gospel of politics to the heathens of Washington. More easily might a camel pass through a needle's eye than one particle of the spirit of Chatham be driven into that `trembling council,' to whom the destinies of this degraded country are unhappily confided. . . . But great God! what can you expect from men who take Wilkinson to their bosoms, and at the same time are undermining the characters of Monroe and Macon, and plotting their downfall! There is but 15 one sentiment here, as far as I can learn, on the subject of the late outrage: that, as soon as the fact was ascertained, Congress should have been convened, a strict embargo laid, Erskine [the British Minister] sent home, our Ministers recalled, and then we might begin to deliberate on the means of enforcing our rights and extorting reparation. The Proclamation (or, as I term it, the apology) is received rather coldly among us. Many persons express themselves much mortified at it. Every one I see asks what government means to do, and I might answer, `What they have always done; nothing!' . . . I should not be surprised, however, if the Drone or Humble Bee, (the Wasp has sailed already) should be dispatched with two millions (this is our standing first bid) to purchase Nova Scotia, and then we might go to war in peace and quiet to ascertain its boundaries." "December 24, 1807. . . . Come here, I beseech you. I will then show you how impossible it was for me to have voted for the embargo. The circumstances under which it presented itself were peculiar and compelled me to oppose it, although otherwise a favorite measure with me, as you well know. It was, in fact, to crouch to the insolent mandate of Bonaparte `that there should be no neutrals;' to subscribe to that act of perfidy and violence, his decree, at the moment when every consideration prompted us to resist and resent it. Non-importation and non-exportation, — what more can he require? Ought we to have suffered ourselves to be driven by him out of the course which, whether right or wrong, our government had thought proper to pursue towards England? to be dragooned into measures that in all human calculation must lead to immediate war? Put no trust in the newspaper statements. They will mislead you. But come and view the ground, and I will abide the issue of your judgment." "December 24, 1807. My dear Sir, — In abstaining so long from a personal interview with you, I leave you to judge what violence I have committed upon my private feelings. Before your arrival, however, I had determined on the course which I ought to pursue, and had resolved that no personal gratification should induce me to hazard your future advancement, and with it the good of my country, by any attempt to blend the fate of a proscribed individual with the destiny which, I trust, awaits you. It is, nevertheless, of the first consequence to us both that I should have a speedy opportunity of communing fully with you. This, perhaps, can be best effected at my own lodgings, where we shall not be exposed to observation or interruption. I shall, however, acquiesce with pleasure in any other arrangement which may appear more eligible to you. "Georgetown, March 9, 1808. . . . A consciousness of the misconstruction (to your prejudice) which would be put upon any correspondence between us has hitherto deterred me from writing. You will have no difficulty in conceiving my motives in putting this violence upon my feelings, especially after the explanation which I gave of them whilst you were here. The prospect before us is daily brightening. I mean of the future, which until of late has been extremely gloomy. As to the present state of things, it is far beyond my powers to give an adequate description of it. Mr. W. C. N. begins of late to make open advances to the federalists, fearing, no doubt, that the bait of hypocrisy has been seen through by others. I must again refer you to Mr. Leigh for full information of what is going on here. The indiscretion of some of the weaker brethren, whose intentions, I have no doubt, were good, as you will have perceived, has given the enemy great advantage over us." "February 20, 1808. . . . Our friend gains ground very fast at home. Sullivan, the Governor of Massachusetts, has declared against M[adiso]n. The republicans of that great State are divided on the question, and if Clay be not deceived, who says that Pennsylvania, Duane non obstante, will be decidedly for the V[ice] P[resident], the S[ecretary] of S[tate] has no chance of being elected. Impress this, I pray you, on our friends. If the V. P.'s interest should be best, our electors (in case we succeed) will not hazard everything by a division. If the election comes to the House of Representatives M[adiso]n is the man." "I am really afraid that our friend R. will injure himself with the nation in this way. An attempt is now making, and will, I think, be continued, to impress on the minds of the people that he speaks with a view to waste time. If this opinion should prevail, it will, I fear, injure not only him, but the nation also, because what injures him in public estimation will injure the people also. His talents and honesty cannot be lost without a loss equal to them both, and they cannot be ascertained. But you know him as well as I do." "Georgetown, February 14, 1811. . . . For some days past I have been attending the debates in the Senate. Giles made this morning the most unintelligible speech on the subject of the Bank of the U. S. that I ever heard. He spoke upwards of two hours, seemed never to understand himself (except upon one commonplace topic, of British influence), and consequently excited in his hearers no other sentiment but pity or disgust. But I shall not be surprised to see him puffed in all the newspapers of a certain faction. The Senate have rejected the nomination of Alex. Wolcott to the bench of the Supreme Court, — 24 to 9. The President is said to have felt great mortification at this result. The truth seems to be that he is President de jure only. Who exercises the office de facto I know not, but it seems agreed on all hands that there is something behind the throne greater than the throne itself. I cannot help differing with you respecting [Gallatin]'s resignation. If his principal will not support him by his influence against the cabal in the ministry itself as well as out of it, a sense of self-respect, it would seem to me, ought to impel him to retire from a situation where, with a tremendous responsibility, he is utterly destitute of power. Our cabinet presents a novel spectacle in the political world; divided against itself, and the most deadly animosity raging between its principal members, what can come of it but confusion, mischief, and ruin! Macon is quite out of heart. I am almost indifferent to any possible result. Is this wisdom or apathy? I fear the latter." The habits of intimacy which have existed between us make it, as I conceive, my duty to inform you that reports are industriously circulated in this city to your disadvantage. They are to this effect: That in order to promote your election to the Chief Magistracy of the Commonwealth you have descended to unbecoming compliances with the members of the Assembly, not excepting your bitterest personal enemies; that you have volunteered explanations to them of the differences heretofore subsisting between yourself and administration which amount to a dereliction of the ground which you took after your return from England, and even of your warmest personal friends. Upon this, although it is unnecessary for me to pass a comment, yet it would be disingenuous to conceal that it has created unpleasant sensations not in me only, but in others whom I know you justly ranked as among those most strongly attached to you. I wished for an opportunity of mentioning this subject to you, but none offered itself, and I would not seek one, because, when I cannot afford assistance to my friends, I will never consent to become an incumbrance on them. I write in haste, and therefore abruptly. I keep no copy, and have only to enjoin on you that this communication is in the strictest sense of the term confidential, solely for your own eye. I have purposely delayed answering your letters because you seem to have taken up the idea that I labored under some excitement (of an angry nature it is to be presumed from the expressions employed in your communication to Colonel Taylor, as well as in that to myself), and I was desirous that my reply should in appearance as well as in fact proceed from the calmest and most deliberate exercise of my judgment. By you I would be understood; whether the herd of mankind comprehend me or not, I care not. Yourself, the Speaker, and Bryan are, of all the world, alone acquainted with my real situation. On that subject I have only to ask that you will preserve the same reserve that I have done. Do not misunderstand me, my good friend. I do not doubt your honor or discretion. Far from it. But on this subject I am, perhaps, foolishly fastidious. God bless you, my noble fellow. I shall ever hold you most dear to my heart."
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70Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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71Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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72Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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73Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: PAGE Approval of the Thomas Jefferson Foundation Medal in Civic Leadership 7150 Approval of Legislative Proposal – Duties and Powers of the Auditor of Public Accounts 7152 Approval of Legislative Proposal – Investment of Public Funds 7155 Health Care Practitioner Workforce Shortage 7157 Transfer of Endowment Funds from the University to the College Foundation of the University of Virginia 7158 Amendment to the Resolution Establishing the Shure Professorship in Pediatric Neurology 7158
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74Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: PAGE Approval of the Minutes of the June 9th and July 28-29, 2006 Meetings of the Board 7161 Resolution for Additions to the Agenda 7161 Establishment of the Professorship in Palliative Care in the School of Medicine 7163 Establishment of the Ivy Foundation Pratt Distinguished Professorship in Morphogenesis in the School of Medicine 7164 Naming of the Ivy Foundation Translational Research Building 7164 Naming of the Barry and Bill Battle Building at the University of Virginia's Children's Hospital 7165 Naming of the Emily Couric Clinical Cancer Center 7165 Approval of Architect Selection for the New Dining Hall at The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7167 Approval of Architect Selection for the New Residence Hall at The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7167 Resolution Commending Mr. William Sublette 7167 Approval of the 2007 Amendments to the 2006-2008 Biennial Budget for the Academic Division and The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7168 Approval of a Permanent Easement for Relocation of Transformer and Installation of Underground Electrical Wires for the Nursing Education Building 7170 Approval of a Permanent Easement for Relocation of Overhead Electrical Wires for Observatory Hill First Year Residence Hall (Alderman Road Residence Area Replacement Housing Phase 1) 7170 PAGE Approval to Change the Name of the Department of Psychiatric Medicine to the Department of Psychiatry And Neurobehavioral Sciences in the School of Medicine 7171 Approval of Addition to the Chancellor's Residence at The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7171 Approval of the Board of Visitors Representatives to the Governing Boards of University-Related Foundations 7171 Approval of Addition to the Chancellor's Residence at The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7173 Approval of Capital Lease for the Medical Center Long-Term Acute Care Hospital Parking 7173 Approval of Intent to Issue Tax Exempt Debt 7174 Approval to Divest $2,233,000 from the Athletics General Operations Quasi-Endowment to Fund Costs of the Academic Center and the Club/Media Room in the John Paul Jones Multipurpose Arena 7176 Approval of Signatory Authority for Medical Center Procurement of Blood Products 7176 Approval of the Revisions to the Charter and By-Laws of the Regional Criminal Justice Training Academy 7177 Approval of the 2007 Amendments to the 2006-2008 Biennial Budget for the Academic Division and The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7177 Appointment to the Board of The University of Virginia's College at Wise 7178 Approval of Summary of Audit Findings 7178 Resolution Authorizing Property Acquisition and Swap 7178 Acquisition of 500 Valley Road, Charlottesville 7179 Divestment of Funds in Companies That Do Business With the Government of Sudan 7180 PAGE Resolution Commending the Campaign Executive Committee and Campaign Workers 7182 Report of Actions of the Executive Committee 7182 1. Approval of the Jones Fountain at the Darden School 7182 2. Provision of Financial Planning Services for the President 7183 3. Extension of the Lease on Pavilion I, West Lawn 7183 4. Extension of the Lease on Pavilion V, West Lawn 7183 Faculty Personnel Actions Elections 7184 Change in the Term of the Election of Ms. Tatiana Globus 7192 Actions Relating to Chairholders Election of Chairholders 7192 Change in the Title of Chairholders 7195 Special Salary Action of Chairholders 7196 Retirement of Chairholders 7197 Resignation of Chairholders 7197 Special Salary Actions 7198 Resignations 7203 Retirements 7206 Appointments 7206 Re-Appointments 7207 Re-election of Mr. Robert D. Sweeney as Senior Vice President for Development and Public Affairs 7208 Election of Professors Emeriti 7208 Election of Associate Professors Emeriti 7208 Deaths 7209 The University of Virginia's College at Wise Elections 7210 Promotions 7210 Special Salary Actions 7211 Endorsement of Capital Campaign and Setting of the Campaign Goal 7212 Commending Leonard W. Sandridge; Naming theLeonard W. Sandridge Portal at the John Paul Jones Arena and Sandridge Road 7213 PAGE Resolution Adopted by the Medical Center Operating Board, July, 2006 Credentialing and Recredentialing Actions 7216 Resolution Adopted by the Medical Center Operating Board, September, 2006 Credentialing and Recredentialing Actions 7216
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75Author:  University of Virginia Board of VisitorsRequires cookie*
 Title:  Board of Visitors minutes  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia::Board of Visitors | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: In a poll, conducted by telephone on October 26, and 27, 2006, the Board of Visitors of the University of Virginia agreed to amend the resolution, “Commending Leonard W. Sandridge; Naming the Leonard W. Sandridge Portal at the John Paul Jones Arena and Sandridge Road,” adopted by the Board on September 30, 2006. The amended resolution changes “Leonard W. Sandridge Portal” to “Leonard W. Sandridge Hall,” and “Sandridge Road” to “Leonard W. Sandridge Road.”
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76Author:  Cooper James Fenimore 1789-1851Requires cookie*
 Title:  The ways of the hour  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: In one respect, there is a visible improvement in the goodly town of Manhattan, and that is in its architecture. Of its growth, there has never been any question, while many have disputed its pretension to improvement. A vast expansion of mediocrity, though useful and imposing, rarely satisfies either the judgment or the taste; those who possess these qualities, requiring a nearer approach to what is excellent, than can ever be found beneath the term just mentioned.
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77Author:  unknownRequires cookie*
 Title:  Tales of Glauber-Spa  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: "I am quite delighted with this place, now that I have got over that bad habit of blushing and trembling, which Mrs. Asheputtle assures me is highly indecent and unbecoming. She says it is a sign of a bad conscience and wicked thoughts, when the blood rushes into the face. I wish you knew Mrs. Asheputtle. She has been all over Europe, and seen several kings of the old dynasties, who, she says, were much more difficult to come at than the new ones, who are so much afraid of the canaille, that they are civil to everybody. Only think, how vulgar. Mrs. Asheputtle says, that she knew several men with titles; and that she is sure, if she had not been unfortunately married before, she might have been the wife of the Marquis of Tête de Veau. The marquis was terribly disappointed when he found she had a husband already; but they made amends by forming a Platonic attachment, which means —I don't know really what it means—for Mrs. Asheputtle, it seemed to me, could not tell herself. All I know is, that it must be a delightful thing, and I long to try it, when I am married—for Mrs. Asheputtle says it won't do for a single lady. What can it be, I wonder? "One of the great disadvantages of foreign travel is, that it unfits one for the enjoyment of any thing in one's own country, particularly when that country is so every way inferior to the old world. It is truly a great misfortune for a man to have too much taste and refinement. I feel this truth every day of my life; and could almost find in my heart to regret the acquirement of habits and accomplishments that almost disqualify me for a citizen of this vulgar republic, which, I am sorry to perceive, seems in a fair way of debauching the whole world with her pernicious example of liberty and equality. If it were not for Delmonico and Palmo, the musical soirées, and a few other matters, I should be the most miserable man in the world. Would you believe it, my dear count, there is not a silver fork to be seen in all the hotels between New-York and Saratoga? And yet the people pretend to be civilized!
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78Author:  unknownRequires cookie*
 Title:  A quarter race in Kentucky  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Nothing would start against the Old Mare; and after more formal preparation in making weight and posting judges than is customary when there is a contest, "the sateful old kritter" went off crippling as if she was not fit to run for sour cider, and any thing could take the shine out of her that had the audacity to try it. The muster at the stand was slim, it having been understood up town, that as to sport to-day the races would prove a water-haul. I missed all that class of old and young gentlemen who annoy owners, trainers, and riders, particularly if they observe they are much engaged, with questions that should not be asked, and either can't or should not be answered. The business folks and men of gumption were generally on the grit, and much of the chaff certainly had been blown off. Dinner kin be had On the FoLLowin Tums at my HousE to Day priv8s thirty seven cents non comeishund ophisers 25 comeishund frEE i want you awl to ete dancin to beGin at won erclock awl them what dont wish to kevort will finD cards on the shelf in the cubberd licker On the uzual Tums
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79Author:  Hawthorne Nathaniel 1804-1864Requires cookie*
 Title:  Twice-told tales  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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80Author:  Horn Walter William 1908-Requires cookie*
 Title:  The Plan of St. Gall  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | California studies in the history of art | california studies in the history of art 
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